Front Matte

Preface

BLACK TEACHERSONTEACHING

LACK TEACHERS ON TEACHING

Fugitive Pedagog

Preface: A New Grammar for Black Education

CONTENTS

ose and Content•Purpose for Learning and Criteria for Success •Specific Expectations•Explanations of Content •Use of Academic L

ot! Journal

The principal of the Textile Industrial Institute was keenly aware of the speech which marked town and mill people as distinct from each other. When he moved among the millworkers, he shifted his talk to their ways.

Gradually, millowners' zeal for reform of the "mill problem" enabled them to support child labor laws and compulsory schooling. North Carolina passed its first compulsory attendance law in I907; South Carolina followed in I 9 I 5.

Though T rackton residents acknowledge the benefits of "the great improvement," they do not rhemselves take part in any aspect of the political process which town blacks proclaim as a major result of "changin' times."

oes not speak of the cooperation of earlier days when the extended family lived on the farm or in the condemned housing on the edge of Gateway

She sees schooling and success in school as the way to make these hopes and dreams come to reality

But, in general, Trackton residents, even the respectables, view their stay in Trackton as temporary and choose not to spend money and effort on their present homes.

Parents fear early boy-girl involvement will deny their children an opportunity to benefit from schooling. Beyond the toddler stage, play and social activities are strictly sex-segregated (and age-graded when possible).

The way ahead Roadville folks have very definite notions of how to get ahead:

They also link the ability to do for oneself -to garden, sew, can, do woodworking, and maintain their homes -to moral qualities: thriftiness, industry, independ-ence, and a proper use of God-given talents.

They like to talk about old times but do not spend their days lamenting their passing. Instead they keep busy using the talents and enthusiasm for hard work and family recreation those days fostered in them.

Map 2. Readville I Mrs. Dee and daughter 2 Sue Dobbs and children 3 Mrs. Dee's son and his wife 4 Smith family 5 Macken family Mull Road "Gettin' in two communities 6 Mrs. Dee's daughter and h

hus, the question of how "scientific" this work is will have to depend on each reader's conceptions of science and valuation of long-term participation and observation in accounting for the ways of life of particular groups of people in their communities and schools.

Because ethnographic research, especially in education, is cur-rently undertaken by a variety of scholars from a range of disciplines, there is some general sense of a search for a model.

Prologue

Food Stamp recipients didn’t cause the financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did.

Of course, a great education isn’t all we need in this new economy.

we should recruit and support more great teachers for our kids

The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start, and together, we’ve increased early childhood education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering.

It’s made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty,

As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise. Companies have less loyalty to their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.

private-sector job creation in history

And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what’s best in us, and not what’s worst?

It is the result of choices we make together. And we face such choices right now.

We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the “dogmas of the quiet past.”

This results in changes to learning that often confound adults who relish the environments with which they are familiar and in which they had opportunities to learn. When teens engage with networked media, they’re trying to take control of their lives and their relationship to society. In doing so, they begin to understand how people relate to one another and how information flows between people. They learn about the social world, and as Bianca points out, they develop social skills.

n many communities, parenting norms focus on limiting chil-dren’s access to public places, keeping an eye on their activities, and providing extensive structure.

After a teen girl in North Carolina used Facebook to complain about her father, her father responded by posting an irate video on YouTube in which he reads a letter he wrote to his daughter and then fires a gun at his daughter’s laptop.1

But instead of prompting a productive conversation, addic-tion rhetoric positions new technologies as devilish and teenagers as constitutionally incapable of having agency in response to the temp-tations that surround them.

Yet in practice, both privacy and pub-licity are blurred.

hen parents choose to hover, lurk, and track, they implicitly try to regulate teens’ practices. Parents often engage in these acts out of love but fail to realize how surveillance is a form of oppression that limits teens’ ability to make independent choices

Instead, she believes that she can achieve privacy by choosing what not to share.

Controlling a social situation in an effort to achieve privacy is nei-ther easy nor obvious. Doing so requires power, knowledge, and skills.

In the new generation of virtual worlds such as Whyville.net andTeen Second Life, the shift to player-generated content has resulted in a fundamentalshift of power, responsibility, and opportunity (Jenkins, 2006

Since this time, Whyville has provided morediversity in avatar looks for first-time newbies

Taken together, these four articles paint a picture of the kind of experimen-tation with avatar race that can go on in Whyville and the community reaction topostings about them.

