1,694 Matching Annotations
  1. Nov 2024
    1. hid e from one an other c e r ta in th in g sth a t they hid from the a u d ien c e.

      while not coordinating performances together- they share secrets not disclosed to audience

    2. C o l le a g u e s may be defined a s p e rs o n s who p r e s e n t thes a m e routine to th e sam e kind of a u d ie n c e but who do notp a r ti c ip a te to g e th er, a s te am -m a tes do, at the sa m e tim e andp la c e before the sam e p a r tic u la r a u d ie n c e . C o lle a g u e s , >as it i ss a id , s h a re a community of face. In having to put on th e samekind of perform ance, they com e to know ea ch o th e r’s d if f i c u lt ie sand p o in ts of v i e w ; w hate v er th e ir to n g u e s, they com e to sp e akth e sa m e s o c ia l la n g u a g e .

      colleagues- put on similar performances for similar audiences but not apart of the same team

    3. C o n fid a n ts arep e r s o n s to whom th e performer c o n f e s s e s his s in s , freely,d e ta ilin g th e s e n s e in which t h e im pression given during aperform ance w a s merely an im p re ssio n . T y p ic a lly c o n f id a n tsare lo c a te d o u ts i d e and p a r tic ip a te only v ic a r io u s ly in backand front region a c tiv ity

      confidants- people who performers relay full feelings to- people whom they tell that the performance was a performance and what aspects felt like one.

    4. r a in e r s tend to e v o k e for the performer a vividim age of h im self that he had r e p r e s s e d , a se lf-im ag e of som eone engaged in the clum sy and e m b a rra ssin g p r o c e s s ofbecoming.

      trainers bring about negative self-image not only have access to backstage but fully aware of the deficiencies within backstage as an imagined audience member

    5. r a i n i n g s p e c i a l i s t . ’ In d iv id u a ls who tak eth is role have the com plic ate d t a s k of te a c h in g the performerhow co build up a d e s ir a b le im p re ssio n w hile at the sametime taking the part of the future a u d ien c e and illu stratin gby p u n ish m en ts th e c o n s e q u e n c e s o f im proprieties

      training specialists - role of building up performer requires them to imagine perspective of audeince

    6. individual involved in u nseem ly e n ta n g le m e n ts may ta k eh is tr o u b le s to a Negro law yer b e c a u s e of the sham e he mightle e l before a w hite one

      what does that have to do with... anything

    7. We regularlyfind that c l ie n t s may reta in a s p e c i a l i s t not in order to obtainhelp with a show they are p u ttin g on for o th e rs but for thevery act that i s provided by having a s p e c i a l i s t attend them—e s p e c ia ll y if he h a s a higher general s t a t u s than his c l ie n ts

      sometimes acquisition of specialist themself is apart of the performance

    8. T h u s , for example,p s y c h o th e r a p i s ts who vic ario u sly p a r ti c ip a te s o widely inthe d o m e stic warfare of our tim e s are p led ged to rem ain s ile n tabout what they have le arn ed , e x c ep t to their s u p e rv is o rs.

      why emphasis on discretion so important- that trust is hard to build when there's little incentive for it to be mutual.

    9. th e s p e c i a l i s t d o e snot s h a re the risk, the guilt, and the s a t i s f a c t i o n of p r e s e n tin gbefore a n a u d ie n c e the show to which he h a s contributed.

      difference is the specialist doesn't have the same stake in secret being revealed AND main group doesn't learn any intimacies of the specialist

      • no reciprocal breakdown of front stage, specialist maintains front stage the whole time
    10. S ervices p e c i a l i s t s are lik e mem bers of the team in th at th e y learnth e s e c r e t s o f the show and o b ta in a b a c k s ta g e view of it.

      service specialists attend to front stage but often, must obtain backstage view and destructive information to do their job

    11. In suchs it u a ti o n s , the important show i s to show the o u tc a s t th a the i s b eing ignored, and the a c tiv ity th at i s c a r rie d on ino rd er to d e m o n strate t h is may i t s e l f be o f second aryim portance

      ignoring someone is a performance of itself

    12. In the c a s e of other s e rv a n t-lik er o le s in our s o c ie t y , su c h a s th a t o f e l e v a to r o p era to r andcab-driver, there s e e m s to be u n certainty on both s id e s ofthe r e la tio n sh ip a s to what kind of in tim a c ie s are p e rm issib lein the p r e s e n c e of the non-person

      givens servants functions as almost invisible but visible when necessary, confusion around what behavior acceptable before them

    13. A further d is c r e p a n t role may be co n s id e re d , th at of the ’ non-p e r s o n ; ’ th o s e who p la y th is role are p r e se n t during thein te ra c tio n but do not, in a s e n s e , ta k e the role e i th e r ofperformer or of a u d ien c e, nor do they ( a s do informers, s h i l l s ,a n d s p o tt e r s ) pretend to be what they are not

      shill, spotters, shoppers, and go-betweens perform role but don't adopt it?

    14. uiding the sho w on thefactory floor on b e h a lf of th e m an agerial a u d ien c e, but hem ust a l s o t r a n s l a t e what he k n ow s and what the a u d ien c es e e s into a verbal lin e which h i s c o n s c ie n c e and the a u d ien c ewill be w illing to a c c e p t

      foreman must maintain mindset of audience as well as performance director

    15. p eak e rstend to a c c e p t in v it a ti o n s to s p e a k on the a s su m p tio n thatth e chairm an will ' t a k e care of them ,' which he d o e s bybeing the very model of a li s t e n e r and thoroughly confirmingt h e notion th a t the s p e e c h h a s real s ig n ific a n c e . T h e c h a irman’s perform ance i s e ffec tiv e partly b e c a u s e the l i s t e n e r shave an ob lig a tio n to him, an o b lig a tio n to confirm anydefin ition o f the s it u a ti o n which he spo nsors, an ob lig a tio n ,in short, to follow the lis te n in g -lin e th a t he ta k e s .

      go-between example that's having a negative connotation chairman showing active listening skills to encourage audience. Offers direction to audience while providing encouragement to speakers? I kind of don't get how this differs from a regular shill

    16. ejection

      is go between between audience and performer? Nonetheless, go-between serves as mediator and can convince both sides that they are loyal to the one but usually doesn't have allegiance to either.

    17. l e a v e s th e region when they do, but when h el e a v e s he g o e s to h is employer, a co m p etito r of the teamwhose perform ance he lias w itn e s s e d , to report what he h a sseen . lie i s the p ro fe ssio n a l sho pper—th e G im bel’s man inMacy's and the M acy’s man in Gimbel’s ; he is the fashionspy and the foreigner at N atio nal Air Meets

      another type of audience- scoping out the competition

    18. th e s ta n d a r d s th a t perform ers m aintain in order to e n s u rethat in som e r e s p e c t s fostere d a p p e a r a n c e s will not be toofar from r e a lity .

      some false audience for the sake of a performer

    19. A shill i s someonewho a c t s a s though he were an ordinary member of the aud ien c ebut i s in fact in le a g u e with the perform ers

      shill- fake audience member thats actually a performer, used to inform audience on how to act

    20. O u ts id e r s know n e ith e r the s e c r e t s of the perform ance north e a p p e a r a n c e of r e a lity fostered by it

      outsiders not given impression provided by performance nor destructive information

