From what I've learned this semester, this is the question at the root of urban planning and development: how will this effect the upper and lower classes respectively? To what extent are these projects meant to integrate these two vastly different groups of people? At what point do they just become money-making schemes? In the case of the BeltLine, the original intent of the project was to create a space accessible to and affordable for all. The popularity of and the potential profitability of the project has cause priorities to shift in favor of the upper class.

The issues surrounding integrative mixed-income neighborhoods are understandably complex and often call into question the rights of existing residents while facing considerable backlash from both income groups. The term "positive gentrification" seems almost an oxymoron these days, at least for current residents. Gentrification is more or less synonymous with whitewashing in the sense that poorer minorities are forced out of the neighborhood after it is revitalized. This often discourages gentrification. At the same time, the higher class is concerned with the the safety and upkeep of their neighborhoods, which may encourage plans to oust the lower class.

After searching for mixed income developments in the United States and coming up with results that more or less discussed how much of a failure they have been, I decided to search for public housing successes in other countries. The best examples were by far Vienna and Singapore, which both maximize urban space and succeed in integrating income groups. They offer residences for people of all classes, and there is a noticable difference between housing developments in the United States and these two countries.

Singapore

Vienna

New York City

Image credits: http://www.shareable.net/blog/public-housing-works-lessons-from-vienna-and-singapore

http://archpaper.com/2013/07/five-nyc-mayoral-candidates-camp-out-in-public-housing-for-one-night/

This reminds me of Sara Schindler's article about discrimination and segregation through the physical design of the built environment. In contrast to what Schindler address in her article, middle income housing seeks to eliminate segregation by physically integrating communities through middle income housing. As the article says, however, this is easier said than done. In order to enfranchise (if you will), members of the community must feel that they have a right to where they live and connect to their community.

This is an issue that seems to come up fairly frequently in our discussions of Atlanta and the built environment, although it's generally a fear that seems relatively unfounded. Superblocks are generally unappealing and unwalkable because they create areas that lack interaction and economic activity. That sort of desolation in a city environment generally means that gangs and undesirables are more likely to congregate in these areas, and therefore people are afraid to walk there. Here we see that fear validated--most of the crime in Westhaven Park originates from the Superblock. Areas like these can be improved dramatically by doing things like adding trees and narrowing the streets to encourage foot traffic.

I think it's interesting to note the dynamic between community members. While the physical community exists and includes everyone who lives in the mixed income housing neighborhoods, the black community exists separately from that. The renter's attempt to separate herself from the "negative ways" of her neighbors raises a couple of questions in my mind. Why should her neighbors' behavior be considered negative? This question is similar to one the article poses: what's wrong with hanging out? This "othering" and separation between races and classes is at the root of segregation, and while we tend to believe that there is only response on the part of the "superior" residents, it is clear that the their counterparts react negatively to the separation and othering as well.

The conclusion of the experiment was surprising and unexpected to me. I sincerely believed that the physical integration of the community would allow the residents to overcome the social challenges outlined in the article. It also makes me what the extent to which same income neighborhoods are successful in terms of overcoming social issues like race, or even general differences between neighbors. Are the problems surrounding the gentrification of neighborhoods rooted in class, or are they rooted in other issues, like race or the appropriation of space? I think it would be interesting to conduct studies that would serve as a standard of comparison for the Chicago mixed income housing units.

Another reason why mixed-income development face particular backlash is stigma surrounding public housing. As Blumgart says in his article, "Public housing in the United States is associated with failure and misery," and I would agree. Most, if not all, of the "projects" in Atlanta have been demolished. A good number of them lack public funding and fall into states of disrepair while people are still living there. They are breeding grounds for poverty, crime, and troubled children. The public housing policies in the United States are terrible, but, as the author states, "there is nothing inherently doomed in the concept of public housing."

