It commeth nowe so to passe that by the greate endevo' of the increase of the trade of wolles in Spaine and in the west Indies nowe daily more and more multiplienge, That the wolles of England and the clothe made of the same, will become base,

yeldeth and may be made to yelde all the severall com-modities of Europ

rom Florida to the Circle articke, is more lawfull and righte then the Spaniardes or any other Christian Princes

. That the Spaniardes have executed most outragious and more then Turkishe8 cruelties in all the west Indies,

nothinge so large as ys generally ymagined and surmised, neither those partes which he holdeth be of any such forces as ys falsly geven oute by the popishe6

Silver that the Spanish brought back from their explorations. English promoters often noted that the Spanish had profited handsomely from their overseas ventures, and they argued that these profits strengthened the forces of the Catholic Church.

wantes of all our decayed trades.

amongest whome her macie2 ys principall

love constitutional institutions and believe that any reasonable individual would too. But can they be introduced indiscriminately to all peoples? They are, after all, surely not all equally ready to adopt them.

ot yet devised any practical way of reducing the nobility’s powers over their ‘actual slaves, the enserfed peasantry,

Arakcheev, for example, is far more of a despot than Alexander.

England’s long and tortuous path towards the same goal,

by bringing Alexander popularity unmatched either before or after it, the victory of 1812 provided the Russian ruling elite with just the impetus required to set Russia on a new course.

allowing landowners to demand that the government purchase serfs and land atprices specified for each province, through the issuing of assignats or bonds

like Storch, Mordvinov believed that serfdom was inefficient,costly, and destructive of Russian prosperity. In his scheme for self-redemption Mordvinovtried to link emancipation, which he considered natural and inevitable, to capital formation,which he believed was essential. Since serfdom was economically undesirable forlandowners, selling freedom to peasants industrious enough to amass a steep redemptionprice (and thus, presumably, to support themselves in freedom) was an elegant solutionthat would put capital in landowners’ hands and require them to continue “supporting”the weaker, naturally dependent, serfs. By these means, “the number of free people inRussia would gradually increase.”5

Even liberal Russians wereaffected by their country’s hard-won victory over the regime that Revolution had spawned.To man Nature had granted freedom of action, mind, and will, but people who had livedfor ages without civil liberties were not likely to employ them usefully without educationin citizenship. Such people might safely pass from dependence to independence only iftheir emancipation were gradually established by law.

because masters oftenhad to make up work for their excess slaves; because slaves retained in agriculture werenot available for industry or other productive labor; because slaves required greatersurveillance than free workers, rendering their upkeep more expensive; and because slavesconsumed more than free workers, not for pleasure, but through theft, waste, andcarelessness.43 The great sin of slavery was, therefore, that it undermined the productionof wealth—that personal wealth that was the essence of national wealth.

An emancipatedserf would not be sovereign, or free, if he had lost all right to use his hereditary land andwas compelled to enter into contracts with his former master from such a weak position.

Noble landowners had the right to state and press their views directly to thesovereign, whereas peasant communities did not.

Estland

their liberationfrom the great inconvenience of “dependency” was emphasized, whereas the earlier Livlandscheme had overlooked that disadvantage while emphasizing hereditary use rights

respected and acknowledged noble privileges, certainly no less than peasants’ hereditaryrights. If the emperor appeared inconsistent in embracing different, and even contradictory,principles of emancipation, it is because he accepted the increasingly irreconcilable “rights”of both groups.

Any steps they took must bedesigned to avoid both the reaction that had undone Joseph II’s legislation and theunthinkable fate of the French Bourbons

qu

1-3Reps:10-20

1 onion, diced

rather than religion?

Ex

P

Explain

rks C

rewrote the source play Leir to make Cordelia re- main in England alone (rather than with France at her side) to fight, lose, and die with her father, a revision that vividly illustrates the tragic failure of the family unit to divide, recombine

aracterizes her life with France as having been one of constant mourning for the father to whom she is still bound.

eturning to Lear to ask his blessing: “look upon me, sir,

ardelia-tike-Rosalind- aust therefore return to be reincorporated with her father before she can undergo the ritual severance that will enable her to progress.