    21. T he a u d ie n c e knowwhat th e y have been allow ed to p erc eive , q u alified by whatthey can g le an u n o ffic ia lly by c l o s e o b se rv a tio n

      audience knows what theyve been allowed to percieved

    22. P erform e rs area w a re of the im p re ssio n they fo ster and ordinarily a l s o p o s s e s sd e s tru c tiv e inform ation about the show

      performers aware of impressions offered by performance + destructive information

    23. th o s e who perform ; th o s e performed t o ; arid o u ts i d e r swho n e ith e r perform in the show nor o b se rv e it

      three roled- performance, audience, outsiders

    24. When th is i s :h e c a s e , su c h s e c r e t smay be d isc o v e re d or a c c id e n ta lly d is c lo s e d without r ad ic allyd isr u p tin g th e team perfo rm ance; th e perform ers need onlys h if t their s e c r e t d e lig h t to an other matter. Of c o u rse , s e c r e t st h a t are s t r a t e g i c a n d / o r dark s e rv e extrem ely well a s in sid es e c r e t s and we find, in fact, that the s tr a t e g ic and darkc h a r a c t e r of s e c r e t s i s often e x a g g e r a te d for t h is reason

      insider secrets only real stake is creating air of exclusivity for team if discovered- new secret will arise to create the affect

    25. In sid e s e c r e t s give o b je c tiv e in te lle c t u a l conten tto s u b j e c t i v e l y felt s o c ia l d i s t a n c e . Almost all informationin a s o c ia l e s ta b l is h m e n t h a s som e thing of this e x c lu sio n aryfunction and may be s e e n a s none of som ebody’s b u s in e s s

      inside secrets- objective intellectual content

    26. It may be addedth a t s e c r e t s th a t a r e merely s tr a t e g ic tend to be ones whichthe team e v e n tu a lly d i s c l o s e s , perforce, when ac tio n b a s e dupon s e c r e t p r e p a ra tio n s i s consum m ated, w h e r e a s an effortmay be made to keep dark s e c r e t s s e c r e t forever

      second type of secrets are strategic secrets- things hidden for sake of performance. Still hold a lot of weight and should appear that they don't exist- but in a way could be disclosed eventually.

      Strategies against opposition

    27. Darks e c r e t s are, of course, double s e c r e t s : one is the crucialfact that is hidden and an o th er is the fact that crucial f a c tshave not been openly adm itted. Dark s e c r e t s were consideredin Chapter One in the se c tio n on m is re p re se n ta tio

      first type of secrets = dark secrets incompatible with image and it cannot be know that the secret is being kept

    28. A b a s ic problem for many perform ances, then,i s that of information c o n tro l; the a u d ien c e must not acquired e s tru c tiv e information ab o u t the situ a tio n that is beingdefined for them. In o th e r words, a team must be able tokeep i t s s e c r e t s and have its s e c r e t s kep

      team must be able to keep secrets- some information is destructive for audience to learn

      • work example- cooking corn dog
    29. but rather trea ted a s if he were not there a t all or q u iteu ncerem oniously a s k e d to s ta y out

      often time intruding audience ignored or asked to leave - no use acting normal

    30. Rarely can th is be done smoothly enough toprese rve the new com er’s illu s io n that the show su d d e n ly puton i s th e perform er’s natu ral show. And eve n if th is ismanaged, the a u d ie n c e already p r e s e n t i s likely to feel thatwhat they had been tak in g for the perform er’s e s s e n t i a l s e lfw as not so e s s e n t i a l

      switching from what the audience accidentally saw to what the audience expects to see is always a rough transitition

    31. f course, if w a lls s e p a r a tethe cwo a u d ie n c e s , the performer ca n s u s t a i n the im p re ssio n she is fostering by darting rapidly from one region to another.T h is sta g in g d ev ice , p o s s i b le with tw o examining rooms, isin c re a sin g ly popular among American d e n t is ts and doctors

      this occurs even within the same service- one audience member can't know the service other audience member

      • break an illusion of personal intimacy or will let the know that they are getting sold out
    32. And, on the sa m e grounds, just;is it is co n v e n ie n t to play o n e 's different ro u tin e s beforelifferent p e r so n s, so a l s o is it convenient to s e p a r a te thedifferent a u d i e n c e s one h a s for the sam e routine, s i n c e thati s th e only way in which each a u d i e n c e can feel th a t whilethere may be o th e r a u d i e n c e s for the sam e rou tine, none isg e ttin g so d e s ir a b le a p r e se n ta tio n o| it. Here again frontregion control is important

      makes it easier to put on right performance for each person if different audiences are separated/ don't see other sides

      I HATE MIXING FRIEND GROUPS

    33. amely, th e o n e which th eperform ers or the a u d ie n c e would ordinarily p r e se n t beforeth e o u t s i d e r s at a time and p la c e when the o u ts i d e r s wouldbe th e a n tic ip a te d a u d ien c e

      outsiders cause problem when they are witnessing wrong performance????

    34. t must be allow ed thatone can become so h a b itu ated to o n e ’s front region a c tiv ityand front region c h a r a c t e r that it may be n e c e s s a r y to h a n d leo n e ’s rela xation from it as a perform ance. One may feelobliged, when b a c k s ta g e , to a c t out of c h a r a c t e r in a fam iliarfash io n and th is can com e to be more of a p o se than theperform ance for which it w as meant to provide a re la x a tio n

      one may feel more out of character (or still our of character) backstage in performance to other team members

    35. hus the higher o n e’s p la c e in the s t a t u s pyramid,th e sm a lle r the number of p e rs o n s with whom one can befamiliar, 1 the l e s s tim e one sp e n d s b a c k sta g e , and th e mor

      higher up someone the less the spend backstage

    36. When they arrive, of course , they find their newsitu a tio n h a s u n a n tic ip a te d s im ila r it ie s with their old o n e ;both involve a p r e s e n ta tio n of front to an a u d ie n c e and bothinvo lve the p r e se n te r in the grubby, g o ssip y b u s i n e s s ofsta g in g a show.

      downfall of upward mobility- forget the backstage world that all performances (such as our own) had

      "If you like a church don't join it"

    37. Often it s e e m s th a t w hatever e n th u sia smand lively in te r e s t we have at our d i s p o s a l we r e s e rv e fort h o s e before whom we are putting on a show and th a t thes u r e s t sig n of b a c k s ta g e s o lid a rity is to feel th a t it is sa feto l a p s e into an a s s o c i a b l e mood of su llen , sile n t irritability

      while backstage is more relaxed and informal- doesn't make it more happy or care free - often all enthusiasm goes to what is done in front of audience and backstage is sullen

    38. Three common lim ita tio n s on b a c k sta g e informalitymay be cited . F irs t, when th e a u d ie n c e is not p rese n t, e a c hmember of the team i s lik ely to want to s u s t a i n the im pressionth a t lie can be tru ste d with th e s e c r e t s of the team and thathe is not likely to play his part badly when the aud ien c e ispresen t. While ea ch team member will want the audien ce tothink of him a s a worthy ch a ra c te r, he is lik e ly to want h isteam -m ates to think of him a s a loyal, w ell-d iscip lin edperformer. Secondly, there are often moments b a c k sta g ewhen the perform ers will have to s u s t a i n one a n o th e r ’s moraleand maintain the im pressio n that the show that is about tobe p re se n te d will go over well or that the show that h a s justbee n prese n ted did not really go over so badly. T hirdly, ifth e team c o n t a in s r e p r e s e n ta tiv e s of fundamental so c iald iv is io n s, suc h a s different ag e -g ra d es, different ethnicgroups, e tc ., then some d isc re tio n a ry lim its will prevail onfreedom of b a c k s ta g e ac tivity. Here, no doubt, the mostimportant d iv isio n is the se xual one, for th e re s e e m s to beno s o c ie t y in which members of the two s e x e s , however c lo s e lyre la te d , do not s u s t a i n some a p p e a r a n c e s before ea ch other.In America, for in sta n c e , we learn the following about WestC o a st s h ip y a rd s

      Three nuances of backstage informality: 1. team still wants to seem trustworthy like they can be trusted with secrets of the team 2. teammate must perform for sake of other teammates moral 3. divides on other factors amongst team members

