It is a matter of how personsand their social and cultural worlds are inseparable, thoroughly

First of all, it facilitates acritical redefinition of these children's households as settings thatcontain ample cultural and intellectual resources. These householdsare not intellectually barren, socially disorganized, or part of somesort of apathetic and passive, if not pathological, "underclass";norare they lacking in cognitive resources or in the family's capacities todevelop, acquire, or use knowledge

This lesson, and this classroom, represent acomplex, and collective, zone of proximal development, to use Vy-gotsky's (1978) metaphor

hrough their studies, the childrenused their developing knowledge about wars of the past to understanda war of the present

In particular,it illustrates how children form a social network wherein they ex-change funds of knowledge within a classroom context in a mannersimilar to, although much more concentrated than, that in the house-holds in our study

The classroom is physically organized to facilitate the distributionof activities and the use of multiple resources, especially books, aspart of the activities

These funds of knowledge are sociallyinherited and culturally reproduced and developed (or discarded),and their distribution is a constant and dynamic characteristic ofhousehold life

Households depend on their social networks in order to cope withcomplex and changing circumstances

These mundane exchanges takea variety of forms, such as labor services, access to information, in-cluding help in finding jobs or housing and knowledge about dealingwith government agencies, and various forms of material assistancebesides money such as sheltering visitors.

thinking as distributed dynamically in inter-personal relationships among people, their artifacts, and their envi-ronments

Vygotsky, 1978, 1987

The primary purpose of this work is to change or improve classroomteaching by drawing on the knowledge and skills found in local house-holds

along

The resources were made available to athletes by virtue oftheir presence in the physical space and through one-on-one interactions with CoachJ. Additionally, ideational resources were often conveyed as students were explicitlypositioned into particular roles with respect to the events at which they wouldcompete in meet

Specifically, it makesthe case for a treatment of learning and identity that considers them to be intimatelyrelated to one another but also to be distinct processes. Thinking about learning andidentities in schools in this way might support a clearer conceptual understanding ofthe relation between learning and identity that does not conflate them or view themas unrelated.

He does not figure his life in AP!s terms. He views AA as a measure to take when things get really bad. He does not share the set of values and distinctions that unites other AA members. The identity of "alcoholic" does not affect his actions, or his perceptions of self, beyond his drinking behavior. Andrew has never stayed in AA for more than one year, although he has been in treatment for alcoholism four times and in and out of AA at least three times

Apparently the story was consciously developed from the beginning as a vehicle for presenting an experience or person with whom the prospect could identify

We conceive this step as devaluation, rather than diffusion, as Schwartz and Merten call it

Telling AA personal stories also helps members identify with one an­other in ways that are harder to document. As a public event, one that is not only observable but material and co-participatory, the telling encom­passes body practices, including vocalization, that realize structures of affect and disposition. Not only social theorists, from Durkheim and Mauss to Bourdieu, but any participant in such performances would tell you that the fellow-feeling born in these ceremonies is a powerful means of identification.

This context of flux is the ground for identity development. It sets the conditions for what we called in Chapter 2 the authoring self-what in Chapter 8 we will expand to call the "space of authoring."

Because of its roots in Marxian analyses of capitalism and other historically specific modes of produc-tion, activity theory pays more attention to the articulation of activities within larger syste_ms_<.>f power and prlvilsge

Each is a simplified world populated by a set of agents (in the world of romance: attractive women, boyfriends, lovers, fiances) who engage in a limited range of meaningful acts or changes of state (flirting with, falling in love with, dumping, having sex with) as moved by a specific set of forces (attractiveness, love, lust)

Artifacts "open up" figured worlds. They are the means by coUec-nveiyuevelopea, individually learned, and made sociaUy power

Inacoffeeshop,unlikeaclassroom,itdoesn’tseemlikeanyoneisworriedaboutminimizingtheanxietyfeltbycustomers/”students”

Theteachersinthisinstancearethestaffbaristas,cashiers,managers..