Gee suggeststhat we need to distinguish between real, virtual, and projective identities when dis-cussing the role of online worlds in identity construction. Gee describes the ‘‘real’’identity as who you are as a person off-line and the ‘‘virtual’’ identity as the avatarfigure that you select or create online. The ‘‘projective’’ identity is produced in theinteraction between your ‘‘real’’ and ‘‘virtual’’ identities and reflects what youbecome in your avatar interactions

What we did observe and have described in this chapter is a different kind of “transfer”between what we call in-game and in-world. It’s a kind of transfer that the players arequite active in constructing themselves.

young people across our study are presenting us with their implicit theory of learning ingame play—their theory being that games are learnable and we (i.e., they) need only figureout how to learn them.

t seems that Tyler’s use of cheats had become associated with hisoverall style of play.

The first segment of this vignette begins with Andrew’s initial enthusiastic bid to show Tylerhow to do the move, punctuated with rhythmic sound effects accompanying an embodieddisplay with the unconnected controller

n this vignette we see that interaction in-room directly shapes in-game action.

An alternative approach to studying transfer is rooted in an ethnographic tradition thatis sometimes called situated, everyday, or distributed cognition.1

Yet, there is no denying thatbeing on Whyville was for us like being in a different world, whereas our afterschoolclub participants seamlessly joined the virtual community.

Socializing is the driving force of these virtual worlds—contrary to popularmedia that have often pictured online play as an isolating experience

With the theoretical goa l of focusi ng on t he dy na m ica l ly evolv i ng scopes of possibi l it y or lea r ni ng i n l ig ht of diversities of structures for social practices, we focus on contextual dimensions of places, positions, and actions occurring in relation to the interests, forms of partici-pation, social relationships and varied identities tied to multiple social practices that make up the learning inf luences and outcomes.

As we have written elsewhere, “the researcher as a collaborative, reflective ‘observant participant’ may help make visible the practices, meanings, and contradictions that often become invisible to those closest to the action

(a) meaningfully engaging with students’ lives and experiences, with researchers position-ing themselves as learners, willing to reflect on their assumptions, and (b) questioning normative definitions of “Science” (with a capital S) as more academic or valuable.

when we fail to move beyond nar-row or normative definitions of what counts as learning

Both problematize the analytic “snapshot” as the endpoint of inquiry, seeking instead to craft a moving picture of social practice and human development as it unfolds, geneti-cally, in real-time

cs Club at

lanning on informally interviewing advisors and student

Research Questions:

how to NYU must do

The English conversationgroup seemed to be constructed through the lens of being a student.

Asa piece of document issued by schools and required by the U.S. government, this paper represents the material resources students are given delegatingthem to an international student identityamong first entrance to the U.S. English conversationgroups have no required documents

My independent project will

Is there anaspect of mandatory versus optional participationthat impacts identityformulationand resource availabilitytofacilitatelearningand participation?

nstead, I propose that the desettling pedagogyof Math Moves!is provocative rather than authoritative, destabilizing rather than corrective, questioning rather than answering

what the HECK?”indexes the pedagogical potential of the exhibit and worksheet to desettle the mathematics of measurement.

n a way, the chairs are much less chairs than they are, in Heideggerian language, present at hand (Heidegger, 1962/1927). Meanwhile, embodied activity and experience work fluently in the background, positioned largely in service of performing the practical work of measuring, writing, and communicating.

process they call desettling.

here is something about this language that doesn’t quite capture the interactional-experiential moment

Together, Claire’s talk and gesture identify and bring the exhibit to quasi-presence by evoking the aspects of it that involve listening as well as moving and feeling with the hands.

As Claire says “the noise one?,” she curls her right-hand fingers in towards her palm and moves her hand back and forth in front of her, depicting the manipulation of the exhibit’s handles

At the museum, she and Tilly had developed the sense that walking faster along the tracks would produce “smoother lines” instead of curves that were “squiggly.” In other words, the two experienced a perceptuomotor blending (Nemirovsky, Kelton, & Rhodehamel, 2013; see also Section 2.4) of enacting swift movements with seeing smooth lines.

