Section I, which preserves the existing constitutional tradition, must be deleted to fully entrench the Charter. Its meaningless vagueness opens the door to the very abuse to the supremacy of Parliament which the Charter is intended to check. Moreover, special provisions are necessary to instruct judges in the Charter’s interpretation. By deleting Section I of the Charter, there will be removed an obvious peg for argument designed to thwart the Charter’s purposes.

You have referred, as other witnesses have, to Section I, which has been pointed out would permit the proclamation of the War Measures Act in the same terms as in 1970, and will permit the internment of Canadians of Japanese origin and the confiscation of their property. Would it be fair to say you would agree with the suggestion of the Canadian Civil Liberties Association that if Section 1 is not rewritten and perhaps if there is not a remedies section—I believe those are the two sections you have pointed out as having perhaps the gratest weaknesses in the proposed charter—and indeed, we would perhaps be better off not giving the Canadian people the illusion that they have certain rights, but rather that we would be better off without this Charter, if those sections are not in fact amended? Mr. Black: The other way in which, perhaps, you could put it, is that if we do not amend the section, Section 1, we would not have an entrenched charter, even if we were to enact this document. Section 1 imposes such severe limitations on the whole concept of an entrenched charter of rights that it has to be removed to give any effective force to entrenchment.

Now, it is obvious there can be circumstances in which the rights listed in the Charter would have to give way. In times of serious crisis threatening the existence of the nation, such as invasion, insurrection, large scale natural disaster, a temporary emergency limitation on our fundamental rights might be necessary. This is obvious. In fact, it is so obvious and so widely agreed, that, given the difficulties in drafting an acceptable limitation clause, it might well be wiser to leave one out. We cannot now foresee all the situations that might justify temporary emergency limitations. It might therefore be best to let the courts decide in particular cases when the facts of an emergency are known. However, if there is to be a limitation clause, it must indicate clearly that most contingencies that face the nation are to be dealt with by ordinary means which respect the rights guaranteed in the Charter. It must indicate clearly that limitations are justified only in times of “public emergency which threatens the life of the nation”, and then only “to the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the situation”. Here we use the language of the international Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Article 4, Section 1, to which Canada is a signatory. We recommend this language to you for your consideration. Further, if there is to be a limitation clause, it must clearly indicate that limitations on the Charter justified by public emergency are temporary. We would argue for the inclusion in a general limitation clause of four subsections, the first requiring prompt Parliamentary authorization of the invocation of special powers under emergency legislation, such as the War Measures Act. Second, requiring regular renewal of this authorization if the powers are not to lapse; Third, allowing a small number of members of either House to force review of the authorization; And fourth, allowing any innocent person damaged under the special powers to seek compensation in a special tribunal.

Section 1 of the proposed Charter has come under strong attack and quite deservedly so. At a previous hearing, someone called it the Mack Truck Section. We call it the bathtub section because it makes it much too easy for our leaders and lawmakers to pull the plug on human rights and freedoms and if it is included in the Charter the Charter itself will be worth very little. Section 1 at present says: . . . the rights and freedoms set out in it subject only to such reasonable limits as are generally accepted in a free and democractic society with a Parliamentary system of government. It will be hard to think of any statement more dangerously vague than this. What is meant by reasonable limits and how is this decided and which democractic society and Parliamentary system are we talking about. Such language opens the door to entrenched present injustices merely because they are widely accepted in supposedly free and democratic societies, and moreover ties Canadian law to the laws and customs of other countries over which Canadians have no control; and to me this is most ironic. We are talking about patriating our constitution and while we are doing this we are proposing to be tied to precedents, set in other countries. it is hard to see what this has to do with producing a Canadian constitution or a Canadian Charter.

Our next item deals with Section I which we call the Mack Truck clause because a person could drive one right through it. We do not intend to dwell at length on this section which creates such loopholes in the legislation. Suffice it to say that we join with the continents of the Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women, the National Action Committee on the Status of Women, and the Canadian Civil Liberties Association and other groups in condemning Section 1. I would just like to summarize a few of our objections. There are two main points. First, Section I applies at all times, it is not limited to emergency situations. Secondly, the standards of reasonable limits that are generally accepted in a democratic society appears to us to allow virtually any legislation passed by a majority in Parliament or a legislature. Apart from concerns regarding the basic rights and freedoms which we share with other groups, we are concerned that this clause may have the effect of completely negating the protection provided by Section 15 on equality of rights.

