mber 2001, Bush warned thatthe military to fa

American armed forces have an irdence

ht

eq

Bush is certainly not alone in draw-ing oversimplified lessons from a rationalized program of mass extermination; to acertain degree, he merely gave the latest voice to what some diplomatic historiansrefer to as the "Nuremburg Consensus," which casts Germany and Japan as the loneaggressors during the Second World War. Yet by implying, among other things, thatthe United States entered the war on behalf of European Jews, Bush repeated a per-vasive tendency to Americanize the meaning of the Holocaust, offering it a key rolein the confirmation of the nations historic destiny.2

to the end-lessly scrolling campaign against terrorism -

he 1980s, for instance, the metaphor-ical uses of World War II were expansive and deeply contentious, including raciallycharged characterizations of the "trade war" with Japan or the "drug war" in Centraland South America, antifeminist comparisons between abortion and the Holocaust(including Rush Limbaugh's oft-cited "femi-Nazi" formulation), and similar formu-lations by gay activists who tethered the AIDS epidemic to the legacy

n the midst of a perpetua

that legitimate the present as theinevitable outcome of the pa

pe; for

tical functions, and sopoint and perhaps locating "better"what those analogies se

ainst th

ce 1999 , George W. Bush has consistently evoked the legacy of the "greatest genera-tion" Moreover ; since September 11, 2001 , Bush's use of World War II analogies haintensified. Such analogies capitalize on post-Cold War historical memory and lendcredibility to the war on terrorism, yet they characterize the world in a simple, dualis-tic fashion that evades a critical engagement

The camera, as JohnTagg reminds us, ‘is never neutral’: it has worked since its invention tonaturalise hierarchies of age, class, gender, ability and race.2

still maintained an element of the conservatism and desire for con-trol that also defined Guiding’s ideals: ‘some otherwise excellent studieshad to be rejected’, an announcement in The Guide magazine n

Guide periodicals also regularly advised girls about the move-ment’s photography contests,

mperial Guideheadquarters,

se film to represent themselves and their surroundings.

ntent: I want to think about the kindsof evidence available to scholars of colonialism and girlhood, and aboutthe ways in which these bodies of evidence (especially the non-textualones) may be understood. The chapter wi

I found that girls and women of colour were oftendiscussed as abstract representations of the global value and emancipa-tory potential of Guide work, y

go on reading your sources until you hear voices, then write a deeply humanstory about your historical subjects. Readers want to learn about real people, making realchoices, in real circumstances. Make your actors complex and multi-dimensional

ng tip no. 5 embodiment. Anytime you can make an idea or a concept come alive througha person or an event, do it. Making your reader see your argument through vivid, concretehuman thought and action is much more powerful, convincing, and memorable than a dryabstraction

nconscious mind does a stunning job of sorting things out.

time

istory papers must demonstrate changeover time

Check sentences for repetition. You don’t want to use identical verbs or phrasings insentences that directly follow one another. Vary word choices wherever possible

onclusion are about the significance of what you have written.

rather builds abridge between it, the thesis

include the thesis of the paper in one form oranother.

All papers must have an opening “hook” – either a quote, anecdote or parado

y

aximum of three lines.

Each of these passages has faults of its own, but, quite apart from avoidable ugliness, two qualities are common to all of them. The first is staleness of imagery; the other is lack of precision. The writer either has a meaning and cannot express it, or he inadvertently says something else, or he is almost indifferent as to whether his words mean anything or not. This mixture of vagueness and sheer incompeten

— I could have quoted far worse if I had chosen —

Underneath this lies the half-conscious belief that language is a natural growth and not an instrument which we shape for our own purposes.

formal distinction,made increasingly rigid through the later middle ages, between sancti and beati.

By reading this relationship, Vauchez expounded theways in which Rome controlled�or at least attempted to control�the practices ofwestern Christianity. Thus he persuasively elucidated the experiences of lay Christiansthrough sources produced by clerics. But laypeople themselves (with the notableexception of those who became saints) always remained off center stage. Such, it wouldseem, is the fate of any study�or any careful study�based on hagiographic sources

The book is a systematicexamination of the records of the formal processes initiated for the canonization of saintsbetween 1198 and 1431.