    39. egion co nduct i s one which d is a llo w s such p o te n tia llyo ffe n siv e behaviour.

      what if front stage meant to be offensive or provoking- I'm thinking of protests or uprisings

    40. Throughout our so c ie ty there te n d s to be one informal orb a c k s ta g e lan g u ag e o f behaviour, and an o th er lan g u ag e ofbehaviour for o c c a s i o n s when a perform ance is being p re se n te d

      society has front stage and back stage language

    41. T h u s the private office of an e x e c u tiv e isc e rta in ly the front region where his s t a t u s in the o rg a n iz a tio ni s in te n s iv e ly e x p r e s s e d by m eans of the quality of his officefu rn ish in g s. And yet it is here th at he ca n ta k e h is ja c k e toff, lo o se n h i s tie, keep a bottle of liquor handy, and act ina chummy and even b o is te r o u s way with fellow e x e c u t iv e sof h is own rank.

      back rooms and front rooms can change without even a change in equipment- depends on what room is being used for at one moment and who is present

    42. T h e d e c o r a tio n s an d permanent fix tu re s in a p la c e wherea p a r tic u la r perform ance is u s u a lly given, a s well a s theperform ers and perform ance u s u a lly found in it, tend to fix akin d of s p e l l over i t ; even w hen the custom ary perform ancei s not being given in it, the p la c e te n d s to retain so m e ofi t s front region ch a ra c te r.

      decorations allow for performance to continue even when performers are not there

    43. Another a r e a is s u g g e s te d by the veryw idespread tendency in our s o c iety to give perform ers controlover the p la c e in which they a tte n d to what are c a lle dbiological n e e d s.

      biological needs attended to in private for fear of breaking out of roles

    44. F irs t, we often find th a t control of b a c k s ta g e p la y s asig n ific a n t role in th e p r o c e s s of 'w o rk c o n t r o l ’ wherebyl de Beauvoir, op. c i L , p. 54 J.70

      performance often relies on the backrooms and the privacy of them

    45. Very commonly the back region of a performance is lo c a te dat one end of the place where the performance i s p rese n ted ,being cut off from it by a p a rtitio n and guarded p a s sa g e w a y

      break room at work

    46. A back region or b a c k s ta g e may be defined a s a p la c e ,r e la tiv e to a given perform ance, where the im pression f o ste re dby the perform ance i s knowingly co n tradicted a s a m a tte r ofco urse .

      backstage- where performance is openly acknowledged as the performance

    47. While in church, a womanmay be perm itted to s it, daydream, and even d o z e ; a s as a lesw o m a n on the floor of a d r e s s shop, she may be requiredto stand , keep alert, refrain from chew ing gum, keep a fixedsm ile on her f a c e even when not ta lk in g to anybody andwear c l o t h e s she ca n ill afford

      decorum is contextual- what you can do depends on where you are

    48. It may be noted that the part of p ersonal front we havec a l l e d ' m a n n e r ’ will be im portant in regard to p o lit e n e s sand th at the part we have c a lle d ’ a p p e a r a n c e ’ will be important in regard to decorum

      in personal front- - manner = politeness - appearance = decorum

    49. nstrumental requirem ents a re not e n d s in thems e l v e s and presumably refer to d u tie s such a s an employermight demand of his employe.es—ca re of property, m aintenanceof work le v e ls , e tc

      instrumental decorum - care of space??

    50. Moral requirem ents aree n d s in th e m s e lv e s and presum ably refer to ru les regardingnon-interference and non-m olestation of o th e rs, r u le s regarding s e x u a l propriety, r u le s regarding r e s p e c t for s a c r e dp la c e s , etc.

      moral requirements of decorum - respecting others space and propriety

    51. Onegrouping h as to do with the way in which the performer t r e a tsthe a u d ie n c e while engaged in tall: with them or in g e s tu ra lin te r c h a n g e s that are a s u b s t itu te for talk. These s ta n d a r d sare so m etim es referred to a s m a tte rs of p o lit e n e s s . T he othergroup of s ta n d a r d s h as to do with the way in which th e performer com ports himself while in visual or aural range of theaud ien c e but not n e c e s s a r ily engaged in talk with them.I sh a ll u s e the term decorum to refer to t h is seco nd groupof s ta n d a rd s, although some e x c u s e s and some q u a lif ic a tio n swill have to be added to justify the u sa g e

      politeness- performance while engaged with audience decorum- performance while disengaged with audience

    52. o, too, the show m a inta in ed on the floor of a shop ty p ic allyin v o lv e s s e v e r a l foci of verbal in te raction, each com posedof a tte n d a n t-c u sto m e r p airs

      one setting can have many performance interrelations occurring - cocktail party- many conversations

    53. However, in taking on the role of a performer, th eindividual n e e d not c e a s e to devote some o f his effort tonon-dram aturgical c o n c ern s, that is, to th e activity its e lfo f which th e perform ance offe rs an a c c e p ta b le dram atization

      some people in flip flop??- dramatic obligations + directive ones

    54. In gen eral, wefind th a t t h o s e who help p r e se n t a team -perform ance differin the d e g re e o f dram atic d o m inan ce given e a c h of them andth a t one team -ro utine diffe rs from an o ther in the e x te n t towhich d if f e r e n tia ls in d om inance a re given i t s members

      dramtic dominance different from directive dominance - star of the ballet or sports team isn't stage director or manager

    55. he d ire c to r is likelyto resp o n d to t h i s r e s p o n s ib ility by making dram aturgicald em a n d s on th e performance that chey might not make uponth e m s e lv e s . This may add to th e e s tra n g e m e n t they mayalre ad y feel from him. A director, h en c e, s ta r t in g a s a memberof th e team, may find him self slow ly edged into a marginalrole betw e en a u d ie n c e and perform ers, h a lf in and half out ofboth cam ps, a kind of go-betw een w ithout the p rotec tion thatg o -b e tw e e n s u s u a lly have. T h e factory foreman h a s beena r e c e n tly d i s c u s s e d example.

      audience holds director to performance more than anyone else responding with higher demands on other performers, sets them apart

    56. S econdly, the d irec tor may be given the s p e c ia l duty ofa l lo c a tin g th e p a r ts in the perform ance and the personal frontthat i s em ployed in ea ch part, for each e s ta b lis h m e n t maybe s e e n a s a p la c e with a number of c h a r a c t e r s to d is p o s eo f to p r o s p e c tiv e performers and a s an a s s e m b l a g e of signequipment or cerem onial p ara p h ern alia to be a llo c a te d

      gives roles and sets the stage

    57. Often, of co u rse , th e d irec tor will not s o much hav e to smotherimproper affec t as he will have to stim u la te a show of properaffec tiv e in vo lv e m e n

      often requires inciting people to action as opposed to dampening their behavior

    58. i r s t , th e direc to r may be given th e s p e c i a l duty of bringing baclc into line any member of the team w hose perform ancebecom es u n s u ita b le

      keep performers in line with performance

    59. T h e obv io u s point muse be sta te d chat if th e team is cos u s t a i n che im p re ssio n chat ic i s fostering , then chere mustbe som e a s s u r a n c e that no individual will be allow ed tojoin boch team and a u d ie n c e

      can't join both team and audience

    60. In many im portant s o c i a l s it u a ti o n s ,how ever, th e s o c ia l s e ttin g in w hich the in te ra c tio n o c c u rsis a s s e m b l e d and m anaged by one of the t e a m s only, andc o n t r i b u te s in a more intim ate way to the show th is teamp u ts on than to thfe show put on in r e s p o n s e by the otherteam.

      while audience and performer can always apply to both teams, many instances where one team has more control, vested interest, and more intimately organizes performance - salesperson