Mr. Chairman, the serious structural limitations which occur repeatedly through this bill find first expression in Section 1 of the Charter. The limiting provision of this section is so general as to permit, if not cause, the certain failure of everything which the Charter sets out to achieve. If this is poor [Page 7] drafting, then it must be improved. If, however, it is the clear expression of the will of its creators, then they have a view of entrenchment which we will submit does not find reflection in the popular will of Canadians. If the rights set out in the Charter are subject to the limits stipulated in Section I then Parliament acting alone will always have supremacy over the Charter, effectively denying what the Charter proposes to create—entrenchment.

Now, I put to you that no right is absolute; even the right of free speech is qualified in that perhaps for instance, under the Criminal Code you cannot cause a disturbance in a public place, for example, there are many restrictions to keep our society together without having it turn into anarchy or chaos. I suggest to you, because you are critical of the wording later on in general, that rather than deleted Section l, we might come back with a better worded Section I that meets the requirements of more inspiring wording, and meets the requirements that rights in here are more enshrined and less susceptible to court interpretation. Mr. Paisley: Our concern with Section 1 as written is that it would, in our opinion, completely over-ride the rest of the Charter. Without examining the given Section 1 which is envisaged, it is impossible to say whether our concern would be satisfied or not. We simply take the position that if it remains with the rest of the Charter, it would probably be of no effect at all. Mr. Irwin: Many groups have expressed the view which you are expressing, and some have come back and said that it should be made stronger and not so intrusive. I appreciate the difficulty in not having that here now. Mr. Paisley: May I add to what I have said further. We feel that even if there is no Section I, it does not mean to say that [Page 23] there are going to be unqualified or absolute rights. Experience elsewhere with unqualified rights shows that they are in fact qualified by the courts. There is the statement of the courts in the United States to the effect that the right of freedom of speech does not give a person the right to call “fire!” in a crowded theatre. We believe that if you have the right stated in an unqualified fashion it would be interpreted in a reasonable way by the court. That is the reason why we suggest it is unnecessary to have this sort of introductory limitation clause as proposed.

Mr. Chairman, I would hope in light of the grave concerns that our witnesses have today about Section 1, that the minister be requested to come back to this committee before December 8, preferably the fifth or sixth or so, earlier in any event, so that we can find out in an objective and non-partisan way what he intends to do about Section 1, whether it is to be left in its present form. The present form reflects not communication and dialogue with groups such as your own; it reflects the views of the provincial premiers of this country. It reflects the findings of the minister in his deliberations across Canada this summer as well as the selfishness of many provincial premiers. I think Section 1 is defective and has to be improved. I cannot presume to be talking for my party, but certainly I am speaking for myself. So, I am very pleased with the forcefulness with which you have made your points.

Mr. Irwin: Now, you have serious difficulty and a great deal of criticism with Section 1, which says 1. The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms guarantees the rights and freedoms set out in it subject only to such reasonable limits as are generally accepted in a free and democratic society with a Parliamentary system of government. I suggest that if an abuse occurs, then the person who is abused could apply to the courts to see if Parliament has abused that person by legislation and if the courts decide that such abuse has occurred in legislation, and it does not fit in within reasonable limits as are generally accepted in a free and democratic society, then that legislation will be struck down. Mr. Borovoy: The answer to that is yes but the difficulty is the test. If you are talking about that which is generally [Page 26] accepted in a free and democratic society with a parliamentary form of government, you may well be talking about everything that Parliament or the legislatures have said is acceptable and to the extent that you are doing that, then it renders the entire charter a verbal illusion.

