homes

unhappy

Do they notnaturally become one great family, each man a brother unto each

None of the Butler slaves have ever been sold before, but have been on thesetwo plantations since they were born.

ismal Swamp,

negro speculators

revolvers and kindred delicacies

ough breed, slangy, profane and bearish,

hither

breakingup of an old family estate

Star-SpangledAmerica

chattels

Resettlement significantly alters the position the refugees occupy in theirsocial networks. In a country of resettlement, such as Australia, the notionof an elder can be problematic

The receiving society, through its institutional structureand the way it reacts to newcomers, has much more say in the outcomesof an integration process (Penninx, 2003)

Community recovery needed to address this fragmentation, and look atways to support the community to sustain its identity in a new and differentenvironment.

s the project progressed,it became obvious that, among the group, there was a shared desire toprotect and assert these identities in the face of resettlement challenges as

. Supporting the organic anddynamic processes (Ife, 2003, p. 4) of people coming together to achievecommon goals helps to restore meaning and purpose to their lives andinstills hope for the future

A more sustain-able initiative was the production of a regular community radio programme

. This pilot project sought to assess

This approach shares many parallels withSarig’s community resilience model discussed by Doron, which acknowl-edges the need to build strong coping mechanisms from within the commu-nity and identifies components of community resilience, includingbelonging, control, leadership, values and support systems

Investigación-Acción

Santos-Sopena, O. O. (2016). Interculturalidad y migración: la experiencia educativa y lingüística en el aprendizaje de español en rumanos. Revista Nebrija de Lingüística Aplicada, 10 (21), pp. 59-62. https://doi.org/10.26378/rnlael1021273 

Brady, I. K., Tomás Cámara,  D. y Sánchez Muñoz, A. R. (2019). El desarrollo de la competencia comunicativa e intercultural en lengua inglesa mediante un estudio de campo con residentes extranjeros en España. Docencia e Investigación, 30, pp. 33-54.

Multiliteraci

La respuesta se encuentra parcialmente en la juven-tud del Estado suizo, cuyo nacimiento resulta dificil dedatar más allá de 1813-1815 "sin el auxilio de ciertaprevaricación", como observa socarron.u:nente H~ghe~,44quien nos recuerda que la pnmera ciudadanía SUlz~verdadera, la introducción del sufragio (masculino) di-recto, y la abolición de las áreas "internas" de peajes yderechos de aduana fueron logros de la República Hel-vética creada forzadamente por la ocupación francesade 1798. Sólo en 1803 incluyó el Estado grupos impor-tantes que hablaban italiano con la adquisición de Tesi-no. Apenas en 1815 obtuvo las populosas áreas de ha-bla francesa de Valais, Ginebra y Neuchátel, quitándolasa una vengativa Santa Alianza antifrancesa, a cambio dela neutralidad y de una constitución muy conservadora."En efecto, la Suiza multilingüe de hoyes un producto deprincipios del siglo XIX:

Se reconoce en forma nomenos general que el papel de vanguardia de las inteUi-gentsias se debió a su instrucción bilingüe, o mejor di-cho a su instrucción y bilingüismo. El alfabetismo ha-cía posible ya la comunidad imaginada flotante en eltiempo homogéneo, vacío, a la que ya hemos hecho re-ferencia. El bilingüismo significaba acceso, por mediode la lengua de Estado europea, a la cultura occidentalmoderna en el sentido más amplio, y en particular alos modelos del nacionalismo, la nacionalidad y la na

