(Gil and Ortega 2016; Risam and Gil 2022)

are ‘any legal and ethical considerations of collecting the data’ (p. 56) raises the possibility of discussing the ethics of over-producing data that need energy and resources to be stored. Similarly, answers to the question ‘How long will the data be stored for and why?’ (p. 56) might reasonably balance long-term preservation of research outputs with the imperative to reduce the proliferation of data on public facing services that are unused for long periods

and to consider and explain the benefits of using refurbished devices if appropriate.

Where there is no dedicated section to do so, other sections (such as Justification of Resources and Data Management Plan) can be used as a workaround.

The desire for precise data can sometimes be counterproductive.

It is not our responsibility, nor our priority, to directly measure the carbon impact of our research. Often we won’t even need to make precise estimates. However, we do all urgently need to develop a degree of carbon literacy, and carrying out footprinting exercises can be one great way to learn.

can have its own implications for equity and justice.

The timescale is tight, so projects already underway should also review their climate impacts (if this was not done at the application stage).

wir

zunächst

modellieren prägt

als

Sprache (lang:*)

dt. Namensform, nur lat. Basiszeichen

aus den mittelalterlichen Quellen zusammengetragen

Roxane Farmanfarmaian, Ali Sonay und Murat Akser: “Turkish Media Structure in Judicial and Political Context: An Illustration of Values and Status Negotiation“ in Media and Politics in the Southern Mediterranean: Communicating Power in Transition after 2011, herausgegeben von Roxane Farmanfarmaian. London: Routledge 2021, S. 35-50.  “Local Media in Turkey: The Growth of Islamic Networks in Konya's Radio Landscape”, in Media and Politics in the Southern Mediterranean: Communicating Power in Transition after 2011, herausgegeben von Roxane Farmanfarmaian. London: Routledge 2021, S. 235-250. “Radio and Political Change: Listening in Contemporary Morocco”, in Media and Politics in the Southern Mediterranean: Communicating Power in Transition after 2011, herausgegeben von Roxane Farmanfarmaian. London: Routledge, 2021, S. 351-372.

{>>research questions are still missing<<}

One could argue that, within genre boundaries, the number of texts is less significant for the relative importance of an author than the total length of all texts by a single author.

this paper

hypothes.is click here

Sample of food riots and the elements

Sample of food riots in Bilād al-Shām {#tbl:food-riots}

C.f. {Goering 1878b@501-22; VonSüdenhorst 1873@23-26; Richards 1901g}

genealogy

Scholars also observed that and tried to explain why “Initiators of the [early modern] riots were, very often, the women”,22 with arguments ranging from an almost natural disposal towards mutiny, to being more involved in face-to-face marketing, to women being regarded as the embodiment of disorder, which in turn caused men to dress up as women in a symbolic performance.23 After the original disappearance of food riots and the exclusion of women from the emerging public sphere of formal politics, female food riots resurfaced in industrial societies of the twentieth century.2

Faced with the new model of a market economy, the crowds called on the authorities to obey the “paternalist model”, or the “moral economy of provision” of old, in which market inspectors would supervise the direct marketing from the rural producers to the urban consumers and enforce the “just price”.

After an introduction into the overall argument, the first part of this paper focusses on price data and potential correlation with food riots.

“politics of notables”.

Why did the protestors opt for this particular form of contentious action even though it proved ultimately unsuccessful and why did they not violently take the food available in the market?