In that particular section, you seem to be recommending to the Committee that unless we change Section 1, then in a sense the game was not worth the candle, that the rights that are promised are not delivered. I want to make sure that that is clear to the Committee. Are you suggesting that unless we change Section l, then the resolution with respect to civil rights that is before us is either useless or dangerous or both? The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): Mr. Midanik? Mr. J. S. Midanik (Q.C., Canadian Civil Liberties Association): Yes, that is our position. Not only that you change Section l, but that the rest of the charter be changed along the lines we have indicated because we feel that the rest of the charter itself is also defective in many respects. But the major problem deals with Section I and if any form of Section 1 is kept so that there be some limitation at all, our position is that it should apply only to Section 2 and not to the rest of the charter. In other words, that the specific rights in the Charter not be limited at all by any Section 1, but if there be any specific limitations, they apply to Section 2 and any such limitations might well be delineated more clearly, as contained in a number of the international covenants. So, what we are saying again is that if what you are going to give us is what we have now, what is before us, our position is thanks, but no thanks, we would rather take our chances with what we have.

Mr. Fairweather: It is seriously flawed, and I just cannot believe it is going to be the final enunciation of the principle.

My second question relates to Section 1, which I understood at the outset from your remarks to be of considerable concern to you, and I have forgotten your words, but I think you regard the Charter of Rights as seriously flawed, those are the words I recall, in relation to Section 1.

Mr. Robinson: I would also like to ask you with respect to the question that was touched upon by Mr. Epp and also initially raised by yourself, and that is the actions that were taken during and immediately after World War II with respect to Canadians of Japanese origin. Would you indeed confirm that it is at least very possible that under the charter as it is presently worded in view of the fact that it could be argued that that action was “generally accepted” at that time, that that kind of action would indeed be permitted under Section I as it is now worded. Mr. Fairweather: Section I raises that danger.

Mr. Fairweather, what I would like to do from looking at materials that you have provided earlier, is take you to your concern of Section I of the proposed resolution. At the bottom of your presentation as well as in the accompanying documents you stress your concern about Section l. I would like to ask you from your perspective if the clause remains essentially in the form it now appears what are the technical consequences of that clause in relation to the protection of rights and freedoms? Mr. Fairweather: They are so serious that I could not imagine this Committee letting Section l go unamended, That section as drafted would challenge, in my opinion, the rest of the charter, and I suspect somebody is going to be getting an amendment. It is, as I said, turning our backs on the international and national jurisprudence, and it is very broadly drafted. Why we do not use the language that is well accepted now and has been ratified by Canada, for the life of me I have no idea. This is a strong statement but I have strong feelings. I am absolutely committed to the entrenchment and the patriation and the goals. They are wonderful goals for this country at last but why not go for something better. Mr. Epp: From your experience as a Commissioner of the Human Rights Commission, could you give us examples of if this proposed resolution had in fact been in effect with the prohibitions in Section 1, can you give us some specific examples of the restrictions it would have given or caused both to rights and freedoms and also to the Commission? Mr. Fairweather: Yes. One was given last night, if I know correctly, by the Minister of Justice for Canada. It might be that generally accepted standards in this country for mandatory retirement, the anti-discrimination part having to do with age, could be challenged and rendered meaningless as a reform mechanism, because the generally accepted standards now are quite illiberal, if I may use that word in this place. [Page 12] The generally accepted standards for Canada are to push people out at certain ages, I greeted this charter with excitement when I saw that the Government of Canada had included age, but when I see the language of Section 1, I wonder. Another message that surely cannot be forgotten is that the generally accepted standards in Canada in 1940 and 1941 were to take Canadians whose offence was that they were of Japanese origin. In the Wellington Street Archives last night while you were doing something else I went to the festival of the 100th anniversary of the Chinese in Canada. They came to build the railway and I am as shocked as I know senators and members are to remember that people who are enshrined and rightly, in our history were perpetrators of the Chinese Exclusion Act, the Chinese $50 a head tax act. The Chinese people in this country were not allowed to vote in a province I think until after the Second World War. It was Mr. Diefenbaker who gave the Native peoples the right to vote in the late 1950s. I am not saying that a government that follows this one would, but it could, because those were I guess until reform came the accepted standards. This document is to be entrenched, enshrined, as a statement to the people who have their loyalty to Canada. Mr. Epp: Do I understand you correctly, sir, that if the document before us were to be enshrined, entrenched, that an incident like Canadians of Japanese origin and the removal of these people from various parts of Canada, their prohibition of freedoms at that time, that in fact that kind of action would still be possible under the charter in its present form. Mr. Fairweather: I think, Mr. Epp, my duty is to warn you, and I have given some examples, age and these other offensive matters could be put in jeopardy. I am not saying they will but they could. I think most of this charter is really a superb piece of work, but I cannot see why Canada wants to turn its back on accepted international standards and language that has been adjudicated. That is why I am being a bit fussy. It clouds the rest of a noble document.