En el periodo de 18()()..1850, de resultas de la obraprecursora de académicos nativos, se formaron tres len-guas literarias distintas en el norte de los Balcanes: elesloveno, el serbocroata y el búlgaro. En el decenio de1830 se creía generalmente que los "búlgaros" forma-ban parte de la misma nación que los serbios y loscroatas, y en efecto habían participado en el movimien-to ilirio, pero en 1878 surgía un Estado nacional búlgaroseparado. En el siglo XVIII apenas se toleraba el ucrania-no como lengua de campesinos. Pero en 1798 escribió(van Kotlarevsky su Aeneid, un poema satírico de la vidaucraniana que gozó de enorme popularidad. En 1804se fundó la Universidad de Jarkov y pronto se convirtióen el centro de un auge de la literatura ucraniana. En1819 apareció la primera gramática ucraniana, sólo 17años después de la gramática oficial rusa. Yen el dece-nio de 1830 aparecieron las obras de Taras Shevchen-ko, de quien dice Seton-Watson que "la formación deuna lengua 'literaria ucraniana aceptada le debe másque a cualquier otro individuo. El uso de esta lenguafue la etapa decisiva de la formación de una conciencianacional ucraniana"." Poco tiempo después, en 1846

Las autoridades soviencas lo Iml~ron, pnme-ro con el uso obligatorio antiislámico y anuperS3; del al-fabeto latino; luego, en los años treinta con Stalin, conel empleo obligatorio del alfabeto cirílico rusíficanre

Así pues, con un espíritu antropológico propongo ladefinición siguiente de la nación: una comunidad polítí-ca i~Ol.~C:(}!Do.¡tlJ:¡~rentemente limitada y soberana.

Conférence en Sorbonne, le 11 mars 1882

Ernest Renan

Une nation est donc une grande solidarité, constituée par le sentiment des sacrifices qu'on a faitset de ceux qu'on est disposé à faire encore. Elle suppose un passé; elle se résume pourtant dans leprésent par un fait tangible: le consentement, le désir clairement exprimé de continuer la viecommune.

Une nation est une âme, un principe spirituel. Deux choses qui, à vrai dire, n'en font qu'une,constituent cette âme, ce principe spirituel. L'une est dans le passé, l'autre dans le présent. L'uneest la possession en commun d'un riche legs de souvenirs; l'autre est le consentement actuel, ledésir de vivre ensemble, la volonté de continuer à faire valoir l'héritage qu'on a reçu indivis.

L'homme est tout dans la formation de cette chose sacrée qu'on appelle unpeuple. Rien de matériel n'y suffit. Une nation est un principe spirituel, résultant descomplications profondes de l'histoire, une famille spirituelle, non un groupe déterminé par laconfiguration du sol

La communauté des intérêts fait lestraités de commerce. Il y a dans la nationalité un côté de sentiment; elle est âme et corps à la fois

De nos jours, lasituation est parfaitement claire. Il n'y a plus de masses croyant d'une manière uniforme. Chacuncroit et pratique à sa guise, ce qu'il peut, comme il veut. Il n'y a plus de religion d'État; on peutêtre français, anglais, allemand, en étant catholique, protestant, israélite, en ne pratiquant aucunculte. La religion est devenue chose individuelle; elle regarde la conscience de chacun

N'abandonnons pas ceprincipe fondamental, que l'homme est un être raisonnable et moral, avant d'être parqué dans telleou telle langue, avant d'être un membre de telle ou telle race, un adhérent de telle ou telle culture.Avant la culture française, la culture allemande, la culture italienne, il y a la culture humaine

Leslangues sont des formations historiques, qui indiquent peu de choses sur le sang de ceux qui lesparlent, et qui, en tout cas, ne sauraient enchaîner la liberté humaine quand il s'agit de déterminerla famille avec laquelle on s'unit pour la vie et pour la mort.

Au contraire, la Suisse, si bien faite,puisqu'elle a été faite par l'assentiment de ses différentes parties, compte trois ou quatre langues. Ily a dans l'homme quelque chose de supérieur à la langue: c'est la volonté.