Whereas in history, our peopledidn't punish children like that. But as time went on, the people thatwent to residential school before my time picked up those kinds ofpunishing kinds of techniq

Still today,I find that our people, when they 8o to church, the women go to oneside and the men 80 to one side in the building

The boys had chores to do, working outside. So it really wasn't alearning institution. It

And that's a long time for a child tlat had never.been away

I never saw custard before in my life. I don't know whatkind of custard it vJas. But when you force someone to eat somethingthey've never tasted - an

st sexual parallel

t does not, especially toward the end of the film. You can only watch so much footage of a man crouched behind a barrier, pinned down by sniper fire, before the situation turns into a cinematic cliche.

rust us’,the symbolism reassures followers. ‘We are still republicans. Stay with us through thesechallenging times.

Agents of the state, in particular, ‘have acentral role and special weight because of their power in relation to establishing anddeveloping an “official history/memory”

‘Asymmetries of power in society mean that some groups insociety are better positioned than others to articulate and impose their preferred inter-pretation of the past’

It is the need for current meaningand identity which creates the symbol or the ritual, not the symbol or ritual which ofitself automatically engenders meaning

great care must betaken. To understand how groups and societies process their relationship with the past,it is necessary to move beyond metaphor or analogy into the study of social or col-lective memory.

the unprocessed imprints – are more vivid and intense than what he sees inthe present’

hey further popularized the view that the Irish, and especially thenationalist working class in the North, were locked into myths whose consequenceswere murderous. And if

What academic elites remember is per-missible memory; for the rest of us, only distorted memory is available.

rish, and especially republicans, could not win; either they were manipulating anddistorting historical memory for their own ideological ends, or they were trapped inmyths which drove them to violence (Dawson, 2007: 38).

The revisionists in effectshared that state’s view of itself as a neutral arbiter between the warring Irish factions

“My cookies sold out in minutes!” she said.

“[Rossland] has attracted so many creative people and artists who have tried to cram micro-studios into their already tiny houses,” she said.

“Shout out to women!” she exclaimed before launching into an improvised instrumental piece

In another corner of the park, a cenotaph had been repurposed for an impromptu skate jam.

had set up their wares across two picnic tables

Children eagerly lined up for face painting stations, businesses and organizations such as Librarie Racines—a Black-owned bookstore–established their presence at individual booths.

Butcher, Le Roi. 1971. “The Anderson Affair.” In Let the Niggers Burn: The Sir George Williams University Affair and its Caribbean Aftermath, edited by David Forsythe, 76–110. Montreal: Black Rose Books. Google Scholar

Abraham 2021

e, I had a political history and a conviction which was “Misdemeanour – Illegal occupation of the computer centre at Sir George University.” T

I used to travel to the US a lot. After the trial, I often couldn't get across the border. I would get stopped all the time; I believe my name was on an “undesirable” list. At the time, I used to work with an international land development company with

e had a jury trial, but we did not achieve a not-guilty verdict as we should have. I

Most of the foreign students were represented by their countries’ consulates, and after the first trial, they pleaded guilty, were fined, and had to leave Canada.15 M

Well, I was certainly on the list that the RCMP and police departments kept of the “usual suspects” that they would call “revolutionaries,” “agitators,” or “radicals.” Anytime there w

re was. For instance, we went to Halifax on more than one occasion. Halifax was like the Southern United States with more Black people who were discriminated against, and many were living in very poor conditions, and everybody knew it. C

We felt it was deliberate. Because if you're a student, you don't have any money, how are you going to live when you have no job and now you can't go back to school? Because you are banned from the university, and you have to live for six months before you go back to court again. This went on for years.

was not a riot, it was a protest that the police came in and disturbed. S

After we were arraigned and charged, nobody was given bail for days. The men were in the men's jail and the women were in the women's jail. And when the bail finally got set, i

People like me stayed behind to clean up the computer centre before we left. But I believe it was part of their strategy, because had we not thought that it was over, there would have been more like three hundred students arrested as opposed to ninety-seven.

sit-ins were very common at universities. The

ssues were not being dealt with seriously by the university. Once I knew about the sit-in, I familiarized myself with the facts and started interacting with the other students involved and by then the sit-in was starting to grow larger