are the limits mentioned in Section 1 whatever may be the individual linguistic rights mentioned elsewhere in the Charter, embarrassing for you as Commissioner of Official Languages. Mr. Yalden: Mr. Chairman, broadly speaking this part of the first section embarrasses me a little, not necessarily as Commissioner of Languages, but as a citizen reading the text, I do not understand it very well. I find it so broad that whatever it says does not represent in my view a requirement for a legislature who should guide the courts very clearly, very explicitly. If it is the case, it seems to me that this section should be more specific, not stricter than it is. I have followed the discussion here in the Committee, and I said several times tonight I am not a lawyer, consequently, I cannot really express a categorical opinion. It is embarrassing for me for very broad reasons. As for the linguistic aspect, would the linguistic rights mentioned in Sections 16 to 23 be affected by this short paragraph? I really could not give you an answer, precisely, because I find these words: subject only to such reasonable limits as are generally accepted in a free democratic society with a parliamentary system of government so vague that I do not know what they mean. If I knew, I would answer you.

Section I should not govern either Section 14 or Section 15. It is our view that there should be no circumstances where the right to an interpreter, which a deaf, blind or just a deaf person may require in court, should ever be taken away. Why is it either in war or emergency that a deaf-blind person on trial should be denied an interpreter to know what the case is against them. It is too basic and a denial of natural justice. Moreover when should unwarranted discrimination be permitted? At wartime? At peacetime? In the case of an emergency? It is hard to imagine a situation where it is justifiable, and therefore we have recommended, as have other groups, that Section 14 and Section 15 be absolute rights, rights not subject to Section 1. Alternatively, if that point of view is not acceptable to the Committee, it is our submission that the wording in Section I is far, far too broad. You have heard all the arguments before, we can only reiterate them, that Section 1—labelled by some as the Mack truck provision—will in fact make the rest of the Charter of Rights a virtually worthless and impotent means of protecting civil liberties, In particular, the generally accepted view of the public with respect to handicapped persons is that they are often not capable of taking care of themselves, not capable of maintaining a job, not capable of self-sufficiency, and therefore the kinds of laws that I have discussed previously that are discriminatory would be under Section I generally accepted in a free and democratic society, passed by these kinds of Parliaments. And accordingly, if Section 1 remains, and if Section 15 is still subject to it, it is our view that Section 1 must be very narrowly constrained to protect minority rights and in particular, handicapped rights.

We surmise that Section 1, at least in part, was included to give Parliament the chance to limit our civil liberties when it is necessary in times of war. apprehended insurrection or other civil emergencies and we suggest that it is in keeping with the democratic traditions of the western world if the limitations that can be placed on our liberties are explicitly spelled out in the charter of rights and not left to something like Section 1. We suggest that Section 1 be reduced to a simple preamble explaining what the charter of rights is intended to accomplish and that Section 29 include a limitation that will come into effect only in times of war or other times of public emergency and that this section ensure a number of aspects. In time of public emergency which threatens the life of the nation so that it is a serious emergency and the existence of which is officially proclaimed, Parliament may authorize that temporary restriction of certain rights and freedoms to the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the situation but in a manner that the other rights and freedoms set out in this charter will be preserved. We also stipulate that there are some freedoms and rights set out in the charter that need never be interfered with no matter how grave the emergency. We recommend that the non-discrimination rights never be tampered with and that there never be any derogation from freedom of conscience and religion, the right to vote and hold office, because there are already protections allowing for the suspension of elections which are found in Section 4. The right to life, liberty and security of the person except when denied by a law duly enacted; the right to being safe from cruel and unusual treatment and punishment; the right to a translator in judicial proceedings should in our view never be suspended because of war or apprehended insurrection, and all the language rights in Sections 16 to 23 need in our view never be suspended because of any kind of civil or martial disability.