Ifacustomerisn’tanexperiencedcoffeedrinker,theymighthavetoaskthebaristaforhelp

Ipersonallyfeelliketheydon’tgooutoftheirwaytobeoverlynicebutthat’ssortoftheirvibe

t  was  interesting  to  note  that  many  people  observed  others  instead  of  risking  looking  “dumb”by  asking  for  help  or  doing  things

 students  were  confused  by  the  machine  and  some  techniques  they  used  were  asking  a  fellow  student  or  watching  to  see  what  others  would  do,  or  making  the  long  line  atthe  help  desk  instead.

 books.  I  include  myself,  as  I  tried  to  swipe  my  NYU  card  a  couple  of  times,  then  finally  giving  up  and  using  the  other  machine,  which  finally  acquiescedmy  desir

 space.If  they  were  able  to  arrive  safely  without  making  a  beeline  for  a  mug  emblazoned  with  TISCH  or  STERN,  they  were  m

you

one

 to  do  so.  However,  in  my  observations  people  often  used  their  friends  as  tools,  following  their  lead  and  even  getting  their  guidance,  as  was  the  case  with  the  young  woman  who  attempted  to  open  the  locked  doors.

each  person’s  success  depends  on  how  well  other  people  can  navigate  the  entrance

 This  entrance  was  definitely  not  designed  to  accommodate  people  with  disabilit

ither  the  person  would  speed  up  and  enter  the  door  quickly,  usually  with  a  little  skip  hop,  or  more  usually  they  would  play  it  safe,  wait,  and  enter  in  the  next  compartment  of  the  door.  This  timing  reminded  me  of  the  rhythm  and  timing  needed  to  play  dou

 a  giggle.  It  seemed  that  they  knew  they  were  going  against  the  intended  purpose  of  the

 saw  two  instances  of  a  pair  of  young  women  get  into  one  compartment  together,  each  time  they  did  this  with

 For  the  majority  of  my  time  observing,  there  was  a  large  amount  of  people  using  the  left  door,  a  moderate  stream  of  people  at  the  center  door,  and  only  a  few  people  using  the  right

The  generalgoal  of  learning  to  use  the  revolving  doors  seemed  to  focus  on  entering  and  exiting  smoothly  without  disrupting  the  stream  of  people.

mocro

corrected by other members of the community,when Felipe moved the door the “wrong way”and someone immediately corrected it for theirown use, and through failure and possible humiliation, when the group of two tried to engage in the door activity together.I was witnessing the generative practice of being in a community; a community of revolving doorusers at Kimmel, which involved the construction of identities,even if just a small partof the identitiesof individuals that are part of it.This community had important social understandings and physical requirements that needed to be learned, through legitimate peripheral participation, not just through practice.

ep

think

probably taught them to enter the door individually next time.

r behumiliated as an indication that you are new here and don’t know how to use these doors.

When people did use the revolving door, it moved faster as more people used it(to a specific point),

Everyday Activities Field Notes9/15/15Colin Hennessy Elliott1|PageKimmel Revolving Door:Field Notes: Everyday ActivitiesI

apprenticeship has been treated as a historically significant object more often than most educational phenom-ena

Instead, they invent new methods specific to the situation at hand

Efforts to play this enabling function are likely to result in new forms of schooling that are also our best hope of preparing the next generation to participate knowledgeably and effectively in the civic functions of a technologically complex democratic society.

The process of schooling seems to encourage the idea that the "game of school" is to learn symbolic rules of various kinds, that there is not supposed to be much continuity between what one knows outside school and what one learns in school.

In school, the greatest premium is placed upon "pure thought" activities-what individuals can do without the external support of books and notes, calculators, or other complex instruments

In contrast, much activity outside school is socially shared. Work, personal life, and recreation take place within social systems, and each person's ability to function successfully depends on what others do and how several individuals' mental and physical performances mesh

People learn, in spite of the obstacles our analysis suggests, because the schools and job situations in which they Jearn seldom approach the extreme conditions of these ideal analytic types.

They assume that what they know, the student needs to know

HI everyone