    61. T h u s, in larges o c ia l e s ta b l is h m e n ts , where se v e ra l different s t a t u s grade sprevail, we find that for the duration of any particular interaction, p a r ti c ip a n ts of many d ifferent s t a t u s e s are ty pic allye x p e cted to alig n th e m s e lv e s temporarily into two team groupi n g s.

      when many different status available- very frequently to performers sort themselves into two performance groups

    62. Similarly,th o s e who are known to become in to x ic a te d when drink isa v a ila b le and who become verbose or ' d ifficult ’ when chiso c c u r s c o n s titu t e a perform ance risk, a s do those who areso b e r but foolishly in d is c r e e t, and th ose who re fu se to ' e n t e rinto th e s p i r i t ’ of the o c c a s io n and help s u s ta in the im pressionthat the g u e s t s ta c itly u n ite in maintaining to the h o st

      Anyone stepping out of line poses as performance risk - not just the reckless - drunks become difficult = performance risk - recluse who isn't enthusiastic enough when it requires also = performance risk

    63. And, of c o u r s e , this kind of s o lid a rityin the p r e s e n c e o f s u b o r d in a t e s a l s o o c c u rs when perform ersa re in the p r e s e n c e of su p e ro r d in a te s

      solidarity in performance always focused on putting up front in front of subordinates

    64. T o withhold froma te aii-m a te information about the s ta n d h is team i s takingi s to w ithhold his c h a r a c te r from him, for without knowingwhat sta nd he will be ta k in g he may not be a b l e to a s s e r t as e lf to th e au d ien c e

      withholding information from teammate = withholding identity

    65. In other words, in s ta g in ga definitio n of the situ atio n , it may be n e c e s s a r y for th ese v e r a l m em bers of the team to be unanim ous in the p o s it io n sth e y ta k e and s e c r e ti v e about th e fact that t h e s e p o s itio n sw ere noc in d e p en d e n tly arrived at.

      performers must form unanimous agreements while concealing the fact that such agreements had to be made amongst members

      Lol this is so ironic- each member must perform as though they embody a role so wholly that they didn't even need to decide on something

    66. It se e m s to be g enerally felt th a t pub lic d isa g re em entamong the members of the team not only in c a p a c i t a t e s themlor united action but a l s o e m b a r ra s s e s the r e a lity spo nso redby the team. To protect th is im pre ssion of rea lity, membersof the team may be required to postpon e taking public s ta n d suntil the p o sitio n of th e team has been s e t t l e d ; and oncethe te am ’s sta n d h a s been tak en, all members may be obligedto follow it.

      to maintain united front- team members wait until not in public to disagree

    67. O ther m eansto e n d s , s u c h a s fo rce o r b arg a in in g power, may be in c r e a s e dor d e c r e a s e d by s t r a t e g i c m a n ipula tion of im p r e s s io n s , butt h e e x e r c i s e of f o rc e or barg a in in g pow er g iv e s to a s e t ofin d iv i d u a l s a s o u r c e of group formation u n c o n n e c te d withthe fact th a t on c e r ta in o c c a s i o n s t h e group th u s formed i sl i k e l ^ t o a c t, d r a m a tu r g ic a lly sp e a k in g , a s -a te am

      huh

    68. Similarly, agirl a t a party who is flagrantly a c c e s s i b l e may be sh unnedby th e other g irls who a r e p r e s e n t, but in c e r ta in m a tte rs sh eis part of th e ir team and c a n n o t fail to th rea ten the d efin itio nthey are c o l le c tiv e ly m a in ta in in g th a t g ir ls a re d ifficu lt s e x u a lp r iz e s .

      great example- team members can't always easily be disposed of

      individual behavior becomes a reflection of everyone when in this case, they're not even friends or allied

    69. mong te am -m a tes , th ep riv ile g e of f a m ilia rity —which may c o n s titu t e a kind of intim acywithout warm th—nee d not be s o m e th in g of an organic kind,slow ly d ev e lo p in g with the p a s s a g e o f tim e s p e n t to ge th er,but rath e r a formal r e la tio n s h i p th a t i s a u to m a tic a lly e x te n d e dan d r e c e iv e d a s soon a s the in dividual t a k e s a p la c e on th eteam

      creates a formal intimacy or familiarity

    70. th e y will hardly be in a p o sitio n to m aintainthat p a r ti c u la r im p r e s s io n before o n e another

      performer rarely performs part in team performance for the sake of his other teammates- define the other as someone " in the know"

    71. Where s ta f f a n d lin e s t a t u s e s tend to d iv id ean o rg a n iz a tio n , perform ance t e a m s may te n d to in te g ra tet h e d iv is io n s

      performance across social or other divides usually unites people while performance divided leads to divides in teams

    72. E ac h team -m ate i s forced to rely on t h e good conduct andb e ha viour o f h i s fello w s, and they, in turn, a r e forced to relyon him

      teammates need to trust that the other will maintain face

    73. h i s p o s s i b i l i t y l e a d s u s to c o n s id e r a further o n e. T h eind iv id u al may p r iv a te ly m aintain s t a n d a r d s of b ehaviour whichhe d o e s not p e r s o n a lly b e l ie v e in, m a in ta in in g t h e s e s t a n d a r d sb e c a u s e of a liv e ly b e l ie f that an u n s e e n a u d i e n c e i s p r e s e n twhich will p u n ish d e v i a ti o n s from t h e s e s ta n d a r d s . In o th e rwords, an ind iv id u al may be h i s own a u d i e n c e or may im a g in ean a u d i e n c e to be p r e s e n

      The audience doesn't even need to be other people- it can be an imagined outward judgement or assessment of action that directs a performance when no one is looking

      that one Margaret Atwood quote

    74. Given t h i s point of refe re n c e ,it i s p o s s i b l e to a s s i m i l a t e su c h s i t u a t i o n s a s tw o-personi n te r a c tio n into th e framework by d e s c r ib in g t h e s e s i t u a t i o n sa s tw o-team in te ra c tio n in w hich ea ch team c o n t a i n s only o n emember

      can look at every coordinated performance as teams if in one-on-one each team only has one member

    75. an em ergent team im p re ssio n a r i s e s whichcan c o n v e n ie n tly be tr e a te d a s a fact in i t s own right, a s athird le v el of fact lo c a te d betw e en th e in d iv id u a l perform anceon one hand and th e to ta l in te ra c tio n of p a r ti c ip a n ts on th eother.

      teamwork- yes everybody puts in their own role and performs at different levels of adequacy but the overall impression or effectiveness in selling their performance can be examined almost independent of each individual performance

    76. hen o u t s i d e r s ace p r e s e n t , th e to u ch o( b u s i n e s s l i k e formality i se v e n more im portant. You may c a l l your s e c re ta ry ' M a r y ' a n d y o u tp a r t n e r ' J o e * all d ay , bu t when a str a n g e r c o m es inn) your office yoush ou ld t efet to your a s s o c i a t e s a s you would e x p e c t the s t r a n g e r toa d d r e s s t h e m : M is s or Mr- You may h av e a r u nn ing jo k e w i t h thesw it c h b o a rd o p e r a t o r, but you let :t ride when you ar e p l a c i n g a callin an o u t s i d e r ' s h e a r in

      like teachers switching up and calling each other "Ms. -----" in front of students

    77. In g en e ral, th en, a s e t o f in d iv id u a ls who c o -o p e ra te in s ta g in ga s in g l e r o u tin e may be referred to a s a perform ance teamor, in sh o rt, a team

      these people called a team

    78. When s h e a s s u m e s a re sp e c tfu l role, hecan a s s u m e a dom inant o n e ; and when ea ch member of them arriag e team p l a y s i t s s p e c ia l role, the co n ju g al unit, a s aunit, c a n s u s t a i n t h e im p re ssio n th a t new a u d i e n c e s e x p e c tof it.