I want to ask the Minister in particular about clause one of this proposed Charter of Rights and Freedoms because I suggest that in its present wording it is a gaping hole in the Charter which really makes the alleged rights and freedoms which are supposed to be protected completely illusory; and in fact if this section one is permitted in its present form that in many ways we will be in a worse position in this ggttntry than had this particular Charter not been implement- Mr. Minister, first of all with respect to clause one I would like to ask you who would determine what is generally accepted as a limitation on these rights and freedoms, and what test would they apply? Would it be a numerical test? Mr. Chrétien: It will be the court who will decide. The way I understand the courts to operate, the precedents will determine the next move. It will be the court because we are not giving them other tests than these. Mr. Robinson: How will it be determined what is generally accepted? Will that be in terms of numbers, if the majority of Canadians accept particular limitations? Would this be your understanding of that provision? Mr. Chrétien: I do not want to pass judgment for what the court will say but I do think there is some, as I explained earlier, there is some historical situation, trends in society, that they can measure; whether it be in terms of numbers and so on. Of course, we are putting a charter there for one reason, to protect the minorities against the abuses of the majority. We have improved fantastically over the past 50 or 75 years in Canada in terms of tolerance in our society and so on and they will have the test of what is reasonable in their minds in [Page 28] relation to those rights that are there. I do not see them turning back the clock; it will be in terms of progress and in terms of protection.

Mr. Tassé: That is the test that the Court would have to apply and that is the whole purpose of the Charter of Rights. In fact, when you entrench a charter of rights like this one you are saying that Parliament and the legislature will constrain themselves when they legislate.

we have a Charter of Rights but this text is a limit; it is an indication to the court how to interpret the charter in relation to the different legislation because if you do not put those words there it could lead to all sorts of change by the courts that will not give them any limits of interpretation. As said by my Deputy Minister there is some legislation that has been well established in the Canadian society that are recognized, and we have to make sure that the courts do not destroy all the previous work of the evolution of our society. Otherwise we will be in great legal difficulty, so they will have to apply the test of reasonableness in their decisions. I do think the Charter of Rights has its own limits, as you will find out when you are studying it, section by section.

Mr. Roger Tassé (Q.C., Deputy Minister): In effect, Mr. Chairman, that Section 1 is meant to bring forward the concept that these rights that are spelled out in the Charter, [Page 15] those you have mentioned and the others, Mr. McGrath, are not absolute rights. If you just take, for example, the freedom of expression, there are limits to the freedom of expression that already are spelled out in the Criminal Code and that will continue and should continue when a Charter of Rights like this is entrenched. What the Section is meant to do is to bring that concept not only to the legislatures but also to the judges because in effect the judges when they are faced with cases where government action or parliamentary action, legislative action is being tested and being challenged, in effect they have to decide whether limits, restrictions, that may have been imposed, because again these rights are not absolute, are reasonable ones. That is only what Section 1 is intended to do, that in effect the judges, when there are challenges brought before them, wherein effect people would claim that their rights have been unfairly or unreasonably restricted that in coming to a conclusion when they are so challenged that in effect the courts will have to take for granted that there are some limitations that may well be reasonable and legitimate in the kind of society in which we live.

Myth: Refugees are all Muslim.

Application of sample

INSTRUMENTATION

Whoever finds a runaway slave or captive and does not return him to the person to whom he belongs is to be put to death.