La race, comme nous l'entendons, nous autres, historiens, est donc quelquechose qui se fait et se défait. L'étude de la race est capitale pour le savant qui s'occupe de l'histoirede l'humanité. Elle n'a pas d'application en politique. La conscience instinctive qui a présidé à laconfection de la carte d'Europe n'a tenu aucun compte de la race, et les premières nations del'Europe sont des nations de sang essentiellement mélangé

La vérité est qu'il n'y a pas de race pure et que faire reposer la politique sur l'analyseethnographique, c'est la faire porter sur une chimère.

L'invasion des barbares fut, malgré les apparences, un pas de plus dans cette voie. Les découpuresde royaumes barbares n'ont rien d'ethnographique; elles sont réglées par la force ou le caprice desenvahisseur

À entendre certains théoriciens politiques, une nation est avant tout une dynastie, représentant uneancienne conquête, conquête acceptée d'abord, puis oubliée par la masse du peuple

Mais qu'est-ce donc qu'une nation ? Pourquoi la Hollande est-elle une nation, tandis que leHanovre ou le grand-duché de Parme n'en sont pas une ? Comment la France persiste-t-elle à êtreune nation, quand le principe qui l'a créée a disparu ? Comment la Suisse, qui a trois langues,deux religions, trois ou quatre races, est-elle une nation, quand la Toscane, par exemple, qui est sihomogène, n'en est pas une ? Pourquoi l'Autriche est-elle un État et non pas une nation ? En quoile principe des nationalités diffère-t-il du principe des races ?

La nation moderne est donc un résultat historique amené par une série de faits convergeant dans lemême sens

Orl'essence d'une nation est que tous les individus aient beaucoup de choses en commun, et aussique tous aient oublié bien des choses.

C'est l'invasion germanique qui introduisit dans le monde le principe qui,plus tard, a servi de base à l'existence des nationalités.

Les nations, entendues de cette manière, sont quelque chose d'assez nouveau dans l'histoire.

Les « traditions inventées » désignent un ensemble de pratiques de nature rituelle etsymbolique qui sont normalement gouvernées par des règles ouvertement ou tacitementacceptées et qui cherchent à inculquer certaines valeurs et normes de comportement parla répétition, ce qui implique automatiquement une continuité avec le passé. En fait, là oùc’est possible, elles tentent normalement d’établir une continuité avec un passéhistorique approprié.

O’Donnell, G. (1978). Apuntes para una teoríadel Estado. Revista Mexicana de Sociología.Vol. 40, Núm. 4: 1157-1199.

decir, Rusiaes una potencia central en términos geopolíti-cos y una semiperiferia económica, pero conenrome peso sistémico, con ciertos núcleostecnológicos ligados a la defensa de alto desa-rrollo y un enrome peso mundial en la energíay otras materias primas, sobre las que posee uncontrol soberano

a OTAN(ya convertida en una alianza expansionista),ingresaron 14 países a la organización: Repú-blica Checa, Hungría y Polonia en 1999; lospaíses bálticos Lituania, Estonia y Letonia,más Bulgaria, Rumanía, Eslovaquia y Eslo-venia en 2004; Croacia y Albania en 2009; yfinalmente Montenegro en 2017

El eterno obstáculo de esta tendenciahistórica de los últimos 200 años es Rusia.La zarista, la soviética y, ahora, la eurasianis-ta liderada por Vladimir Putin.

En el caso ucraniano, setrata de un país en donde se hablan idiomasdiferentes (aunque similares), existen ele-mentos culturales diferentes (rusos étnicosfrente a ucranianos étnicos, etcétera), peroque pertenecen una familia cultural comúny que comparten una historia troncal comúnque identifica al Rus de Kiev con el inicio deRusia y de Ucrania

Se identifica con una lengua co-mún, una historia común, ciertos valores yuna identidad común, de lo que se desprendeuna necesidad política común; a la vez que serelaciona con el hecho material de un mer-cado nacional. Sin embargo, estos elementospueden ser atributos de una nación, perono la definen en términos absolutos, sinoque varían según las situaciones

“La nación es elarco de solidaridades que une al “nosotros”definido por la común pertenencia al terri-torio acotado por un Estado” (O’Donnell,1978: 1190).