Blumgart, Jake. "4 Public Housing Lessons the U.S. Could Learn From the Rest of the World." Equity Factor. Next City, 26 Aug. 2014. Web. 06 Nov. 2016.

This is one of the most frustrating aspects of urban development in my opinion, and it's completely at odds with Lefebvre's right to the city, which is rooted, as the article says, in value and habitation. The city is more or less meant to be public space, funded for the people and by the people. Unfortunately, the neo-liberal values of American culture come creeping in and private companies feel the need to swoop in and make a profit with no interest in the public good. In the case of real estate, they tend to gentrify struggling areas and effectively eliminate any possibility of the original residents living there by installing more expensive housing and businesses. Once established, these neighborhoods and businesses exclude the original residents from the community and the private companies profit off an area that wasn't really theirs to begin with.

In her article, Maria Saporta explains the reported reason behind Atlanta BeltLine founder Ryan Gravel's departure from the BeltLine board of directors. Joined by fellow board member Nathaniel Smith, Gravel resigned in order to draw attention to the lack of attention the Atlanta BeltLine Partnership has given to "issues of equity and affordability." According to the article, the Atlanta Beltline Partnership is the private sector organization responsible for fundraising, advocacy, and affordability along the BeltLine.

In the full story, which is published on the SaportaReport and includes the full resignation letter signed by Gravel and Smith, the two former board members express concern over the ABP's emphasis on fundraising above affordability. In their letter, they also expressed concerns and regrets over the loss of community input in the project, saying they believe that "who the Atlanta BeltLine is built for is just as important as whether it is built at all." Despite the increase in funding, the ABP has ignored its obligation to create affordable housing along the BeltLine. According to the letter, recently acquired funds will support fewer than 200 affordable units out of the required 5,600. Their resignation will, hopefully, result in "elevated concern" for the affordability and equal access of the BeltLine.

Saporta, Maria. "Beltline Founder Gravel Resigns from Board." Atlanta Business Chronicle, 27 Sept. 2016. Web. 05 Nov. 2016.

Saporta, Maria. "Ryan Gravel and Nathaniel Smith Resign from BeltLine Partnership Board over Equity Concerns." SaportaReport, 26 Sept. 2016. Web. 05 Nov. 2016.

The streets of Paris in the 1870s are a bit reminiscent of Atlanta, though not for exactly the same reasons. Parts of Atlanta, like Paris at this time, are not very accommodating to pedestrians because of the introduction of vehicles. The arcades introduced a safer and easier way for pedestrians to reach the opera while also benefiting businesses, and I can't help but think that this could be a possible solution for Atlanta's lack of pedestrian access/desirability.

This description of the arcades is drastically different from those we came across before. Throughout the article, the arcades have been described as teeming with business, commerce, life, and diversity, with a multitude of shops, consumers, and flaneurs. In stark contrast, this description characterizes the closed-in alleyways as "sad" and "gloomy." I can only assume that lithographers' studios and binders' shops are equally as gloomy and dull, since, according to the author of this particular quote, are doomed to populate the arcades. What, I wonder, happened to the useful, lively arcades Benjamin described in the beginning of the excerpt?

According to Benjamin, there are two components of the streets, but the arcades are notably lacking in one, which differentiates them. While there is abundant trade, the flaneurs managed to "sabatoge traffic" by their nature. Their purpose is not to simply get from place to place--they have purpose. They simply observe, and that's what make them merchandise--they add character to the arcades and are, as the Citylab article describes, amazed with their findings.

Bliss, Laura. "Pokémon Go Has Created a New Kind of Flâneur." CityLab. The Atlantic Magazine, 12 July 2016. Web. 10 Oct. 2016.

This map shows the location of a number of the remaining arcades in relation to each other.

(http://www.lahistoriaconmapas.com/atlas/city-map/covered-passages-paris-map.htm)

Arcades Map. Digital image. The Telltale Blog, n.d. Web. 10 Oct. 2016. http://telltaleblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/secret-passages-of-paris-map.jpg.