      the expression of one role reliant on the proper expression of the other roles in performance

    79. B ut m ost im po rtant o f a ll, we commonly find that th e d efin ition of t h e s it u a ti o n p r o je c te d by a p a r ti c u la r p a r tic ip a n t i san in te g ra l p art o f a p ro je c tio n th a t i s f o s te r e d and s u s t a in e dby t h e in tim a te c o -o pe ra tion of more than o n e p a rtic ip a n t,and, m oreover, that ea ch member o f suc h a tro u p e or c a s tof p la y e r s may be req u ired to a p p e a r in a different light ifth e te a m ’ s o v e ra ll effec t i s to be s a t i s f a c t o r y .

      oftentimes- the performance requires participants who perform roles which require adopting demeanor's

    80. h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the t a s k th a t i s perform edan d not t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f th e perform e

      performance catered to task at hand- rarely to performer

    81. In th in king abo u t a perform ance it i s e a s y to a s s u m e th a tthe c o n te n t of t h e p r e s e n ta tio n i s merely an e x p r e s s i v e exte n sio n of th e c h a r a c t e r of th e perform er and to s e e th e functionof th e p erfo rm an ce in t h e s e p e rso n a l term s

      can't think of presentation as just an extension of the performer

    82. h e s e in h ib i tio n s o f thea u d i e n c e allow th e perform er som e elbow-room in buildingup an im p r e s s ip n o f h i s own c h o i c e and allow him to function,for h i s own good or the a u d i e n c e ’ s, a s a pro tec tio n or a threatth a t c l o s e i n s p e c t io n would d es tro

      the sphere allows space for performer to do what they need to do to maintain the performance, even if their concealed behavior would break down the performance altogether if witnessed by the audience

    83. A s p h e re of t h i s s o r t i s p l a c e d aroundman by h i s ' h o n o r . 1 L a n g u a g e very po ig n an tly d e s i g n a t e s an i n s u l tto o n e s honor a s 'c o m i n g too c l o s e : ’ the r a d i u s of t h i s s p h e r e m arks,a s it w er e, t h e d i s t a n c e w h o s e t r e s p a s s i n g by an o th e r p e r s o n i n s u l t so n e ' s honor.

      idea of "honor" and personal integrity protect the individual in their concealment wrong to break through this sphere

    84. prohibit the a u d ie n c e from lo ok inga t the performer at all, and at tim e s when c e le s c ia l q u a l i t i e sand pow ers have been claim ed by a performer, t h i s lo g ic alco n c lu sio n s e e m s to hav e been put into effect

      one strategy, direct attention elsewhere besides performer and what is demonstrated by the elsewhere reflects on to performer's character

    85. If we s e e p e r c e p tio n a s a form of c o n t a c t and communion,»c con tro l o v e r what i s p e rc eiv e d i s con tro l over c o n ta c tth a t i s mr.J-

      control over perceptions i control over contact made!!

    86. B e c a u s eof th e s e s h a re d dram atic c o n t in g e n c ie s , we ca n profitablystu d y p erfo rm an ce s th a t a re quite f a ls e in order to learn abouto n e s that a re q u ite h o n e s

      because even the liars and honest want to be presumes as honest, looking at how the nonhonest perform and work to legitimate their authority shows us how the already legitimate do it?

    87. With s u c hs t r a t e g i c a l l y lo c a te d p o i n t s of r e ti c e n c e , it i s p o s s i b l e tom aintain a d e s ir a b le status quo in the r e la tio n s h ip w ithouth a v in g to ca rry out rigidly th e im p l ic a tio n s of t h i s ag re e m e n tin all a r e a s of life

      One can maintain a status quo without rigid adherence to all demands of performance in the relationship

    88. h e la rg e r t h e number of m a tte rs an d th e la rg e rth e number o f a c tin g p a r ts which fall within th e domain of thero le or r e la tio n s h i p , the more lik e lih o o d , it would seem , forp o in ts o f s e c r e c y to e x i s t.

      larger number of matters and parts of relationship = more points of secrecy

    89. Although p a r ti c u la r p erfo rm an ce s,a n d even p a r t i c u l a r p a r t s or r o u tin e s , may p l a c e a perform erin a p o sitio n of h aving nothing to h id e , so m ew here in thefull round of h is a c t i v i t i e s th e re will b e so m e th in g h e c a n n o tt r e a t o p e n ly

      almost always there are things someone cannot openly address within performance

    90. We find th at c h a r la ta n p ro fe s s io n a l a c tiv ityo f o n e d e c a d e b ec o m e s an a c c e p t a b l e le g itim a te o c c u p a tio nin th e next. 3 We find th a t a c t i v i t i e s which a r e thought tobe l e g itim a te by so m e a u d i e n c e s in our s o c ie ty are thoughtby o th e r a u d i e n c e s to be r a c k e ts

      what is a lie and what is legitimate all highly flexible, temporally and culturally informed

    91. F u rth e r, in e v e ry d ay li f e it i s u s u a l l y p o s s i b l e forthe perform er to c r e a te in te n tio n a lly a lm o st any kind o f f a l s eim p re ssio n without pu ttin g h im s e lf tn th e in d e f e n s ib le p o sitio no f having told a c l e a r - c u t lie . Com m unication t e c h n iq u e ssuch a s innuendo, s t r a t e g i c am bigu ity, an d crucial o m is s io n sa llow th e m isinform er to profit from l i e s w ithout, te c h n ic a l ly ,te llin g any

      A lot of ways to lie without directly lying, yet, "bare-faced" lies are the ones with all the consequences

    92. t i s f e lt to be all right for im m ig ran ts toim p e r s o n a te n a t iv e A m eric an s in d r e s s and in p a t t e r n s ofdecorum but £a«L it is s t i l l a doubtful m atter to A m eric an iz eo n e ’s n a m e 2 or o n e ’s n o s e

      iffy definitions of what is a valid personification of something othered or something you're not. Not all of them considered bad but the categorization of what is okay and not okay is highly flexible

    93. la im s tob e a law g r a d u a te ca n b e e s t a b l i s h e d a s valid or invalid, butc laim s to be a friend, a true b e lie v e r, or a m usic lo v e r can beconfirmed or d isc onfirm ed only m o re-o r-le ss.

      line is more blurred where claims to be something have less tangible means of legitimating

    94. we may h a v e some sym pathy for th o s ewho hav e but o n e fata l flaw an d who attem pt to c o n c e a l thefac t th a t they are, for exam ple, e x - c o n v ic ts , deflow ered,e p i le p t ic or r a c ia ll y impure, i n s t e a d of adm itting th e ir faultand making an ho n o u rab le attem pt to liv e it down

      have empathy for those with one hidden thing vs those who conceal everything

    95. Mythology and our popularm a g a z in e s , in fa c t, are full o f rom antic s t o r i e s in w hich th ev illa in and the hero both make fraud ulent c l a i m s that ared is c r e d ite d in th e l a s t ch a p te r, the v illa in p roving not to hav ea high s t a t u s , th e hero proving not to h a v e a low one

      not usually offended when someone is acting down- acting as a lower status than they actually are

    96. a u th o riz a tio n to play a part and th e c a p a c ity to play it

      we get offended by these performers who aren't who they say they are because they weaken our belief in a connection between authority to perform apart and the capability to play the part - one can act and not have the credentials, what does that mean for everyone else?