After a long pause, during which Barbara-lee continued to trace the line on the picture while she searched for the word she wanted, Maria proffered, incorrectly, “radius

Communication is embodied in dance-engaging the kinesthetic, visual, musical, and spatial, as well as the narrative. The power of dance to give itself over to improvisation, shifts in numbers involved, and movement from one performance arena to another permit creativity from youngsters in environments of support and encour­agement

RebekahThornhill

Itmighthelpuspreparestudentsbetterfortheircollegeexperience,enhancingtheironcampusexperienceandthenpreparingthemadequatelyforOrthodoxadultlife

Nordoweseethemassuch,forthatmatter.Butinfact,theyare.Justbecausethey’vegrownuppracticingacertainway,doesn’tmeanthatthey’vedonesointhisparticularcontext,thisparticularcommunityofpractice.

Whatdoesitmeanwhenoldtimers(particularlyseniors)becomedisinterestedinthecommunityofpracticetheywereenthusiasticaboutasnewcomersandthenhelpedtobuildwhentheytransitionedintooldtimers?Andhowarecommunityandculturalnorms,valuesandideaspasseddownfromoldtimerstonewcomers?Whathappenswhentheseareinterpreteddifferentlybynewcomers?

Iamhopingthatusingthelensoflegitimateperipheralparticipation,IcananalyzethisandcomeupwithsomeconcretedataasopposedtojusttheanecdotalevidencethatIcurrentlyhave

UsingLPP,I’llbeabletonotonlyanalyzehownewcomersbecomeoldtimersofthisspecificcommunityofpractice(prayerservice)butalsohowthismanifestsinthelargercommunityofpracticewhichistheOrthodoxJewishstudentcommunityatNYU

Educationalreformisasmuchaproblemofarticulatingtheschoolwiththepublicsphereasofchangingwhatgoesonwithinitswalls.

Simplyrequiringteacherstoalign®eldtripsmorecloselytoschooltasks(Confar1995,GriÅnandSymington1997)doesnothelpkidstowardsricherparticipatoryrolesinpublicspace,andindeedcouldeasilyworkagainstthisend

Rather,its`languageofart’producedaboundaryaroundthedowntownandtheobjectsitcontainedandde®nedthemaseÂlitespaces

Asidefromthisexhibit,however,theroomwasnoisy,raucous,asiteofplayratherthaninstruction.

disinterested`artappreciation’

Thismeanttransformingpeopleaswellascommoditiesintoaestheticexperienc

Themediumforpositioningkidsinthisperformanceofspacewastheprocessofaestheticization:theframingofpeopleandsettingsasobjectstobeappreciatedvisually,intermsoftheirformal,abstractfeaturesandstylisticelements

Otherschoolseschewed®eldtripsbecauseteachersandadministratorsfearedstudentswouldmisbehaveundertheirrelaxedsurveillanceregimes.

Intheprocess,theyhelpproducewhatpeoplethinkofas`public’spaces–indeed,theyareofsingularimportanceintheperformanceofpublicspacetothedegreethattheyserveasthemeansbywhichchildrenareintroducedtothedowntowns,museums,nationalparks,monumentsandhistoricalsitesthatsymbolizethepublicsphere

onceproducedinstreets,squares,parks,businessdistricts,civiccentres,neighbourhoodstoresandcommunityinstitutionslikethe`Y’,thatallowedforunexpectedsightsandencounters,socialandaestheticdiversity,publicsolitude,people-watching,publicsociabilityandunprogrammedspacesofplay

embodiedroutinesandmoreaproductofthewaysinstitutionssuchasschoolsincorporateplacesfarfromhomeintooÅcialnarrativesofregionalorgroupidentit

nonetheless,itidenti®esprocessesthathavefundamentallychangedthelivesofyoungchildren,isolatingtheminhousesandneighbourhoodsemptiedofstreetlife,socialdiÄerenceandopportunitiesforcommunalactivity

While the diffusion of ourwork (and that of many others) into the community required interest and deliberate effortfrom many different stakeholders, we feel it is reasonable to argue that substantial learningoccurred also at a collective or social level of analysis.

youth participants were consistent with Harvey’s (2008) observation that in making orimagining the city, we are also making and imagining ourselves

As they came tounderstand technologies for mapping more fully, they also began to question what wasshown (and not shown) on maps.