Collection of N.sativaseeds

n vitro cytotoxic activity of methanolic extract of N. sativafrom different germination phasesduringMTT assay

Cytotoxicity assay by MTT (3-[4,5-Dimethylthiazol-2-yl]-2,5 diphenyltetrazolium Bromide)method

Collection of N. sativaseeds

Preparation of TLC plate

Test for Sterols

Collection of N.sativaseeds

Preparation of bioformulations and determination of

Sequence analysis

DNA sequencing of the 18S rDNA fragment

Purification of PCR product

Analysis of internal transcribed spacer region

RAPDand SSRscoring and data analysis

PCR amplification

Running of gel and visualization of DNA

Determination of the yield

Agarose gel electrophoresis

Qualitative and quantitative estimation of DNA

Determination of the yield

Procedure for DNA isolation

Reagents required for fungal DNA isolationand p

DNA isolation of Trichodermaisolate

Photography, evaluation and documentation

Procedurefor SDS-PAGE

Materialsrequired for SDS-PAGE

Protein profiling of bioagent through SDS-PAGE

Biochemical analysis (Protein estimation)

Protein estimation through Kjeldahl method

Dinitrosalicylate reagent (DNS)(per liter)

Citrate phosphate buffer

Reagents

Materials for xylanase induction

Evaluation of bioagents against the pathogen

Effect of different media on growth of bioagentTrichoderma

Identificationof bioagent

Isolation and purification of pathogen, Fusarium udum

Sterilization of glasswares

Experimental site

Prevalence of extracellular virulence factors in Vibriofrom Cochin estuary

Statistical analysis

Detection of hemolytic activity

Production of caseinase

Production of phosphatase

Bacterial strains used

Production of chitinase

Production of DNas

Production of gelatinase

Production of Lipase

Production of amylase

Bacterial strains used

Screening of Vibriostrains for extracellular enzymes

Relative antibiotic resistance amongVibrioisolated from Cochin estuary, shrimp farm and seafood

Antibiotic resistance among Vibriofrom seafood

Antibiotic resistance amongVibriofrom shrimp farm

Antibiotic resistance amongVibriofrom Cochin estu

Antibiotic resistance amongVibrio

DNA isolation

Antibiotic sensitivity tes

Antibiotic resistance amongVibrio

Environmental parameters

Extraction of genomic DNA

Isolation of V. parahaemolyticuson HiCrome Vibrio

DNA isolatio

Amino acids utilisation test (Decarboxylase/dihydrol

Gram staining

Description of sampling site

Amino acids utilisation test (Decarboxylase/dihydrola

Gram staining

Description of sampling site

Validation of the predicted 3D structure

Secondary structural prediction

In silico prediction of Dof gene family of sorghum

Phylogenetic and motif analysi

Phylogenetic and motif analysis of sequenced Dof domains

Gel elution of PCR products

PCR amplification of Dofdomain

Isolation, purification and quantification of genomic DNA

PCR amplification of Dof domains/genes and studying the polymorphisms generated by different sets of primers for cereals and millets

Validations

Mapping of SbDof genes on sorghum chromosomes and its intron/exon gene structure prediction

Sequencing PCR

Minipreparation of plasmid DNA from transformed co

Restriction digestion

Basic requirements for PC

DNA extraction procedure

Germination of seeds

Source of chemicals

Assessment of parasitic burden in hamsters vaccinated with rLdADHT+BCG and challenged with L. donovan

RNA isolation

DTH

Parasite

The recombinant Th1 stimulatory proteins (rLdADHT, and rLdTPR,) induced lymphoproliferative and NO responses in normal/infected/cured hamst

Solutions used for cytokine assay

Assessment of Lymphocyte proliferative responses (LTT) in cured/exposed patients and hamsters

Parasites

rLdADHT was cloned, overexpressed, purified and antibody raise

Amplification, Cloning and Sequencing

Transformation procedure

Preparation of master plate and isolation of plasmid DNA from transformed E. coli (Mini Prep)

Preparation of chemically competent Escherichia coli using calcium chloride method