ial of the father's blessing renders the separation incomplete and the daughter’s future blight

precludes the possibility of transformation, for the father devours the flesh he begets. Here, generation becomes pri- marily an autogamous act, a retenti

visual and verbal t

France himself then endows Lear's “dow’rless daughter” with all his worldly goods by making her “queen of us, of ours, and our fair France”

ing the mime priest

circularity of Lear's proposition frus- trates the ritual phase of separation

than expels from it the daughter he says is “adopted to our hate” (203), another verbal us- age that betrays his retentive motivés~

substituting his public paternity for hts private one, the inherently indivisible entity for the one that biologically must divide and recombine, Lear violates both his kingly role in the hierarchical universe and his domestic one in the family.

in our court

Within the father-daughter plays,

We share the hope, expressed by many on all sides, that policing in Northern Ireland can be normalised as soon as the security situation permits.

verification

hould also have the option of destroying their weapons themselves

Th

he decommissioning process should suggest neither victory nor defeat.

parties should consider an approach under which some decommissioning would take place during the process of all-party negotiations, rather than before or after as the parties now urge

One side has insisted that some decommissioning of arms must take place before all-party negotiations can begin. The other side has insisted that no decommissioning can take place until the end of the process, after an agreed settlement has been reached. This has resulted in the current impasse.

each side of this argument

arms,

e paramilitary organisations will not decommission any arms prior to all-party negotiations. T

Communique

the history of Northern Ireland, this is not an unreasonable concern.

Those who demand decommissioning prior to all-party negotiations do so out of concern that the paramilitaries will use force, threaten to use force, to influence the negotiations, or to change any aspect of the outcome of negotiations with which they disagree.

To urge that 'punishment' killings and beatings stop and to take effective steps to prevent such actions.

o agree that such disarmament must be verifiable to the satisfaction of an independent commission;

there must be commitment and adherence to fundamental principles of democracy and non-violence. P

Everyone with whom we spoke agrees in principle with the need to decommission. There are differences on the timing and context -

symptom of a larger problem: the absence of trust. Common to many of our meetings were arguments, steeped in history, as to why the other side cannot be trusted

minant theme expressed in the many letters and calls we received from those in the North and South, Unionist and Nationalist, Catholic and Protestant, Loyalist and Republican.

For nearly a year and a half the guns have been silent in Northern Ireland.

he tireless and courageous efforts of Prime Minister John Major and Taoiseach John Bruton (and before him Albert Reynolds) have been essential to the peace process.

Contributions from those who suffered losses

that the vast majority of the people of both traditions want to turn away from the bitter pas

we stood in Belfast and looked at a thirty foot high wall and at barriers topped with iron and barbed wire.

political leaders, church officials and representatives of other organisations and institutions.

tue of the welcome decisions taken last summer and autumn by those organisations that previously supported the use of arms for political purposes.

Originally a Bobby Sands memorial, the monument now includes the names of those other IRA Volunteers from the Twinbrook and Poleglass areas who died in the struggle. It was re-dedicated and unveiled by Sinn F�in president Gerry Adams.

rmed Republican salute; image of an Easter lily

981"

On the evening of July 9th 1972 British marksmen mounted an unprovoked and sustained attack on this community among the snipers victims lay 5 dead gunned down during efforts to bring aid and succour to the wounded Still yet waiting for justice to their memory and for freedom of the truth

Mosaic reading "We remember their selfless courage Life spills on warm summer streets Our taken treasure innocence Our children neighbours priest Their selfless courage we remember".

morial stone. From top to bottom - Julie's photograph. Name "Julie Livingstone" accompanied by a small brass image of a doll; plaque reading: "In loving memory of Julie Livingstone Killed by a plastic bullet 13th May 1981 aged 14 years R.I.P. This stone was erected by young people of Leicester, England

d red iron phoe

s at the

ro British agents murdered 5 unarmed civilians and injured over 63 peo

allymu

) Also in memory of the civilians who died at the hands of the British Army R.U.C. U.D.R. and Loyalist extremists". On the left from the entrance - white stone plaq

This memorial was unveiled by Gerry Adams and blessed by Fr. Des Wilso

From 1908, they served as the headquarters of South Belfast UVF. The stones of the crest above the front entrance were retained when the Brewery was demolished and incorporated in the entrance to the local Community Centre as a memorial to the Volunteers who lost their lives in the Great War. They are thought to be the last surviving artifacts from the UVF's initial mobilisation in Belfast in 1912.

Sean Graham Bookmaker's Shooting

ot to know you son after the years we've been apart Now there's a hole that can't be mended And it is deep within my heart Sadly missed by your loving father Ronnie

'Murdered by cowards' "

Funded entirely by donations from the local community

morial s

daughter of James Connolly.

pla

It is not those who can inflict the most but those who can endure the most shall win"

c

This plaque is dedicated to the memory of all those from Ligoniel who lost their lives as a result of the conflict in our country

faithful replica of a brass plaque which was unveiled in the Unionist Club in 1921

who lost their lives in 1914-18 and those members of East Belfast UVF who died during the more recent conflict.

