- Nov 2017
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Rancièrecallsbringingthesetwoaspectsofrightstogetherasdissensus.Itisdissensusratherthanconsensusbecausepoliticsisalwaysacontestationoverwhoiscountedandwhatcounts.ForRancière,apoliticalsubjectinvolvesthecapacityforstagingsuchscenesofdissensus.Thus,‘politicalsubjectsarenotdefinitecollectivities.Theyaresurplusnames,namesthatsetoutaquestionoradisputeaboutwhoisincludedintheircount.’
Conceiving the enactment of rights as dissensus is more powerful than understanding dissent as civil disobedience. For all its illustrative history, civil disobedience still evokes a reactionary politics, whereas dissensus is creative and affirmative. Although significant as a specific act, civil disobedience is rather too narrow to understand political acts in general. Staging dissensus brings into play the imaginary, performative, and legality of rights all at once and constitutes subjects as citizen subjects of power. Julian Assange, Edward Snowden, Anonymous, Aaron Swartz, and Open Rights are not only definite individuals or collectives of civil disobedience but stand for a political subjectivity enacting rights as the staging of dissensus. This is what we gather from their acts. When they enact rights that they do not have and the rights that they should have, they bring into being political subjects who cannot be known in advance. Their acts are contestations over who is counted as political and what counts as politics. To put it slightly differently, the performative and imaginary force of rights lies in the double movement between their inscription and enactment.
Acá estaría el derecho a scrappear como una forma de reapropiación de los bienes comunes y de repolitización de lo publico.
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- Sep 2017
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Wehaveidentifiedthisasthecontradictionbetweensubmissionandsubversionorconsentanddissent.JacquesRancièrecapturesthisasdissensus.[27]Wewillreturntodissensusinchapter7.Second,whilearticulatingaparticulardemand(forinclusion,recognition),performingcitizenshipenactsauniversalrighttoclaimrights.Thisisthecontradictionbetweentheuniversalismandparticularismofcitizenship.
Estos reclamos por el reconocimiento han tomado diferentes formas en las prácticas del Data Week. ¿Quiénes son nuestros supuestos interlocutores? ¿Por quién queremos ser reconocidos desde nuestras prácticas alternas? Yo diría que se trata de algún tipo de configuración insitucional: empresa, academía y sobre todo gobierno, pues si bien no todos estamos en los dos primeros lugares, si es cierto que todos habitamos el territorio colombiano. Uno de los esfuerzos de la Gobernatón, por ejemplo, fue pensar una manera de reparto más equitativo de los recursos públicos entre comunidades de base diversas y no sólo en aquellas enagenadas por el discurso de la innovación.
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- Dec 2016
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In pure consensus everyone essentially has a veto. So, if I don’t want something to happen I’m in a strong position of power over everyone that wants something to happen. They have to convince me and I don’t have to convince anyone else of anything.To avoid this we use a system called “consensus seeking” which has a long history outside of open source. It’s quite simple, just attempt to reach a consensus, if a consensus can’t be reached then call for a majority wins vote.Just the fact that a vote is a possibility means that people can’t be obstructionists, whether someone favor a change or not, they have to convince their peers and if they aren’t willing to put in the work to convince their peers then they probably don’t involve themselves in that decision at all.
Esto sería clave para iniciativas como las que se pactan en las JSL, por ejemplo respecto al nombre del colectivo empresarial. No pasa mucho en comunidades pequeñas, como las de Grafoscopio, actualmente.
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