    97. hen we d i s c o v e r th a t som e on e with whom we h a v ed e a l i n g s i s a n im p o s to r and out-and-out fraud, we are d i s c o v e rin g th a t he did not hav e th e right to play th e part he p la y e d ,th a t he w a s n o t an a c c r e d i te d incum bent o f the r e le v a n t s t a t u s

      When we find out someone is a fraud, what we discover is that they did not have authority to play the part they played- they don't have the means of status by the right materials or legitimating factors

    98. We often feel that it i s ju s t t h e s e te rrib le ev e n tu a l i t i e s , which a r i s e from being c a u g h t out, flagrante delicto,in a p a t e n t a c t o f m is re p re s e n t a ti o n , th a t an h o n e s t perform eri s a b l e t o avo id . T h i s c o m m o n -se n se view h a s lim ite d a na l y t i c a l u tility .

      in our heads- a true or honest performer- would not mess up. Assumption that there IS an honest performer or someone who embodies something without a need for front. This view isn't analytically very applicable

    99. s mem bers o f t h e a u d i e n c e i t i s natural for u s to feelth a t th e im p re ssio n th e perform er s e e k s to g iv e may be trueo r f a l s e , g en u in e or s p u rio u s, v alid or ' p h o n y .

      as members, we assess validity or phoniness of performance

    100. s h e s t r i v e s ro identify h e r s e l f with t h i s figure an dt h u s to se em t o h e r s e l f to be s t a b i l i z e d , j u s t i f i e d in her sple n do r

      identification with a figure- not with oneself

    101. A c e r ta in b u re a u c ra tiz a tio n of thes p i r i t i s e x p e c t e d s o that we can be relied upon to give ap e rfe c tly h o m o g e n e o u s perform ance at every ap p o in te d time.A s S a n ta y a n a s u g g e s t s , t h e s o c i a l i z a t i o n p r o c e s s not onlytr a n s f ig u r e s , it f i x e s

      we do not let or are expected not to allow momentary emotions to impact performance- should be homogenous

    102. In oth e r w ords, .we must be p repared to s e e th a t the im p re ssio nof r e a lity f o s te r e d by a perform ance i s a d e l ic a te , fra gile th in gt h a t can be s h a t t e r e d by very minor m is h a p s

      our presentations are fragile and easily destroyed by minor mishaps

    103. nglo-Am erican s o c ie t y must often p a s s a s tr ic tt e s t of a p t n e s s , f i t n e s s , propriety, .and decorum

      we usually designate strict social expectations of presentation to other cultures but exist well within our own.

    104. It h a s b e e n s u g g e s te d th a t th e perform er c a n rely uponh is a u d ie n c e to a c c e p t minor c u e s a s a sign of som ethingim portant about h i s perform ance. T h i s c o n v e n ie n t fa c t h a s anin c o n v e n ie n t im plica tio n . By v irtu e of th e same sig n -ac ce p cin gten d en c y , th e a u d ie n c e may m is u n d e r s ta n d th e m eaning th a t ac u e w a s d e s ig n e d to con vey, or may r e a d an e m b a rra ssin gm eaning into g e s t u r e s or e v e n t s that were a c c i d e n t a l , ina d v e r te n t, in c id e n t a l or not meant by the perform er co carryany m eaning w h ats o ev e r

      takes very little to signal this meaning- susceptible to misinterpretation

    105. In our com m ercial lif e t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i co f p e rfo rm a n c e s h a s b een e x p lo ite d a n d maligned u nder th erubric ' p e r s o n a l i z e d s e r v i c e ; ’ in o th e r a r e a s of life we makej o k e s about ' t h e b e d - s id e m a n n e r ’ o r ' t h e g la d h a n d .

      often beneficial for actor to downplay routinization of actions- act like that interact is special, personal, meaningful, etc.

    106. h e a u d i e n c e ca n s e e a g r e a t s a v in g of tim e and em otionalenergy in th e righ t to tr e a t th e performer a t o c c u p a tio n a lfa e e - v a lu e , a s if t h e perform er w ere all a n d on ly what h i suniform c la im e d him to be.

      Not always a demand for "authenticity" - audience benefits from seeing front appropriate for the context of THEIR relation to the individual

    107. S im ilarly, m edical s c h o o l s in Am erica te n d torec ru it th eir s t u d e n t s partly on the b a s i s o f e t h n i c orig in s,an d c e r ta in ly p a t ie n t s , c o n s id e r t h i s fac to r in c h o o s in g th e ird o c t o r s ; but in t h e a c tu a l in te r a c t io n betw e en d o c to r andp a tie n t the im p re ssio n i s a l lo w e d to d e v e lo p that th e d o ctori s . a d octor b e c a u s e o f s p e c i a l a p t i t u d e s a s well a s s p e c ia ltraining .

      both med schools and patients act like they choose doctors on aptitude and training as opposed to ethnic origins

    108. clergym en g iv e th e im p re ssio n th a t they e n te r e d th e churchb e c a u s e o f a c a ll o f fe lt v o c a tio n , in America te nding toc o n c e a l th e ir i n t e r e s t in moving up s o c i a l l y , in B rita in te ndingto c o n c e a l th e ir i n t e r e s t in not moving to o far down

      conceal motives that break idea of what a "good" clergymen should do

      Can you be a good clergymen and still wish to progress socailly?

    109. Reinforcing t h e s e id e a l i m p r e s si o n s we find a kin d of ' r h e t o r i c of tr a in in g ,' w hereby labourunions, u n i v e r s i t i e s , tr a d e a s s o c i a t i o n s , and o th e r l i c e n s in gb o d ie s re q u ire p r a c t i t i o n e r s to a b s o rb a m y s t ic a l rang e andp e rio d of train in g , in p a rt to maintain a monopoly, but inpart to f o s te r th e im p r e s s io n th a t th e l i c e n c e d p r a c titio n e ri s som eone s e t a p a r t from o th e r me

      training extensive to five image that they are set apart

    110. d e a l m o tiv e s for a c q u irin g the role in whichth e y are perform ing, th a t th e y have id e a l q u a l if ic a tio n s fort h e role, an d th a t it w a s not n e c e s s a r y for them to su ffe ran y in d ig n i tie s , in s u l t s , an d h u m ilia tio n s, or make an y ta c it ly -u n d e rsto o d ' d e a l s , ' in o rd er to a c q u ire th e role.

      fulfill idealized ideas of routines and roled

    111. It h a s beens u g g e s t e d t h a t th e sa m e so rt of beh aviour, which we may referto a s ‘ s e c r e t c o n s u m p t i o n ’, ca n be found am ong the H indus.

      many people consume things in secret to keep up an image

    112. In a s e n s e su c h i m p r e s s i o n s a re i d e a li z e d , too, for if th eperform er i s to b e s u c c e s s f u l h e m u st offer th e kin d of s c e n eth a t r e a l i z e s t h e o b s e r v e r s ’ extrem e s t e r e o t y p e s o f h a p l e s spov erty

      never a performance about bettering or reflecting what is really there, people embody identities for a certain result

    113. I h a v e been told by S h e tla n d e r s th a t theic g ra n d f a th e rsu s e d to refrain from improving t h e a p p e a r a n c e of th e c o t ta g ele sc th e la ir d ta k e suc h im p rov em ents a s a sig n th a t in c r e a s e dr e n t s could be e x t r a c te d from them

      while reasons for hiding lack of material wealth and making it seem like one has more, other instances requires or rewards the downplaying of material wealth. A. Serving a lot of food when guests are over even if you live off very little. B. Letting your house look bad so landlords don't think they can charge extra

    114. m erica w h o se m em bers h a v e felt th a tsome a s p e c t o f every p erfo rm an ce o u g h t to play down thee x p r e s s io n o f s h e e r w ealth in o rd er to f o ste r th e im p re ssio nth a t s ta n d a r d s reg a rd in g birth, c u ltu r e , or moral e a r n e s t n e s sa r e t h e o n e s th a t p r e v a i

      even in America is material wealth is downplayed as if other moral standards are stronger forces for prosperity