UVF,

"East Belfast Brigade Roll of Honour (list stating name and date of death f

DA,

St. Matthew's Chapel

memory of all the deceased members from St. Matthew's Parish

Protestants in 2004—5 have described unforgettably the emotional intensity of storytelling, in this case concerning harrowing experiences of IRA attacks. Listening to the story of one man, shot seven times with an Armalite automatic rifle in his home, and now partially paralyzed, they were confronted by two local women who asked, “Are you going to tell the truth? Do you know that this is a story of innocent victims murdered by butchers?”®

most compelling argument in favor of a truth recovery process is the palpable need of the bereaved to find out what happened to their relatives.

marked-up copy of Lost Lines taspray every day for the victims of the Troubles

rmy memorials are sited within barra

n the absence of state-driven projects, the memorialization of the dead has proceeded in the partisan and piecemeal manner described ear- lier.

Northern Ireland Memorial Building

he political context for the report was the anger caused by the phased release of para- military prisoners envisaged in the Good Friday Agreement, hence per- haps Bloomfield’s conclusion that “victims must, at barest minimum, be as well served as former prisoners in terms of their rehabilitation, future employment, etc,”

Instead, Protestant alienation was overwhelm- ingly focused on the early release of paramilitary prisoners, the reform of the RUC, and the refusal of the IRA to decommission its weapons.

In 1998, for the first time, the vast majority of Irish people, North and South, effectively recognized the partition of Ireland, albeit in a new, pluralist form.

devolved structures created in 1998 constitute a repudiation of the simple majority-rule model of government which had been discred- ited under the old Stormont regime. By institutionalizing cross-commu- nity consensus as the basis of decision making, however, the agreement also inadvertently institutionalized the communal division deplored by so many of the individuals and groups who actively tried to make North- ern Ireland a more equal, tolerant, and peaceful society.4

3.4

978

There was some ill feeling too about punishment shoor- ings and beatings inflicted on residents.

etween these poles, the majority of residents tilted backward and forward,

local priests leading the critique of militant Republicanism.

ne-third and two-fifths of nationalists. Al

ohn Hume's principled denunciations of violence were consistent and in the circumstances courageous."

creas- ingly, therefore, mainstream republicans justify their long war by refer- ence to the brutality of the British Army and the complicity of British intelligence agencies in loyalist assassinations,

The British State forces acted with impunity. 2. There was collusion between the British State agencies and Unionist paramilitaries. This was structured and institutional, 3. The British Government was an armed, ans active participant in the conflict.

ollusion

the working-class nationalist areas of West and North Belfas

tholic minority (roughly one-third of the population in 1969, ris- » ing.to roughly two-fifths by 1998) accounted fora majority of all those * civilians killed. (

South African experience where instead of a majority being denied their rights and democratic expression by a minority we saw the opposite.

defend

discomfits both unionists and republicans. Most notably, the examination of those killed reveals that republican paramilitaries have been responsible for more Catholic deaths than the British Army and the local security forces combined

the IRA should have been resurrected in the streets running between thé Shankill and the Falls Road should not surprise

r “burn

the military terminology employed by republicans—of volunteers,

anticolonial struggle, a continuation of the IRA campaign of 1919-21. This i

ombination of voter polarization and the relative stability of power-sharing has created a situation where cul- tural validation—and perhaps even the past itself—becomes a resource to be sliced up and allocated like social services, schools, broadcasting funds, or housing.

flags, murals, and painted curbstones, memorials to the vic- tims of the Northern Ireland conflict have become boundary markers in a society where communal segregation has increased rather than di- minished since the ceasefires. T

he memori- alization of the Troubles dead began soon after the first IRA ceasefire.”

Troubles

moderates within the nationalist bloc; but the offense caused to union- ists is always much deeper, and ultimately the inevitable unionist reac- tion will reproduce the basic communal fault line which sustains the Sinn Féin voté:l

inn Féin has compromised its founding principles for electoral gain, maintaining the illusion of ideological fundamentalism through the energy it devotes to memorialization, thus safeguarding its core constituency from more ‘vadieal alternatives.

monopoly over the memory of republican armed struggle.

embers killed on Gibraltar in 1988."' This closer identification with physical-force resistance to British rule takes us a long way from the famous image of Fr. Edward Daly waving his white handkerchiefas he helped move the dying Jackie Dudd

uccessfully internationalizin

The republican movement is by far the most dynamic'mani : of collective memory on the island of Ireland

ast majority of these are sponsored by the Orange Order,

What was happening in American society that caused people to interpret the Declaration in original ways?