After a mostly peaceful protest, police were called on the morning of February 11, 1969, and the students were arrested and jailed. After formal charges, they were hauled before the courts in lengthy legal trials that f

ack Voice (May 1972 to October 1974). These groups andinstitutions made critical contributions to the social development and quality oflife of black Montrealers and Canadians at a crucial stage in the community'sevolution. And in so doing, they also m

central figure in the organizing of theactivities of the Caribbean Conference Committee and the Congress of BlackWriters, by 1969 he was a seasoned political activist who had established ties withStokely Carmichael and other prominent black political leaders in the UnitedStates and across Canada. A

als. He accused the students of momentarilytransforming "radical politics into a pseudo-Freudian passion play in which eachparticipant could become his own hero, martyr,

many ways, this shift in consciousness was symbolized by thesupplanting of "Negro" and "Colored" with "Black," although many among theolder generation obstinately refused to identify with the word "Bla

n the l

he Canadian public could no longer turn a blind eyeto the ugly face of racism in Canada because it had been placed right on theirdoorstep.

s the Sir George Williams Affair, more than any other single event,that illustrated the militancy of the black Canadians in the face of white racism

Some of the students were forced to return to the Caribbean indisgrace in the eyes of family members, and without their coveted degrees.Others lost job prospects in Canada and faced insults from bewildered and angrywhite Canadian

dia and general public seemed to be moreconcerned with the fact that the university's computers had been destroyed thanwith the impact of the incident on the students.74 While the students would betried and punished for damaging the university's property, neither the professornor the university, Hector lament

ety-seven people had been arrested fortheir roles in the Sir George Williams Affair, forty-two of whom were black.73 Agreat deal has been made of the damage to the university's pr

firmed. Some among the crowd outside began the incendiary chantof "Let the Niggers Burn!

n a large crowd had gatheredoutside the Sir George Williams Hall Building. For weeks, the general public hadbeen saturated by the media with the idea that the protesters were rabble-rousers,violent communists, or Maoist agents.71

me of the protesters fire-hosed the police as they tried to enter thecomputer room.

pread that a putative settlement had been reached between theadministration and the students, they finished cleaning up the computer centerand began trickling out.69 It was only when the police stormed the computerroom that the hapless remaining occupants realized that no form

with the university administration, insisting that their complaint be addressed.As discussions between the students and university officials floundered, thestudents decided to up the ante of their grievance. Following an impromptu rallyon 29 January 1969, over 20

ing among the students wasthat the complaint was not being taken seriously.66 Several of the complainantsand eventual protesters at Sir George had either attended the e

protest itself began the previous year whenseveral students, most of whom were black (along with Asians) lodged acomplaint to the university administration against Perry Anderso

duced to a dismissivefootnote at the end of the book where Winks describes the event as a"thoughtless, needless, and frustrated destruction of the twentieth century'ssymbol of quantification, the ultimate equality?Sir George WilliamsUniversity's computer centre," before casually adding that the event "set offextensive Black Power rioting in Trinidad."

n Quebec the French Canadians are not subject tothis irrational racism that has done so much wrong to the workers, white andblack, of the United States. They can take no credit for that, since in Quebecthere is no 'black problem

side from the McGill Daily which,along with Quartier Latin of the Universit? de Montr?al, was one of theexemplary student papers of that era, Walter Rodney lamented the fact that thepress was primarily concerned with reporting on "nice little juicy bits aboutviolence" and failed to recognize the historic significance of this internationalgathering on Canadian soil.44

t "modern whiteoppression ... has always sought to justify its oppressive control over the otherraces by resorting to arrogant claims of inherent superiority, and attempting todenigrate the cultural and historical achievements of the oppressed peoples."