    115. not in d iv id u a ls , but a l s o a so n e in w hich p e rf o rm a n c e s te n d to e s t a b l i s h favourable c l a i m sre g a rd in g n o n-m aterial v a l u e s

      Indian caste system allows for social movement in non-material gains (by adopting certain belief systems and practices) which re-centers the lower classes around the practices that allow for them to be upwardly mobile

    116. h e p ro p e r s ig n -eq u ip m en t h a s bee n o b ta in e d and fam iliarityg a in e d in t h e m an ag e m en t of it, then t h i s equipm ent c a n beu s e d to e m b e llis h and illu m in e o n e ’s daily p e rfo rm a n c e s w itha fa v o u r a b le s o c ia l s ty le

      minimal separation between the status and the front- Here, Goffman doesn't distinguish something like yearly income attaining status than the means to attain the front of a certain status

    117. Commonly we find that upward mobility in v o lv e s th e p r e s e n tatio n of proper p erform ances and that effo rts to move upwardand e ffo rts to keep from moving downward a re e x p r e s s e d inte rm s of s a c r i f i c e s made for the m a in te n a n c e of front.

      upward mobility frequently requires presenting a proper performance and the efforts to move up are expressed in maintaining the front that someone is of a higher class

    118. iis p erform ance will te n d to in c o rp o rate and exemplify th eo ffic ia lly a c c r e d i te d v a l u e s ot th e s o c ie t y , more so , in fact,limn d o e s h i s behavio ur a s a whole.

      performance is more focused on living up to standard societal expectations than an individuals actual behabior

    119. T h e a r i s t o c r a t i c h ab it, •ith a s b een s a id , i s one th a t m o b il iz e s all t h e minor a c t i v i t i e s ofl i f e w hich fall o u t s i d e th e s e r io u s s p e c i a l i t i e s of o th e r c l a s s e sa n d i n j e c t s in to t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s an e x p r e s s io n of c h a r a c t e r ,pow er, and high rank

      some say aristocracy is injecting expressions of character into minor activities

    120. he w ill be c o n c e r n e d not so much with th e full roundof t h e d if fe r e n t r o u t i n e s he perform s but only w ith th e o n efrom which h i s o c c u p a t io n a l r e p u ta tio n d e r iv e s .

      not about doing his best in ALL routines- focus on the one his identity most invested in?

    121. When we e x a m in e a group or c l a s s , we find th a t them em bers o f it tend to in v e s t th e ir e g o s primarily in c e r ta inr o u tin e s , g ivin g l e s s s t r e s s to th e o th e r o n e s w hich th e y p e rform.

      people often choose a certain routine to invest own ego into

    122. T h o s e who hav e th e time and ta len t to performa t a s k well may not, b e c a u s e of th is , h av e the tim e or ta le n tto make it apparenc that they are perform ing well.

      Performing a task well takes time away from the effort required to LOOK like you're performing a task well

    123. T h u s to furnish a h o u s e so that it will e x p r e s s sim ple, qu ietdignity, th e h o u s e h o ld e r may h a v e to r a c e to a u c tio n s a l e s ,h a g g l e with a n tiq u e d e a le rs , an d doggedly c a n v a s s a ll th elo c al s h o p s for proper w allp ap e r an d cu rta in m a te ria ls

      Creates an irony "It takes a lot of work to make this look easy" One embodies the characteristics not present in the role itself for the appearance of the role. Sometimes this characteristics contradict the role.

    124. M erchan ts, too, often findth a t they must cha rge hig h p r i c e s for th in g s that look intrins i c a l l y e x p e n s iv e in order to c o m p e n s a te the e s ta b l is h m e n tfor e x p e n s iv e t h in g s lik e in s u r a n c e , s la c k p erio d s, e tc ., thatnever a p p e a r before th e c u s to m e rs ’ e y

      merchants overcharge for things that look expensive (are in which to role of money is dramatically fulfilled) so that they can pay for what costs but is not dramatic

    125. he n u r s e s a r e “ w a s t i n g r i m e 0 u n l e s s they a r e d a r t i n g ab ou td oin g so m e v i s i b l e t h i n g s u c h a s a d m i n i s t e r i n g h y p o d e r m i

      issue- exists a nonbelief in other people that are doing fulfilling their role unless they see a dramatized representation of the task

    126. h e must give an i n s t a n t a n e o u sd e c i s i o n so th a t th e a u d i e n c e will b e s u r e th a t h e i s s u r e o fh i s jud g e m en

      example- umpire must act sure of call for the sake of their own authority

    127. D ental Corp’s c a p t a i n s , many of them of a tow e th n ic origin,c ou ld h a v e b e e n g iv e n a rank th a t would p e r h a p s hav e beenmore s u i t a b l e in the e y e s of t h e Army than the c a p t a i n c i e sthey w ere a c t u a l l y giv en

      issues of taks that are "between ranks" arise- in the instance of nurse and doctor it relates to the capability of the professional but also what is "right" for the position.

      Feels a but more about organization that social expectation tbh

    128. An i n t e r e s t i n g i l l u s t r a t i o n of th e dilem m a of s e l e c t i n g ana p p r o p r ia te front from s e v e r a l not q uite f ittin g o i'e s may befound to d a y in A m erican m e d ic a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s with r e s p e c t toth e t a s k o f a d m in is t e r in g a n e s t h e s i a

      often the front or selection of t- or title- isn't suitable for all the tasks at hand

    129. T h u s , when a ta s k i sg ive n a new front we seldom find that the front it is g iv e n isi t s e l f new

      if a task associated with a new appearance- the front itself is rarely new its just new for the task

    130. As a com prom ise, th e full ran g e of d iv e rs ity is cutat a few crucial p o in ts , and all t h o s e w ithin a given brac ketare allo w ed or o b lig e d to m a in ta in the sam e s o c ia l front ince r ta in s it u a t i o n

      diversification of society too vast- break up into distinct categories and provide based on those- allowing or forcing people to maintain social front

    131. will be perform ed in what h a s becom e a s ta n d a r d iz e d , c l i n i c a l ,c o n f id e n tia l manner.

      appearances provide a expectations for manner and behavior someone should expect- varying thing such as actions become standardized, ease the stress of someone like a client.

    132. r o v id e s u s w ith a m e a n s of s timu la tin g our i n t e r e s t in and a t te n t io n to e x c e p t i o n s

      our ideal type is when the manner and appearance of presentation match

    133. A p p e a r a n c e ’ may be ta k e n to refer tot h o s e stim uli which function at th e tim e to tell u s of th eperform er’s s o c ia l s t a t u s e s . T h e s e stimuli also te ll u s o fth e i n d i v i d u a l 's tem porary ritu a l s t a t e , th a t i s , w hether he i se n g a g in g in formal s o c ia l a c tiv i ty , work, or informal re c re a tio n ,w h eth e r or not he is c e le b r a tin g a new p h a s e in the s e a s o nc y c le or in h is lif e -c y c le . ' M a n n e r ' may be ta k e n to refer toth o s e stim uli w hich fu n ction at the tim e to warn u s of th e intera c tio n ro le th e performer will e x p e c t to play in th e on-comings it u a ti o n .

      appearance are status and other identifications (can show things like what you do for work) Manner tells us of oncoming action within a persons role (what the person expects to happen or how others are to respond)