grupos ultrana-cionalistas anti-rusos

El obstáculo para esteprograma era la realidad política y económicadel sur y el este ucraniano, que se correspondecon el predominio cultural y lingüístico ruso,lo que impide al bloque liberal-nacionalista at-lantista construir una “nación” culturalmentehomogénea y “occidental”. Por lo tanto, bus-caron avanzar en una transformación étnica-cultural, buscando producir el proceso inversoal de la “rusificación” llevado adelante duranteel estalinismo en los años treinta

filo-ruso

febrero de 2014que Ucrania era un país fracturado y que for-zar su anexión a “Occidente

híbrida

Eurasia

la guerra en el Este de Ucraniacomo expresión de una nueva fase de la cri-sis del orden mundial (Merino, 2016),

La guerra en Ucrania, un conflicto mundial

No surprise then that the search was on, so to speak, for a new way of linking fraternity, power and time mean- ingfully together.

ssentially, I have been arguing that the very possibility of imagining the nation only arose historically when, and where, three fundamental cultural conceptions, all of great antiquity, lost their axiomatic grip on men’s minds.

The nation is imagined as limited because even the largest of them,encompassing perhaps a billion living human beings, has finite, if elastic,boundaries, beyond which lie other nations.

AllthatIcan findtosayisthataaexistswhenasignificantnuimberofpeopleinacommunityconsider themselvesformanation,orbehaveasiftheyformedone.

juxtaposed

nthiswayheimpliesthat‘true’communitiesexistwhichcanbeadvantageously juxtaposedtonations,Infact,allcommunitieslargerthanprimordialvillages offace-to-face contact(andperhapseekthese)areimagined.Communitiesaretobedistinguished, notbytheir falsity/genuineness,butbythe styleinwhichtheymeeima.gined.

nation:itisanimaginedpoliticalcommunity—andimaginedasbothinherentlylimited andsovereign.

the irremediableparticularity of its concrete manifestations, such that, by definition,‘Greek’ nationality is sui generis.

Rather, the first person to do so was the nineteenth-century historian and anti-quarian Joseph Tracy, who used Edwards's otherwise unexceptional words asthe title of his famous 1842 book, The Great Awakening. Tellingly, however,Tracy's creation did not find immediate favor among American historians

Although the call for a return to complete faith and the emphasis on the omnipotence of God can be seen as the very antithesis of Enlightenment thought, which called for a greater questioning of faith and a diminishing role for God in the daily affairs of humankind,

Aqui habla ingles ? Langue, pouvoir et identité

Despite the promise lesbian commitment rituals hold for facilitating per-sonal growth, affirmation, and even transformation, I believe it is important toconsider their limitations.

through their veneration of Biblical texts in the holy union cere-mony.

I would argue that the ritual succeeded increating feelings of solidarity, belonging, and communitas for LGBT and/orblack guests, particularly those who had been invited to the shower, becausethey were defined as ritual “insiders.” However, its effect was probably notequally constitutive of communitas for all guests, and may have actually madethose defined as ritual outsiders feel disconnected and left out.

communitas

For this lesbian couple, jumping the broom served as both an assertionof their racial identities and an allusion to the subversive nature of their ownself-marrying rite. It also heightened bonds of communitas for the couple’ssupporters by drawing symbolic boundaries between themselves and thosewho denied their ancestors and themselves the right to marry.

factitiv

Factitive order.Inadditiontosymbolizingorder,ritualcreatesthescaffold-ingthatenablesorganizationtoappear(Driver,1991). Thisconstitutiveaspectof ritualiswhatRappaport(

an organize the progression of same-sex re-lationships and reduce the anxiety that may inhere in the act of committingoneself to a life partnership.

I focused on aspects ofthe rites that informed the dominant scheme of ritual functionality-order, communitas,and transformation. A perspective of intersectionality (Collins, 1998) also informedthe analysis.