., the history of protest movements),

itten

Third

st any

But I

the severest language I can command

we turn to the declarations of the past, or to the professions of the present, the conduct of the nation seems equally hideous and revolting.

you, has brought stripes

Declaratio

What have I, or those I represent, to do with your national independence? Ar

Of this fundamental work, this day is the anniversary. Our eyes are met with demonstrations of joyous enthusiasm. Banners and pennants wave exultingly on the breeze.

lay deep the corner-stone of the national superstructure, which has risen and still rises in grandeur around you

Their solid manhood stands out the more as we contrast it with these degenerate times.

esolved, That these united colonies are, and of right, ought to be free and Independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown; and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, dissolved

separation of the colonies from the crown was born! It

ince Pharaoh and his hosts were drowned in the Red Sea,7 the British Government persisted in the exactions complained o

as it breasted the chilling blasts of kingly displeasure.

As th

he tyranny of England

r

emancipated

am to deliver a 4th [of] July oration

hich requires much previous thought and study for its proper performance

the crowned he

e babe in her

t has been denounced with burning words, from the high places of the nation, as an execrable traffic. To arrest it, to put an end to it, this nation keeps a squadron, at immense cost, on the coast of Africa. Everywhere, i

peculiarities of American institutions.

tyrants,

ypocrisy of the nation must be exposed; and its crimes against God and man must be proclaimed and denounced.

es in the State of Virginia,

They may also rise in wrath and fury, and bear away, on their angry waves, the accumulated wealth of years of toil and hardship. They, however, gradually flow back to the same old channel, and flow on as serenely as ever. But, while the river may not be turned aside, it may dry up, and leave nothing behind but the withered branch, and the unsightly rock, to howl in the abyss-sweeping wind, the sad tale of departed glory. As with rivers so with nations

Mr. President

Used in both declarations

itical band

He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us

by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders whic

Trade

VIRGINIA

“The Mark onthe Wall” is a response to the need to search for astyle and a typology: Woolf’s formalist aestheticsowes much to Fry’s, and Bell’s, philosophy of art,in which, as professor Banfield suggests “thevisual meets the invisible and abstract

The proper stuff of fiction’ does not exist;everything is the proper stuff of fiction, everyfeeling, every thought; very quality of brain andspirit is drawn upon; no perception comesamiss

some powerful and unscrupuloustyrant” who had him in thrall, “to provide plot,to provide a comedy, tragedy, love interest”66

“more or lessclumsily toward reality, the artist is seen goingagainst it. He is brazenly set on deforming reality,shattering its human aspect, dehumanizing it”6

Fry in hisessay on Post-Impressionism (1911) encouragesthe artists to misrepresent and distort “thesensibilia”: “the

art to recover the sensation of lifeas art exists to make one feel things, “to makethe stone stony”,

arrative of “The Mark on the Wall”,therefore, engages in the post-impressionistpursuit for disinterestedness, and forces thereader into detached and impassioned contem-plation in the course of which random reveries“which are normally dormant”55 begin tocrystallize into one harmonic whole

tounite the visible to the eyeless.

, as the elementof “setting”

mark onthe wall – the controlling motiff of the story –remains the axis of the story, the physicallbackground against which the story is projected.It helps to arouse and sustain our thoughts andfeelings, and calls into play our visual ima-gination: “I looked up through the smoke of mycigarette and my eye lodged for a moment uponthe burning coals, and that old fancy of thecrimson flag flapping from the castle tower cameinto my mind, and I thought of the cavalcade ofred knights riding up the side of the black

th], [f], [h], [p], [t]

eds t

o manouvre the narrativevehicle of the story, Woolf also uses the

oolf’s method

interruption manifests averbal lack of symmetry

I don’t knowwhat”37. Ano

vised method of interruptions36 intendedto disrupt the conscious thought construct ofher narrator, and, at the same time, to slow downor speed up the plot and enhance the narrative

stream-of-consciousness

The narrator catches thefirst idea that passes34,

rder of fiction restingboth on the progression from cause to effect,and on the two organically inseparable corre-latives - plot and character.