Rosie Douglas of Dominica, a founding member of the CCC, who addressedthe issue of racism in Canada.2

gave birth to what may rightly be termed a Canadiandimension of the evolving "Black Radical Tradition" that political scientist CedricJ. Robinson describes as being rooted in the history of black resistance and "anaccretion, over generations, of collective intelligence gathered from struggle

George Lamming had the following remarks ofpraise for the Conference Committe

idea of going back home to "make a contribution" towards building postcolonial Caribbean societies. It was with this goal in mind that a small group ofCaribbean women and men?among them Robert Hill, Anthony Hill, AlvinJohnson, Hugh O'Neile, Rosie Douglas, Anne Cools, Franklyn Harvey, and AlfieRoberts?came together in Montreal in 1965 to form the Conference Committeeon West Indian Affairs, or the Caribbean Conference Committee (CCC

ressured the Canadian government to retract its "climateunsuitability" clau

They represented the familiar circle of kin, neighbours and friends: acelebration of identity

cu

s rammed into his rectum with a stick. Women were gang-raped by the guards. Peopl

Japan as former militaryviolence and Japan as postwar economic and cultural desire.

odyguards of the Last Governor belongs to the Hong Kong cinemagenre that is replete with crass inside jokes, political satire, and local refer-ences. The anti-Japanese scene described above, however, poignantly re-veals the duality of “Japan” in postwar East Asia:

Some students of colonialism are rereadingthose archives and doing oral histories with people who lived those archivedevents to comment on colonial narratives of them.

tted her memories of the war, and her c

Confederacy is 5,000,000, and, therefore, to fill up the ranks of the proposed army, 600,000, about ten per cent of the entire white population, will be required. In any other country than our own such a draft could not be met, but the Southern states can furnish that number of men, and still not le

? If all labor, black as well as white, became free -were given schools and the right to vote -what control could or should be set to the power and action of these laborers? Was the rule of the mass of Americans to be unlimited, and the right to rule extended to all men regardless of race and color, or if not, what power of dictatorship and control; and how would property and privilege be protected? This was the great and primary question which was in the minds of the men who wrote the Constitution of the United States and continued in the minds of thinkers down through the slavery controversy

he system of slavery demanded a special police force and such a force was made possible and unusually effective by the presence of the poor whites. This explains the difference between the slave revolts in the West Indies, and the lack of effective revolt in the Southern United States. In the West Indies, the power over the slave was held by the whites and carried out by them and such Negroes as they could trust. In the South, on the other hand, the great planters formed proportionately quite as small a class but they had singularly enough at their command some five million poor whites; that is, there were actually more white people to police the slaves than there were slaves. Considering the economic ri

specially where authority must be sometimes delegated by the planter to agents of inferior education and coarser

It was in part psychological, the enforced personal feeling of inferiority, the calling of another Master; the standing with hat

d and undermined it. He must not be. He must be suppressed, enslaved, colonized. And nothing so bad could be said about him that did not easily appear as true to slaveholders.]

[Again in 1716, Jews and Negroes, who had been voting, were expressly excluded. In Georgia, there was at first no color discrimination, although only owners of fifty acres of land could vote. In 1761, voting was expressly confined to white me

Black labor became the foundation stone not only of the Southern social structure, but of Northern manufacture and commerce, of the English factory system, of European commerce, of buying and selling on a world-wide scale; new cities were built on the results of black labor, and a new labor problem, involving all white labor, arose both in Europe and America.

First

and to appease the moral sense of civilization

two points of view, so obvious to Americans, and then without further ado, I am assuming the truth of the first. In fine, I am going to tell this story as though Negroes were ordinary human beings, realizing that this attitude will from the first seriously curtail my audience.

bout the impact and life of somebody like John A. Macdonald, but rather that we began thinking about the impact of his policies and decisions from a broader and more diverse range of perspectiv

Ultimately, debates around Macdonald’s legacy and genocide have been driven primarily (but not entirely) by forces outside of the academy, primarily – in this case – by conservative critics as well as Indigenous activists, scholars, communities, nations, and their allies.

work

ertrude Stein would write, differently, via itself asrepetition -like a copy or perhaps more like a ritual- as an echo in the ears of a confidante, an audiencemember, a witness.