Genomic DNA isolatio

Cloning, expression and purification ofADH

Results of molecular docking

Receptor X-ray structure

Receptor X-ray Structure

Estimation of Total protein

MTT [(4, 5–dimethylthiazol–2–yl)–2, 5-diphenyl tetrazolium Bromide] assay

Kirby-Bauer Disk diffusion method

DPPH free radical quenching activity

UV–visible spectral analysis

Collection and preparation of extracts

The table 6.1 gives the mixing probabilities and the associated parametricvalues fork(number of components) = 2,3, and 4. It may be noted thatthe Log likelihood value is smaller fork= 4 (the results fork= 5 , 6 etc.are not better than that fork= 4 and hence are not given here). The fourcomponents Poisson Mixture model is given in table 6.2. It may be notedthat 58% of wards may have higher incidence/relative risk and the remainingwards have lesser/lower incidence for the Cancer disease. We computed theposterior probability for each component for each ward (see table 6.3). Eachward is assigned to a particular component so that the posterior probability islarger. These results are also given in table 6.3 Finally we present Choroplethmaps based on those results

Algorithm

Data Sources

Poisson Model

We have analysed the Cancer data of patients in 155 wards of Chennai Cor-poration by the above described method. As preliminary analyses, we havecreated the Choropleth maps for Observed counts, Population of wards, ex-pected counts for patients and SMR's.The Choropleth map for the observed counts Figure 5.2 does not show anypattern. But the Choropleth map for the expected counts Figure: 5.4 indi-cate that the inner regions of the Chennai Corporations have lower expectedcounts and the regions along the border have larger counts of patients. As ameasure of spatial heterogeneity we have computed PSH= 0:7108:Hence ofthe total spatial random variation, nearly 71% is due to spatial heterogene-ity and the remaining 28:92% is due to Poisson variation. Thus the spatialvariation is present in the data.The Choropleth map for Empirical Bayes smoothed rates Figure 5.5 re-veals that only 13 sub regions have high risk values. The wards with numbers53, 64, 67, 70, 78, 93, 100, 103, 110, 117, 122, 147 and 151 have high riskvalues. Though this information could be used by the health managers toconcentrate their work on these regions, one can look for additional covariatesin these regions for further study

Empirical Bayesian Smoothing

Incidence Rate and SMR

Spatial Analysis of Cancer PatientCount Data

Total haemocyte count assay

Spodoptera litura

Insecticidal activity

Inhibition of haemocytes spreading behavior

. Inhibition of haemocytes aggregation behavior

Haemolymph protein profiling

Total haemocyte count (THC)

Haemolymph collection

Asparate (AAT) and Alanine aminotransferase (ALT)

Insect collection

Venomous saliva optimization

Starvation and collection method

Insects Collection

Salivary gland-Histology

Salivary gland-Morphology and Anatomy

Maxillary stylet

Mandibular stylet

Head

Gross morphology and histology of salivary gland

Morphometry of head and stylet

Head and stylet preparation

Insect collection and maintenance

GROSS MORPHOLOGY OF THE REDUVIID HEAD AND SALIVARY GLAND COMPLEX

SDS -PAGE for serum protein analysis

Succinic dehydrogenase

Acid Phosphatase

Protein content

Characteristic features ofLabeo rohita

Survey of lakes to check their status of pollution

Growth maximum values

Rates of growth (OD678/day

Growth

Experimental Set up

At each stage of developing the sample application, we will write small, bite-sized pieces of code—simple enough to understand, yet novel enough to be challenging. The cumulative effect will be a deeper, more flexible knowledge of Rails, giving you a good background for writing nearly any type of web application.

Following the scaffolding approach risks turning you into a virtuoso script generator with little (and brittle) actual knowledge of Rails.

Mechanical composition

Experiment 1: Assessing the impacts of elevated CO2and N levels on yield and nutrient uptake in rice

Temperature Gradient Tunnels (TGT)

Free Air Carbon dioxide Enrichment (FACE)Facility

Site

Phenological traits and plant height

Analysis of variance and differences among wheat varieties released in different years in India

Estimation of total N% of wheat grainsand straw

Chlorophyllcontent

Root length (cm) and Root weight (mg)

Coleoptile length(cm)

Stomata / cm2

Leaf area index (LAI)

Physiological parameters

Normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI)

Spike length (cm)

Last node to spike length(cm)

Peduncle length(cm)

HarvestIndex

Grain yield per plot (g)

Biological Yield(g)