As we expected, the safety ride led to a critical reflection onthe extent to which maps supported riding, but also to a discussion of whether the city, itsroads, and cultural amenities were arranged in space to support mobility and access foryouth on bicycles

We were guided in the study by Soja’s (2010) concept of ‘‘spatial justice’’ as a way tointervene in the spatial relationship youth had with their neighborhoods, so that they mightimagine new, more equitable possibilities for that geography

hese residents learned totalk over the surface of maps in ways that closely matched the spatial thinking andrelevancies of professional planners

For residents without cars,Woodbridge was also seen as a ‘‘mobility desert’’ (a term first used by Cecil, the director ofthe Workshop with whom we collaborated on this project) that lacked a comprehensiveinfrastructure for independent mobility (e.g., bicycle lanes, bus routes, and accessiblecultural/educational assets)

Potentially, youth counter-mapping could have conse-quences both for ‘‘on the move’’ experience and for official versions of city neighborhoods

Hart demonstrated that children’s mobility was self-directed in a rural com-munity, and they learned about their environment by traveling through and negotiating howthey would use it together.

We hoped that combining anolder technology (bicycles and the urban street grid) with newer geospatial and mobile tools,would lead to changes in personal mobility and participation in new forms of spatial literacy

Second, spatial literacy is an important component of civic engagementsince many democratic processes of urban development rely on representations of spaceand residents’ sustained reflection on experiences within lived spaces.

Different forms of transportation (e.g., riding in a car, walking, or riding a bicycle)mediate personal mobility differently, and resulting patterns of mobility structure activitiesthat involve co-participants, technology, and mutually accountable forms of engagement

Positioning was not just interactional but embodied as well; skaters’ locations and movementthrough the setting, the orientations of their bodies, and their engagements with material featuresof the setting edited the space (Leander,2002

Laura created a particular kind of learning opportunity for herself by inviting Austin, a moreexperienced skater, to come with her and then soliciting his help regarding a trick that she waseager to learn. From their talk it was clear that he was going to help her learn something; togetherthey produced the mini-ramp room as a setting for private tutoring, rather than just a low-riskpractice area.

Flatland was a setting where Karl and Hal caught their breath and commented on theirown and each other’s performance

Hot spots included episodes that seemed representative of activity that we had observed as well asunexpected or unaccountable events.

In particular, we looked for learning eventsthat were treated by the skaters as learning, by attending to how they oriented to ongoing activityand positioned themselves and each other as teachers or learners (Stevens,2010).

We say that these learning opportunities emerged from editing and the social production ofspace

settings, or socially produced space, is not uniformly experienced

we consider how skateparks are producedin socially negotiated activity

Teachers and studentsare dis/placed when these official practices exclude and discount them, forcing them to existin marginal spaces, devalued and suppressed. This work illuminates how the interrogation ofsocial spaces provides insight into the boundaries drawn around material places and practiceslike schools and schooling, and what happens within these spaces and at their intersections

Lainey Manos

ecology of action

AND learning from strangers observing the black canvas before you.

ecology of action became people’s

an individual is able to see the difference in brush strokes that made this piece not just a black canvas

r c

one could consider her an expert

Here, in this room, observers shared the experience of interpreting and understanding that piece of artwork

This room was the most silent of all; it was so quiet that I even observed a person sleeping in there for 20 minutes

rooms with more abstract art, where the meaning of the piece was unclear,

regardless of if it was clear to understand or not

Call me stereotypical, but the museums I have gone have been quie

thin the season, the boys participated intensely in apprenticeship with an expert (

he weakest outfielder of the early season could move to catcher by mid-season; the smallest player who lagged behind all the other players in running time and batting power could become the team's strategist. The coach and players called attention to these differences often, both during practices and in interviews

Like in school, you're quiet all the time. In baseball you can talk all you want

Baseball, sometimes disparagingly characterized as a game in which sixteen people stand around and wait for two people to do something, provides abundant occasions for players to put their problem solving and creating of possible worlds into words—usually in the form of "what-if," "if-then," or "did-you-see" narratives

Baseball, sometimes disparagingly characterized as a game in which sixteen people stand around and wait for two people to do something, provides abundant occasions for players to put their problem solving and creating of possible worlds into words—usually in the form of "what-if," "if-then," or "did-you-see" narratives

ge- and gender-related habits, institutional values, and situated meanings that are at once spontaneous, adaptive, and historically established.

Their interaction and the quantitative analyses are consistent with our original claim that much of a child's early domain-specific expertise may be forged from relatively mundane moments where parents and children label, link, and learn througlLcollaborative activity and conversation.