Whether that ritual repetition is the attendance todocuments in the library (the acts of acquisition,the acts of reading, writing, education) or thefamily oral tales of lineage (think of the AfricanAmerican descendents of Thomas Jefferson), orthe myriad traumatic re-enactments engaged inboth consciously and unconsciously, we refigure'history onto body-to-body transmission. In linewith this configuration performance does notdisappear, but remains as ritual act- ritual actswhich, by occlusion and inclusion, script disap-pearance. We are reading, then, our performativerelations to documents and to documents' ritualstatus as performatives within a culture that privi-leges object remains. We are reading, then, thedocument as performative act, and as site ofperforman

Indeed performance in this light can be figuredas both the act of remaining and a means of appear-ance.

undo anunderstanding of performance as remaining

'radically new kinds ofarchives, of which the most characteristic are oralarchives'

It isarguably foreign to practices in popular culture,such as the practices of American Civil Warre-enactors who, often motivated by a distrust ofdocuments, consider performance as precisely away of keeping memory alive - making sure it doesnot disappear.

ebased if notdownright feared as destructive of the pristineideality of all things marked 'original

eclaring that thepractices of'body to body transmission', such asdance and gesture, meant that 'you lose a lot ofhistory'. Such statements assume that memorycannot be housed in a body and remain, and thusthat oral storytelling, live recitation, repeatedgesture, and ritual enactment are not practices oftelling or writing history.

And yet, in privileging anunderstanding of performance as a refusal toremain, do we ignore other ways of knowing, othermodes of remembering, that might be situatedprecisely in the ways in which performanceremains, but remains differently

erformance can rupture the ocularhegemony

rmance cannot reside in its materialtraces, and therefore it 'disappears'

ogic of the archive, perform-ance is that which does not remain

If we consider performance as a process of dis-appearance, of an ephemerality read as vanishment(versus material remains), are we limiting ourselvesto an understanding of performance predeterminedby our cultural habituation to the logic of thearchive?

performance

archive

Remains

Flesh, that slippery feminine subcutaneousness, isthe tyranny and oily, invisible-inked signature of theliving.

As theories of trauma and repetition mightalso instruct us, it is not presence that appears inperformance but precisely the missed encounter-the reverberations of the overlooked, the missed,the repressed, the seemingly forgotten. Taken fromthis perspective, performance does not disappearthough its remains are immaterial- the set of actsand spectral meanings which haunt material inconstant collective interaction, in constellation

Performance

sang

were sponsoring groups of Opera performers to go perform in Chinatowns across North America.

to hear her voice over the dramatic Chinese music. It felt shocking to my English-speaking ears. 

or Jacqueline i

But this is also a book about minstrels, or more generally, about pop-ular culture. It was through the minstrel show and popular music thatLavallée found opportunities to see the world and attain a degree offame, if not fortune. It is through the minstrel show paper trail – adver-tisements, reviews, and published songs – that we track his movementsas a travelling music director. Details about the performances he led re-veal much of the changing social landscape of the 1860s and 187

At the same time, he remains active within theFrench-Canadian community in New England, composing occasionalpieces and organizing concerts to raise funds for Catholic charities, forpro-annexation organizations, and for the family of Louis Riel

ean-Baptiste. Not long after this event, he once again left for the UnitedStates, this time with no intention of returnin

erformed, taught, and lobbied thegovernment on behalf of the arts.

pposition to Confederation lefthim with a difficult decision after it was approved by a vote in the legis-lature in March 1865.

Blackening his face

s. It was, in sum, an exercisein nation building that was without precedent in Canada.

by the police

e word at the end of a poetic line should bear the weight of imaginative or musical scrutiny. The end word of a line is highly visible and audible. Never end lines on weak words unless there is a strong expressive necessity. The end words—rhymed or unrhymed—should generate energy for the poem.

overall formal power of the poem cannot be achieved if lineation is done carelessly.

t is one reason that poetry can be quoted with such advantage.

ndividual line is the microcosm of the total poe

Filling out a pattern is not sufficient justification for a line of verse.