Compre-hensive field-notes were collected immediately upon exiting the field and weresupplemented and refined by continued questioning of and informal conversa-tion with church members and the lesbian couple for whom the shower andholy union were celebrate

Following Blumer (1969), Iemployed a symbolic interactionist perspectivein my fieldwork-I immersed myself in participants’ social reality and analyzedthe processes, communications, and practices in which they engaged.

Both members of the united couple were activeleaders in the congregation, and one was the congregation’s pastor.

Foundedin1997,thechurch wasaself-describedecumenicalChristiancongregationthatembracedonetriuneGod composedofthree“persons”—God,theParent-Creator;JesusChrist,SonofGod;andtheHolySpirit,Sustainer.

Theshowerandholyunionceremoniesanalyzedforthispaperweredrawnfromalargerethnographyofa65-memberLGBT-affirmingChristiancongrega-tionintheSouthconducted between August1998andSeptember2001.

questions.First,whywasaholyunionceremonyimportanttothiscou-ple,evenwhentheygainednotangiblesocialprivilegesorlegalrightsasare-sult?Second,whatritualsandsymbolsdidtheychoosetoincorporate,andhowdidthosewhoattendedexperiencetheseritualisticelements?Third,whatdotheir ritualpractices and narrativessuggestabouttheintersectionsofrace,sexuality,andreligiousritual?Andfinally, didthe ritualstheyemployedintheirholyunion challenge, reconstruct,orreproducesocialconventions?

inembargo, la creciente migración en Europa y la globalización en general estáncreando situaciones aún más complejas que exigirán, además de una óptima

En línea con los criterios establecidos en el Marco Común Europeo deReferencia para las Lenguas (MCER) (Consejo de Europa, 2001, 2017) y lasobservaciones realizadas por la Comisión Europea,

A total of 16 participants were interviewed, nine from the charity and sevenfrom the NHS. The nine men and seven women ranged from 20 to 65 years (mean37 years) and had lived in the UK for five months to 14 years (mean seven years)(see Table 1; for confidentiality, age and area of origin are provided in generalterms). All participants had attended, were currently attending, or were waiting fortreatment by mental health services. All participants were able to read and write inat least one language. Three further potential participants dropped out: one whorefused audiotaping, and two because of changes in circumstances.Using recommendations by Guest, Bunce and Johnson (2006) for selectingacross different groups of interest and adapted for homogenous groups, a sampleof 16 was considered sufficient for data saturation and diversity (Barbour, 2001).Purposive sampling aimed for broad recruitment in characteristics includinggender, age, time in the UK and status, including ‘‘negative cases’’ (Mays &Pope, 2000)

participants were interviewed inEnglish. Interview data were analysed using thematic analysis from a critical realist per-spective. Interviewees provided consistent accounts of their efforts to learn English,integrated into often unsettled and difficult lives. T

Language standardisation, initially generated for literary reasons, then serves, through the precisionand predictability that codified norms allow, the practical tasks of running state apparatuses.

But nations which construe themselves as pluralist, accommodating to diversity,imagining it as a resource in a globalising and multipolar world, are a recent innovation. The statehas traditionally been either neutral or neglectful of popular multilingualism.

These intra-language tensionsaccompany inter-language tensions which result from the practical collapse of the goal of nation-state language policy which sought to enshrine single national standard languages as emblems ofdistinctiveness and national cultural identit

A linguistic consequence of this is intra-lingual diversification and cultural tension. As Englishassumes the function of lingua mundi (Jernudd 1992), absorbing the lingua franca role of otherinternational languages, a complex dynamic of cultural politics emerges (Pennycook 1994).

