12 Matching Annotations
  1. Apr 2019
    1. la libertad intelectual, la igualdad de acceso, el compromiso conla democracia, el derecho a la privacidad, el compromiso con la alfabetización y el aprendizaje y libertad de representación (ALA, 2008, citada por Bossaller, 2017).

      Valores políticos que rescatan las bibliotecas públicas, ligados a su misionalidad como instituciones a disposición de la ciudadanía.

  2. Jan 2018
    1. Tanto los planes de vida y las economías propias como la defensa del territorio son estrategias de lugarización, es decir, de la pervivencia del tejido de la vida en el lugar y la comunidad, y por tanto en la diferencia, en contra de la pretensión capitalista homogeneizante de transformar a todos los pueblos en ciudadanos economizados y des-lugarizados. Encontraremos la importancia del lugar en

      las visiones de diseño para la transición y para la innovación social. Como veremos más adelante, el correlato de la lugarización de la acción social, cultural y económica es la autonomía.

      Cómo se conforman esas redes de territorios, en medio de poderes hegemónicos como los de las corporaciones, el estado y el mercado. ¿Cómo otras economías circulares y otras prácticas conviviales nos permiten escalar esta visión de mundo hecho de muchos mundos?

  3. Nov 2017
    1. Rancièrecallsbringingthesetwoaspectsofrightstogetherasdissensus.Itisdissensusratherthanconsensusbecausepoliticsisalwaysacontestationoverwhoiscountedandwhatcounts.ForRancière,apoliticalsubjectinvolvesthecapacityforstagingsuchscenesofdissensus.Thus,‘politicalsubjectsarenotdefinitecollectivities.Theyaresurplusnames,namesthatsetoutaquestionoradisputeaboutwhoisincludedintheircount.’

      Conceiving the enactment of rights as dissensus is more powerful than understanding dissent as civil disobedience. For all its illustrative history, civil disobedience still evokes a reactionary politics, whereas dissensus is creative and affirmative. Although significant as a specific act, civil disobedience is rather too narrow to understand political acts in general. Staging dissensus brings into play the imaginary, performative, and legality of rights all at once and constitutes subjects as citizen subjects of power. Julian Assange, Edward Snowden, Anonymous, Aaron Swartz, and Open Rights are not only definite individuals or collectives of civil disobedience but stand for a political subjectivity enacting rights as the staging of dissensus. This is what we gather from their acts. When they enact rights that they do not have and the rights that they should have, they bring into being political subjects who cannot be known in advance. Their acts are contestations over who is counted as political and what counts as politics. To put it slightly differently, the performative and imaginary force of rights lies in the double movement between their inscription and enactment.

      Acá estaría el derecho a scrappear como una forma de reapropiación de los bienes comunes y de repolitización de lo publico.

    2. Wewanttoreadtheemergenceandtransformationsofthedigitalrightsmovementfromtheperspectiveofdigitalactsasoneofthenecessaryelementsformakingdigitalrightsclaims.Whethertheseactscumulativelyconstituteadigitalrightsmovementcomparabletoothersocialmovementswillconcernscholarsintheforeseeablefuture,andwecannotaddressthatquestionhere.Instead,wewanttogatherfromdisparateanddisperseddigitalactstherecognitionofadimlyemergingfigureasthesubjectofdigitalrights.Itistheemergenceofthisspecificpoliticalsubjectivityarounddigitalrightsandtheclaimsthroughwhichithasemerged—andtheopeningsandclosingsithasinstigated—thatformsthecentralquestionofthisbook.
  4. Sep 2017
    1. Itistritetosay,butbeinganAmericancitizeninNewYorkisdifferentfrombeinganIraniancitizeninTehranandnotequivalentregardlessofhumanrightsconventions.Second,theboundariesofwhatissayableanddoableandthustheperformativityofbeingcitizensareradicallydifferentin,say,TunisandMadrid.Finally,theimaginaryforceofactingasacitizeninAthenshasaradicallydifferenthistorythanithas,say,inIstanbul.ThesecomplexitiesanddifferentiationscometomakeahugedifferenceinhowcitizensubjectsuptakecertainpossibilitiesandactandorganizethemselvesthroughtheInternet.