Each poetic line has two complementary obligations—to work well within the total pattern of the poem, and to embody in itself the power of poetic language. The successful poem does not merely balance those differing obligations; it uses them as partners in a seamless dance. Unless they dance, there isn’t poetry, only versified language.

pressive value of all disruptions should be greater than the loss of momentum and the breaking of the pattern’s spell.

ine length should be consistent within a poem

eate a gentle hypnotic state that lowers the listener’s resistance and heightens attention.

establish a rhythm of expectation that heightens the listener’s attention and apprehension

ntuitively

There should be a reason why every line ends where it does. Line breaks are not neutral

each passive detail weakens the overall force of the poe

Denis

Crippled

allows the reader to share more intimately theexperience that is being articulated; and by introducing an a-logicalcounter-rhythm into the logical rhythm of syntax it cause

e line-break records? If readers will think of their own speech, or their silent innermonologue, when describing thoughts, feelings, perceptions, scenesor events, they will, I think, recognize that they frequentlyhesitate?albeit very briefly?as if with an unspoken question,?a'what?' or a 'who?' or a khow?'?before nouns, a

ncorporates and reveals the process of thinking/feeling, feeling/thinking, rather than focusing more exclusively on itsresults ; and in so doing it explores (or can explore) human experience in a way that is not wholly new but is (or can be) valuable in itssubtle difference of appro

ess pronounced

The closed, contained quality of such forms has less relation to the relativistic sense of lifewhich unavoidably prevails in the late 20th century than modes thatare more exploratory, more open-ended.

t semi-professional hockey leagues like t

Montreal is without question the capital of Canada's boxing and combat sports scene. Even before New Brunswick's Yvon Durelle waged a historic war with Archie Moore at the Montreal Forum in 1959, prizefighting and professional wrestling had long found a home in Quebecois society

According to Yvon Michel, Montreal is a city that supports all sporting events. Montreal’s athletes are seen as celebrities and boxing matches are seen as social events.

The four AM cries of my son worm through the double foam of earplugs and diazepam.

m and dia

e of enjambment allows him to dole out information bit by bit, heightening readers’ curiosity and the drama hidden inside a

subtle kind of mystery or anxiety, a

e enjambed, meaning they don’t end with punctuation or can’t be understood independently on their own

est way to approach the many ways poetic line can operate is to first examine how poets actually use it.

“prose is printed (or written) within the confines of margins, while poetry is written in lines that do not necessarily pay any attention to the margins, especially the right margin.

Why does a person or community members remember the past in a particular way?

some can only be shared in certain seasons of the year;

xplaining that oral historians and archives do not have any special legal privileges or protections to withhold information about criminal activity. In the event of a subpoena, the institution would be obligated to turn over any records or information in its possession.

onsiderations should also include how oral history projects operate not only to preserve history but as a working tool for aiding community efforts for social justice.

Decisions regarding preservation and archiving practices occur before the interview.

While interviewers may wish to highlight or focus on a particular subject matter, the incorrect structuring of the log outline might mislead the researcher about narrator’s point, focus, or intent.

Though these materials are normally considered confidential and the possession of the interviewer, they ignore how the interviewer might act to usurp or ignore the narrator’s own understanding of themselves and what they say. Narrators should receive a copy of audio, transcript, associated notes, time log, and proposed index to allow for clarification, challenge, and alteration to incorrect or unclear information or perspectives.

Narrators and oral history project participants should be informed of participating funding entities involved in projects.

However, it’s also important to recognize that not all communities view the consent process, particularly the utilization of forms, as acceptable format for establishing agreement or partnership. I

e seek narrators not from the idea that their stories must be included in the historical record, but that the paradigms that excluded them in the first place are challenged and reshaped as a result

SJTF sees accountability as a protective pre-measure

What does it mean to stop avoiding how oral history work is politica

Unfortunately, historians andother researchers have no choice but to accept the historical facts oflife. Thus, it is the objective conditions of life to determine whichhistorical facts are important (in demand) and which are left inobscurity

The reason I would choose my birthplace as a field ofstudy is not only my personal interest, but the objective historicalfact that I have a comparative advantage in doing research in myarea, including lower opportunity material costs. Historians mustface the objective historical fact of a budget constraint for theirresearch. Historical facts are objectively produced at a materialcost. Historians are not free to choose: facts are not a free good

Someone (a historian who echoed Carr’s argument) asked mewhat was so important about my area that it deserved a historicalanalysis. My response was that the importance of the area is that Iwas born there. Thus, I created a demand and “paid” historians toinvestigate the history of Akarnania

History is what historians do and whatthey do is to determine what is historical and what is not. Historicalfacts are only one facet of it