The Passages of Paris and Benjamin's Mind by Herbert Muschamp details the rich history surrounding Benjamin's "Arcades Project" and the influence it had on the city of Paris. Though left incomplete on Benjamin's death in 1940, "The Arcades Project" nevertheless remains one of the most important urban analyses of the time. Benjamin was born to a Jewish art dealer in Berlin. He was educated there, but the Paris Arcade Project began in 1927 as a newspaper article. The manuscript was recovered by essayist George Batailles and was later taken to the Bibliotheque National in Paris. In the many sections of his analysis, Benjamin included both his own reflections and a vast amount of research material, which includes passages from other historical and architectural sources. Benjamin considered this type of building the most important during his time period because they signaled the end of an age production and the beginning of an era of consumption.

The article describes the arcade as a building type that predated Haussmann's grand boulevards. Essentially, the arcades were pedestrian passages between buildings--alleyways with iron and glass roofs over top of them. They were typically lined with shops and small restaurants, or tea rooms. The other even goes so far to describe the arcades as "the embryo of the suburban mall." Surprisingly, the arcades had been left behind, for the most part, when Benjamin was in Paris, Haussmann Boulevards having ripped through Paris to make room for new urban fantasies. Benjamin, however, was still a bit stuck on the old ones. He remains fixed on the "phantasmagoria" that exists in the arcades, and his criticism aims to bring awareness to his readers and "release them from the hold of manufactured states of mind," which are oftne proliferated by the architects of this age.

Muschamp, Herbert. "The Passages of Paris And of Benjamin's Mind." The New York Times. The New York Times, 16 Jan. 2000. Web. 10 Oct. 2016.

(http://parisadele.com/portfolio/passage-du-caire/)

Passage du Caire. Digital image. Paris Adele, n.d. Web. 10 Oct. 2016. http://parisadele.com/wp-content/uploads/strikingr/images/2920_Passage-du-Caire-facade-644x428.jpg.

Throughout our texts and even my own research and observations, two of most common influences on the built environment I've noticed are necessity and commerce. Like it says later on in the article, the arcades were constructed in order to prevent opera-goers from getting wet in the rain.Then, rather organically, shops began to populate the areas. According to the New York Times article, "at one time, more than 300 arcades punctuated the Paris cityscape." It's fairly clear that the success of the arcades meant that more and more appeared throughout the city of Paris.

Muschamp, Herbert. "The Passages of Paris And of Benjamin's Mind." The New York Times. The New York Times, 16 Jan. 2000. Web. 10 Oct. 2016.

The "physiognomy" or outward appearance of the arcades, as described by Beaudelaire, is unsuspecting and easily overlooked, much like the hidden places described in the NPR article about Atlas Obscura. Like the Time Square Hum, the arcades, a marvel of architecture and Parisian culture, blend in seamlessly with the environment. It serves as a reminder that, in the middle of the busy streets, "is this kind of little gem waiting for you if you're willing to sort of slow down, look around, listen and kind of start asking questions" as Thuras says in the article. This is much like the flaneurs that Beaudelaire himself described.

Shapiro, Ari. "'Atlas Obscura' Tour Of Manhattan Finds Hidden Wonders In A Well-Trodden Place." NPR. NPR, 20 Sept. 2016. Web. 10 Oct. 2016.

(http://en.parisinfo.com/paris-museum-monument/100264/Passage-des-Panoramas)

From the image and description of the Passage de Panoramas, it is clear that these arcades were, in "the embryo of suburban shopping malls," offering a wide variety attractions, and even restaurants.

Passage de Panorama. Digital image. Paris Tourist Office, n.d. Web. 10 Oct. 2016. http://en.parisinfo.com/var/otcp/sites/images/media/1.-photos/80.-photos-sugar/lieux-de-loisirs-et-de-culture/passage-des-panoramas-%7C-630x405-%7C-%C2%A9-otcp-marc-bertrand/10653601-1-fre-FR/Passage-des-Panoramas-%7C-630x405-%7C-%C2%A9-OTCP-Marc-Bertrand.jpg.