Their interaction and the quantitative analyses are consistent with our original claim that much of a child's early domain-specific expertise may be forged from relatively mundane moments where parents and children label, link, and learn througlLcollaborative activity and conversation.

Their interaction and the quantitative analyses are consistent with our original claim that much of a child's early domain-specific expertise may be forged from relatively mundane moments where parents and children label, link, and learn througlLcollaborative activity and conversation.

Finally, and most importantly with respect to the idea of islands of exper-tise, the mother makes an explicit connection between the exhibit and the boy's prior learning experience with his computer game which is appar-ently about different dinosaurs and their eggs.

By the time the boy turns 3 years old, he has developed an island of ex-pertise around trains. His vocabulary, declarative knowledge, conceptual knowledge, schemas, and personal memories related to trains are numer-ous, well-organized, and flexible.

Trains were platforms for other concepts as well, in science and in other domains.

Thus, islands of expertise become platforms for families to practice learning habits and to develop, often for the first time, conversations about , L abstract and general ideas, concepts, or mechanisms.

t might extend much beyond the immediatecurricular targets

Specifically,when interest-based pursuits are framed in terms of the simultaneous satisfactionof a person’s various practicepreferencesacross time, then the girls’ transformingthe activity indicates that they did not have a general interest in fashion/graphicdesign. Instead, whateverpreferencesthey might have had that intersected withthe domains of fashion and design, suchpreferencesdid not find expressionin the activity proposed by the researchers.

It follows that becausepeople learn (e.g.,observational skills) along theirlines of practice,intersectionsbetweenlinesshow knowledge and learning that cross line boundaries

Moststrongly, Mitchell’sobservational lines of practicewere primarily defined by hisidentityas a serious astronomer and its many entailments—including cultivatinga broad variety ofobservational targets, projects,andgoals;occasionally get-tingcertificates; sketching;developing a broadaesthetics;and so on

Finally and centrally,preferencesandconditions of practiceclustered into whatI calllines of practice

preferenceemerging in Mitchell’s narrative regarded hisdevelopingidentityin amateur astronomy

Collaborationwas thus an important dimension of Mitchell’s, Sally’s, and many others’ prac-tices, an inference further strengthened by the ethnographic observations thatinformal and more systematic collaborations were endemic

As is commonly the case, initial coding of the data yielded a very largenumber of categories

The point was to follownotthe individual observationaltargets—there were just too many of them—but rather how they functioned (i.e.,the purposes they served) in each astronomer’s practice

ectures, planets(Saturn, Jupiter, Mars,andVenus), theMoon,asteroids, deep sky objects, Messier objects, star clusters, variable stars, dou-ble stars, galaxies, comets, globular clusters, periodical events(e.g.,eclipsesand planetalignments),nebula, Cassiopeia, atlasandcharts, goals

I broaden the descriptiveand explanatory range of these conceptual categories by capturing commonaltiesand idiosyncrasies in practice participation that are the hallmark of interest-basedpursuits.

As she explained,observing M103 followed from her goal of looking at as many “pretty objects”as possible, and she included star clusters as such. As we will see, the themeof observing pretty objects appeared quite frequently in her narratives of thehobby

(Blumenfeld et al.,1992)

My aim is to revisit the verynatureofinterests, short and long term, and to develop a new theoretical lens for capturingand understanding interest-based participation in social practices

Pragmatically speaking, Iseek to contribute to the design ofinterest-basedinstruction, with an empha-sis on science learning in and out of schools

Edras D. De Jesus Jimenez

With this in mind, we are more readily able to shape our conception of how interaction with art or exhibits will enhance our methods for learning

A group of two women exclaimed: “ How clever!” This is the musical score for the song that is playing!” The other agreed with a nod of her head. “No wonder I felt like it lacked melo

Interestingly, the group of students did not take into account artifacts for learning that were made readily available to them to help them understand, such as the brochures provided at the receptionist desk, nor the description of the piece of art located some feet away, though the woman in the first example did glance at the words describing what the installation was about before moving on.

As noted by the examples above, the students and the visitors all seemed to be taking different approaches to comprehend to this particular installation, and shaped their learnings from the observations and internalizations of what the exhibit might mean or expressed.