    134. p e r s o n a l f r o n t ’ torefer to the oth e r ite m s of e x p r e s s i v e e q u ip m en t, th e ite m s th a twe most in tim a te ly id e n tify with th e perform er him s elf and th atwe n a t u r a lly e x p e c t will follow t h e perform er w herever he g o e s .As part of p e r s o n a l front we may i n c l u d e : in s ig n ia of o ffic e orr a n k ; c l o t h i n g ; s e x , age, and r a c ia l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ; s i z e andl o o k s ; p o s t u r e ; s p e e c h p a t t e r n s ; f a c ia l e x p r e s s i o n s ; bodil

      apart of the "front" is expressive equipment, what is used to express oneself

    135. ro n t, th e n , i s th e e x p r e s s i v e e quipm ent of as ta n d a r d kind i n t e n t io n a lly or unw ittin g ly em ployed by theind iv id u al during h is perform ance. F or p relim in ary p u r p o s e s , itv.ill be c o n v e n ie n t to d i s t i n g u i s h and la b e l what s e e m to be thesta n d aril p a r t s of fron

      Labeling- The "front" of the stage

    136. Another il l u s t r a t i o n maybe found in th e raw re c ru it who in it ia l ly fo llo w s army e t iq u e t tein o rd e r to a v oid p h y s ic a l punish m en t and who e v e n tu a lly co m esto follow th e r u l e s s o th a t h is o r g a n iz a tio n will not be sh a m e dand h i s o f f i c e r s a n d f e ll o w - s o ld i e r s will r e s p e c t him

      so little distinction between performing and becoming

    137. t h e s e a r e c y n i c a l perform ers w hosea u d i e n c e s will not a llow them to be s in c e r e . Similarly, we findth a t s y m p a th e tic p a t i e n t s in m ental w ards will s o m e tim e s feignb iz a r re sym ptom s so th a t s tu d e n t n u r s e s will not be s u b je c t e dto a d is a p p o in ti n g ly s a n e perform ance. 1 So a ls o , when inferi o r s e x ten d th e ir most la v is h r e c e p tio n for v i s i tin g s u p e rio r s ,th e s e l f i s h d e s i r e to win favour may not be the c h i e f m o tiv e;the inferio r may be ta c tf u lly attem p tin g to put the su p e rio r ate a s e by s im u la tin g the kind of world the s u p e r io r i s thought tota k e for gran ted

      there is often a demand to be insincere that the cynical performers, in their hyperawareness of the gap between reality and the performers, more willingly offer up this insincerity.

    138. A c y n i c a l in d ividual mayd elu d e h i s a u d i e n c e for what he c o n s i d e r s to be th e ir own good,or for the good o f the com munity, e t c .

      not every cynical performer evil- some work to do good with such performance

    139. It shou ld be u n d e rsto o d th a t th e c y n ic , witha ll h i s p r o f e s s io n a l d isin v o lv e m e n t, may o b ta in u n p r o fe s s io n a lp l e a s u r e s from his m a sq u e ra d e , e x p e r ie n c in g a kind of gleefuls p ir itu a l a g g r e s s io n from th e fac t that h e c a n toy a t will withsom ething h i s a u d i e n c e m ust ta k e s e r i o u s l y

      MMEEEE

    140. C o u p led with th i s , th e perform er may be moved to .guide theco n v ic tio n of h i s a u d i e n c e only a s a m e a n s to o th e r e n d s ,ha v in g no u ltim ate co n c ern in th e c o n c e p t io n th a t th e y hav e ofhim o r of th e s it u a ti o n

      other extreme- individual isn't at all convinced of own performance, may not actually care if its real me asf

    141. p r e s e n te d .

      one extreme someone is so convicted of their own performance and the other is also so convinced- exists no true distinction between the reality being stage and the real reality- only a sociologist gaf about such distinction

    142. i s th a t th e i l l u s t r a t i o n s to g e th er fit into a co h e ren t framework that t i e s to g e th e r b i t s of e x p e r ie n c e the r e a d e r h a s a lre a d yhad and p r o v id e s th e stu d e n t with a guide worth t e s t i n g in c a s e -s t u d i e s ’of i n s t itu ti o n a l s o c ia l life

      ethnography vibes- iffy methodology but good theories?

    143. In re a l life,th e t h r e e p a r t i e s are c o m p re s s e d into t w o ; th e p a rt o n e in d iv id u a l p l a y s i s ta ilo r e d to th e p a r ts p la y e d by th e o t h e r s pres e n t , and yet t h e s e o th e rs a l s o c o n s t i t u t e t h e a u d i e n c e .

      except this time, the audience is the performers

    144. e s t a g e p r e s e n t s t h i n g s th a t are m a k e - b e lie v e ; p resumab ly life p r e s e n t s th i n g s th a t are rea l a n d s o m e tim e s not wellr e h e a r s e d .

      use the metaphor of the theater- presentation of oneself in response to presentation of others for an audience- world of make-believe

    1. Thus there may be tangible social reasons why Jews have become preoccupied with certain scientific enterprises, but it isimpossible to predict scientific positions in terms of their beingheld by Jews or non-Jews.

      that many jew are scientists- yet being a jew doesn't make you a scientists- shows how social interests of a group distanced from members of a group itself

    2. hese result from accentuations of role specialization to thepoint where role-specific knowledge becomes altogether esoteric as against the common stock of knowledge.

      at some point- segmentation can put general knowledge at war with role-specific knowledge

      • anti-vaxxers and whatnot
    1. He respondedto the challenge and took part enthusiastically in the reform movements thatradiated from the University of Chicago to the city at large. UnUke the sage ofAnn Arbor, the one-time president of Chicago's reforming City Club couldnot maintain a stance of detached observation, but was deeply immersed in theproblems of urban America

      still- he was an urban activist despite pragmatic theoriest

    2. He waited on tables duringhis college years and thereafter immersed himself in the drama of the frontierwhile serving on surveying expeditions. Cooley, the son of an upper-status andindependently wealthy member of the elite, could afford a long period of semi-idleness in order "to find himself." Mead, the son of a poorly paid professor oftheology who died when Mead was still in college and left his widow andchildren in straitened circumstances, could not afford such leisure. If he was"to find himself," it was not in the privacy of his study but in the demandingenvironment of surveying crews, among rough companions who generallyknew litde about the life of the mind.

      Mead pragmatic because he life actually required something of him unlike Cooley

    3. But, what theRomantic idealists insisted upon is that you cannot have an object without asubject

      Mead fed into German idealism- humans as a subject of the universe make humanity the universe

    4. American thinkers, among themmost early sociologists, who were reared in a strict Puritanical atmosphere butwho freed themselves from theological moorings, most often under the impactof Darwin's teaching

      part of a gen of American thinkers who grew up hell Puritan but freed themselves of it

    5. He was thoroughly at home in all the sub-fields of philosophy and its history and also kept himself abreast of develop-ments in the physical and biological as well as in the social sciences.

      knew a lot about a lot

    6. fallacy of separateness," whichconsiders actors without reference to the interactions in which they are vari-ously engaged.

      Mead was the one who finally broke down idea of self outside of social

    7. is notion of role-taking, that is, of tak-ing the attitudes of others toward oneself, is not to be confused with whatmodern sociologists call role performance, or living up to the expectations en-tailed by a specific position.

      role taking isn't living up to expectations its beyond that

    8. Mead valued personal auton-omy, but he saw it emerging from feedback rather than from attempts at in-sulation from others.

      personal autonomy emerges from others ideas of you- not a lack of subscription to it entirely

    9. As a "me" the person is aware of himself as an object. He reacts orresponds to himself in terms of the attitudes others have toward him. His self-appraisal is the result of what he assumes to be the appraisal by others. The"me" is the self as conceived and apprehended in terms of the point of viewof significant others and of the community at large. It reflects the laws andthe mores, the organized codes and expectations of the community."^ The "I,"in contradistinction, is "the answer which the individual makes to the attitudewhich others take toward him when he assumes an attitude toward them . . .it gives the sense of freedom, of initiative.""®

      "me"- awareness of myself and what others think of me "i" - reaction or attitudes towards that all yall who are thinking about me