      Hay ejercicios conviviales, vinculados al territorio, pero no confinados por las leyes particulares del país, en lo referido a la creación de software libre y contenidos abiertos. Sin embargo, la fuerza del estado se hace presente en casos como los de Basil, donde su activismo lo llevo a la muerte.

    2. thefigureofthecitizencannotenterintodebatesabouttheInternetasasubjectwithouthistoryandwithoutgeography—andwithoutcontradictions.Rather,acriticalapproachtothefigureofthecitizenataminimumrecognizesthatitisbothasubjecttopowerandsubjectofpowerandthatthisfigureembodiesobedience,submission,andsubversionasitsdispositions
    3. Theimaginaryofcitizenshipincludesawholeseriesofstatementsandutterancesaboutwhatcitizenshipis,oughttobe,hasbeen,willhavetobe,andsoon.Theimaginaryofcitizenshipisobviouslymobilizedbyandparticipatesintheformationofthelegalityofcitizenshipanditsperformativity
    4. First,performingcitizenshipbothinvokesandbreaksconventions.Weshallcharacterizeconventionsbroadlyassociotechnicalarrangementsthatembodynorms,values,affects,laws,ideologies,andtechnologies.Associotechnicalarrangements,conventionsinvolveagreementorevenconsent—eitherdeliberateoroftenimplicit—thatconstitutesthelogicofanycustom,institution,opinion,ritual,andindeedlaworembodiesanyacceptedconduct.Sinceboththelogicandembodimentofconventionsareobjectsofagreement,performingtheseconventionsalsoproducesdisagreement.Anotherwayofsayingthisisthattheperformativityofconductsuchasmakingrightsclaimsoftenexceedsconventions
    5. Whoisthenthecitizen?Balibarsaysthatthecitizenisapersonwhoenjoysrightsincompletelyrealizingbeinghumanandisfreebecausebeinghumanisauniversalconditionforeveryone.[19]Wewouldsaythecitizenisasubjectwhoperformsrightsinrealizingbeingpoliticalbecausebecomingpoliticalisauniversalconditionforeveryone.

      [...] ‘Western concepts and political principles such as the rights of [hu]man[s] and the citizen, however progressive a role they played in history, may not provide an adequate basis of critique in our current, increasingly global condition.’[20] Poster says this is so, among other things, because Western concepts arise out of imperial and colonial histories and because situated differences are as important as universal principles.[21] This contradiction of the figure of the citizen can be expressed in another paradoxical phrase: universalism as particularism.

    6. Whatdistinguishesthecitizenfromthesubjectisthatthecitizenisthiscompositesubjectofobedience,submission,andsubversion.Thebirthofthecitizenasasubjectofpowerdoesnotmeanthedisappearanceofthesubjectasasubjecttopower.Thecitizensubjectembodiestheseformsofpowerinwhichsheisimplicated,whereobedience,submission,andsubversionarenotseparatedispositionsbutarealways-presentpotentialities.
    7. Thefieldbeginswithcitizenshipdefinedasrights,obligations,andbelongingtothenation-state.Threerights(civil,political,andsocial)andthreeobligations(conscription,taxation,andfranchise)governrelationshipsbetweencitizensandstates.Civilrightsincludetherighttofreespeech,toconscience,andtodignity;politicalrightsincludevotingandstandingforoffice;andsocialrightsincludeunemploymentinsurance,universalhealthcare,

      and welfare.

    1. More staunch critics questioned if the White House was being duplicitous by inviting “civic hackers” under the guise of transparency while having the worst administrative record for prosecuting whistleblowers.

      Acá la crítica consistente ha sido la tardía invitación de la sociedad civil a participar de la construcción de la política pública. En ese sentido, el carácter performativo de la hackatón puede servir como una forma de brand washing sobre opacidades y ausencias de participación más profundas, por ejemplo frente a la ejecución de presupuestos públicos, cómo mostró la gobernatón.