. At no point, however, did women's political participationlead to the emergence of special women's issues or to an alteration intheir legal statu

When the war was o

al liability rather than a political a

"worth fifty poun

rd. In 1

It is believed that the commercialValentine cards were first mass produced in theUnited States by Esther Howland in Massachusettsaround 1840s. As reported by the U.S. Greeting CardAssociation, approximately 190 million valentinesare sent each year in the U.S., and about one billionValentine’s cards are sent annually around the world;it is, in fact, the second largest card-sending holidayafter Christmas. In addition to the old fashion way ofmailing the valentine cards, millions of e-valentineshave been sent, literally creating a new tradition ofexpressing love

ll aspects of these loyalist migrations

he hardest consideration was what to do about the property losses,from vast estates to humble oxcarts, that nearly every loyalist refugeehad sustaine

LOYALISTS IN THE BRITISH EMPIRE 211they actually conform to the new metropolitan ideas of colonial subjecthood? As migrants from one part of the British Empire to others?athome neither in the United States nor for the most part in Britain?loyalist refugees constitute an especially intriguing group through which tothink about the meanings of imperial belonging. By explicitly affiliatingthemselves with Britain, they help illuminate a defining peculiarity ofBritishness: its unusually portable and flexible quality. The loyalists, likemillions of imperial subjects well into the twentieth century, laid claimto being British though they did not live within the British nation-state.This is why Bailey's heart swelled when he saw the British flags inHalifax harbor. But what did loyalists mean and expect by associatingthemselves with the empire and how did the British respond? Looking atloyalists suggests that, though the 1780s marked a decided refashioningof the empire's extent, population, and self-image, the decade also laidthe groundwork for persistent tensions within that empire. Enduringcontests about how far to incorporate and how far to assimilate, aboutwho did and did not count as British and how to make such a determination would inflect conceptions of British subjecthood and imperialgovernance for at least a century to come.Following the loyalists into the British Empire affords the chance toconsider how Britain coped with thismass migration and how successfulitwas at accommodating different types of refugees

t the same time, loyalist migrants help shed new light on an oldquestion in British imperial historiogr

Jacobites:

e in fortymembers

ut hehad also "landed in a strange country, destitute of money, clothing,dwelling or furniture," and his future was in the hands of chan

oyalists in the British Empir

Maya Jasanof

Compton's Cafeteria riot: a historic act of trans resistance, three years before Stonewall

Unsure of what to do with the theater-like space in the third room, Phil allowed the MCC mission to use it for worship for several months

This detailed account of the early years of the political movement for LGBT rights—1969 to 1980—includes a chapter on the beginnings of MCC and how Troy Perry and other MCC leaders responded to the Upstairs Lounge tragedy.

MCC congregations and gay communities in cities all around the U.S

The presence of national gay activists and leaders--Troy Perry, Morris Kight, Paul Breton, John Gill and Morty Manford--was critically important. I

Metropolitan Community Church first congregation was founded in Los Angelesby a charismatic Rev. Troy Perry in 1968, a time whenChristian attitudes towardhomosexuality were almost universally negative

Compton’s Cafeteria in San Francisco’sTenderloin district in 1966.Compton’s Cafeteria was one of the few places transgender people met. Becausethey were not welcomed at gay bars, and cross-dressing was considered illegal,police would raid the Cafeteria. The riot started when a police officer attemptedto arrest a transgendered woman after management called the police to reportwhat was perceived to be a rowdy crowd. The woman threw coffee in theofficer’s face sparking a riot that became a turning point for the lesbian, gay,bisexual, transgender (LGBT) movemen

First understand that 1960ies

n Sunday, April 18, 1971, Rev. David Solomon conducted an OrganizationalMeeting of “METROPOLITAN COMMUNITY CHURCH” ( MCC ) at the First UnitarianChurch at 1800 Jefferson Avenue, N.O., Louisiana, with a handful of people of theLGBT community who were interested in starting an MCC in New Orleans

MCC was founded by Rev. Troy Perry in 1968. Our first church was established in Los Angeles, CA and that church is now called“Founders Metropolitan Community Church.”

know them

Begbie’s bombast, in which Sodom