These ecologies of action

Understanding that human participatory roles is inherently changing and adapting to the experiences that are presented, makes this a question of what the first person will do in order to create the framework for the rest of the group to follow

persons

the

The effort to bridge school-based and community-based learningwill be helped by future studies that examine how variations across nonschool learn-ing environments influence youths’ learning and development

A common finding in studies of out-of-school learning is that children gain ac-cess to mature expert practices; unlike the design of many schools, they are notsegregated from adult activities (Lave & Wenger, 1991; Rogoff, 2003)

Monique’s comments reflect a strong sense of identification with the work

The termsyouthandadultstook on similar symbolic meanings across the threegroups.

how participants made sense of what they were doing

how participants made sense of what they were doing

Nevertheless, I focus on adult roles in this ar-ticle in order to gain an in-depth understanding of one piece of a complex acti

Although some adult sup-port may be necessary for youth to achieve political goals, too much involvementmight undermine their initiative or lead to a slippery slope where adults end upco-opting youths’ roles

Unlike accounts of out-of-school learning where-by newcomers begin by participating in a peripheral manner, in activism groupsyouth are often expected to lead the way.

Noguera & Cannella, 2006

outh organizations represent animportant venue for minors to gain access to adult domains, whether through infor-mal relationships with adults or project-based activities that link youth to profes-sional or artistic communities (Eccles & Gootman, 2002; Heath, 1999; Jarrett,Sullivan, & Watkins, 2005).

It emphasizes how adults help to structure children’s developmental tra-jectories and also the active participation by children in these processes.

In intent participation, assessment occurs integrally throughout shared endeav-ors to further learning—not just as an “outcome.”

Words are an important aspect of communication in learning by intent participation,accompanying other forms of communication and joint action. However, wordshave different functions than in assembly-line instruction, where they are usedextensively to describe information out of the context of shared endeavors, andknown-answer questions are employed to quiz learners

Children of schooled parents may learn the participation structure of assembly-line schooling at home and use it in their relations with others

There is also no separation of learning into anisolated assembly phase, with exercises for the immature, out of the context of theintended activity

For example, children are able to learn new vocabulary wordsafter exposure to television stories that contained those words (Huston & Wright1998). Watching violent television in early childhood predicts later aggressivebehavior (Huston & Wright 1998, Bushman & Anderson 2001). Similarly, evenshort-term exposure to video game violence is associated with higher aggression(Anderson & Bushman 2001).

bservation in ongoing activityor lessons

young children learning theirfirst language and continues in importance throughout life. However, it has re-ceived relatively little research attention

young children learning theirfirst language and continues in importance throughout life. However, it has re-ceived relatively little research attention

Note that I've moved our readings to NYUClasses so we don't have to keep doing that highlight-reload business for hypothes.is to work

ep

rd, when

Although Oppenheimer’s educational model was complex andnonprescriptive, the basis of his approach to exhibits was compatible with that of Dewey,giving central importance to the role of direct experience of phenomena, and trying to presentthe learner with a problematic experience from which he/she could conduct genuine inquiry.It is also compatible with the Piagetian notion of disequilibration as a driver for learningthrough change of existing knowledge schemas

It is surprising that the substantial body of research concerned withhow people discern and discover the functionality and affordances of objectsremains principally concerned with the cognitive abilities they bring to bearin perception rather than with the social circumstances in which objects andartefacts are seen and discovered.

The moment of an action almost embodiesthe principle concerns of those interested in ‘peripheral participation’ andrelated matters

It should be added thatthis commitment to encouraging co-participation and collaboration inmuseums and galleries derives in part from developments in education, withits growing emphasis on situated cognition and informal learning

We can begin to see therefore how the qualities and functionality ofobjects may be discovered through social interaction

This achievement is produced in thecollaboration of the participants. They shape their own and each other’sexperience in and through the installation.

It renders the referent, the object, at which Susie is laughingproblematic; it poses a puzzle for Julia and encourages her to figure out whathas happened.

In a way, we are concerned with the ways in which visitors and viewersare, and can be seen to be, active and engaged spectators.

research has increasingly focused on cognition and on theways in which particular forms of exhibit, exhibition, and displays ofaccompanying information may enhance educational opportunities

The active spectator becomesengaged with a sequence of moments portrayed in asingle image.

Our studies on physical interactivity have shown that it is not a simple and universalprescription for effective learning

On the exhibitfloor there is no accountability, no curriculum, no teachersto enforce concentration, no experienced guide to interpret and give significance to the vastamounts of stimulus and information presented

It is a matter of how personsand their social and cultural worlds are inseparable, thoroughly