Muschamp, Herbert. "The Passages of Paris And of Benjamin's Mind." The New York Times. The New York Times, 16 Jan. 2000. Web. 10 Oct. 2016.

This is a good example of the use of public for the benefit of all, and it is the exact opposite of the the Yale Law Journal article we read. Instead of discriminating against a certain class of people by altering the physical environment, shop owners and even law enforcers allow their presence and gladly share the space. This exemplifies the diversity of the city and the overall accessibility of the arcades.

According to the Mohegan tribe's vision statement, they "walk as a single spirit on the Trail of Life" and they are "guided by thirteen generations past." This not only exemplifies the continuity of their traditions, but it also explains their intense sense of community--the tribe views itself as a single entity.

("Our Vision." The Mohegan Tribe. Web. 05 Sept. 2016.)

I wasn't sure what this term meant, so I looked up the definition. "Weft" is defined by Merriam-Webster as "the threads that run from side to side on a loom or in a woven fabric." ( "Weft." Merriam-Webster's Learner's Dictionary. Merriam-Webster, 2016. Merriam-Webster.com. Web. 06 Sept. 2016.)

This is a bit ironic, considering that newspaper, a widely recognized form of communication, does not function as expected. The basket does the talking, so to speak, while the newspaper becomes mundane and insignificant.

One of the four-domed medallions described by the author. It also as the symbol for the Mohegan tribe.

(Mohegan Tribe Logo. Digital image. The Mohegan Tribe. N.p., n.d. Web. 5 Sept. 2016.)

The lack of depth of the study of these and the decision to focus on the material aspects of the artifacts seems to reflect Western culture in that it is preoccupied with the outward beauty or immediate value of an item rather than its cultural significance or the messages that it could convey.

This makes me wonder how accurate a single translation or interpretation of a basket can be. How were the meanings of the symbols initially determined? I can only assume that the translations were passed on orally, but the article does not discuss how the author knows what the symbols represent, nor does she explore the history behind them.

This sense of community identity can be seen in western culture as well, in some areas more than in others. For example, urban areas that have large populations and a high density of people are generally more community oriented, as they lack personal space. This sense of community may no influence the creation of artifacts, but it can shape politics and even the built environment of the area.

Much like the dollhouses that Cooley describes in her article, these artifacts have a use that has been lost to time. While in the past dollhouses were used to teach young girls how to set up and manage a household, the baskets were used to communicate.

It seems fitting that these items, which initially seem mundane in nature, should be used to communicate and convey messages. The history and culture is literally woven into the basket this item of practical use, which I find very impressive.

Nicole Cooley's "Dollshouses Weren't Invented for Play" details the history of doll houses and their unexpected origins. The original purpose of dollhouses differs greatly from the understood use of the modern doll dollhouse--play. The first dollhouses served a purpose that was precisely opposite: show. Called "miniature houses," they were symbols of wealth and social status, or otherwise served as tools to teach young girls how to manage a household. After the industrial revolution, however, when dollhouses and miniatures were mass-produced, they became common toys and their image shifted dramatically. No longer were these structures and their contents viewed as indicators of wealth. They were simply playtoys.

With the advent of social media, dollhouses and miniatures have again begun to take on a new identity. Rather than being locked away in the parlors of large houses or the bedrooms of little girls, digital images shared across dozens of social media platforms have given these objects new life. Dollhouses and miniatures have come to represent a cultural era and can be enjoyed by millions worldwide. They are reflective of a maker movement that fosters a cultural identity and sense of community that was simply not present in the past.

Cooley, Nicole. "Dollhouses Weren't Invented for Play." The Atlantic. Atlantic Media Company, 22 July 2016. Web. 05 Sept. 2016.