For example, you may need a working shop or a working painting studio. You may need a working music studio. Or a computer room where you can write something. It’s crucial to have a setup, so that, at any given moment, when you get an idea, you have the place and the tools to make it happen.

If you don’t have a setup, there are many times when you get the inspiration, the idea, but you have no tools, no place to put it together. And the idea just sits there and festers. Over time, it will go away. You didn’t fulfill it—and that’s just a heartache.

“Okay, today I’m going into the shop to work on a lamp.” This idea comes to you, you can see it, but to accomplish it you need what I call a “setup.”

At the same time, drawingfrom the historical experience of alternative grassroots urban practices, city adminis-trations and community development industry actors have also invested in supportingalternative uses of vacant land that have been framed in larger discourses on sustain-ability, resilience and human well-being (Coppola, 2015)

imaginative post-shrinkage futures made of a network of a few denser urban nodes andvast areas repurposed for uses as diverse as urban agriculture, energy production,recreation and light manufacturing (Gallagher, 2010)

US shrinking cities have also beenprivileged sites for the development of alternative urban practices such as urban farm-ing (Coppola, 2012b), temporary uses of vacant land

. Following a“double-faced development model”, the so-called “community development industry”– the system of philanthropic institutions and neighborhood-based non-profit organi-zations rooted in declining urban areas – pursued policies aimed at the consolidationand promotion of “competitive” residential neighbourhoods through new housingconstruction, support to homeownership and community building (Coppola, 2009)

deeplypolitical in their genesis and development

st a strong correlation between urban shrinkage and extensively documented formsof deep spatialization of the class and racial differences and discrimination structuring USsociety (Massey & Denton, 1993; Wilson, 1987; Oswalt, 2004).

) experiencing declinein the context of their transitions to a post-industrial local economic basis (Scott, 2009).

A range of social science scholarship examines how external actors organizethemselves for collective action

Second, as a scholar andstudent I sought a theoretical and conceptualframework for comprehending what seemed atleast to me to be some very commonplace butrarely elucidated phenomena—that is, what itmeant to be multiply stigmatized and its reflex-ive influence on one’s identity and social inter-actions. And finally, as a social welfare re-searcher I wanted to make a contribution to ourknowledge and practice foundations to enhancethe provision of services to, but ultimately thewell-being of, people of color, gay men, lesbi-ans, and others who are socially stigmatized.

Formal invited partici-patory initiatives differ from informal uninvited citizenengagement initiatives such as protests and boycotts

Climatejustice frameworks highlight the uneven distribution ofduties, burdens, and benefits of environmental changeacross social groups and spaces.

popular framework foradvancing, evaluating, and critiquing practicalinstances of citizen participation

Sherry Arnstein

Social justice is often considered the goal of participatoryplanning, yet justice is typically not operationalized, broadly defined, or clearly linked with participatorypractice.

he only explanation for thisdifference must be that the PRRA placed more emphasis on thesolution of the problems of slum dwellers in San Juan thanin Ponce, and therefore the projects in San Juan were betterthought out, not only in terms of planning but also in termsof the social services which were to be provided. Thissuggests that the principal objective of the Slum ClearanceDivision of the PRRA was to provide homes for the residentsof the "Miranda" and "La Perla" slums of San Juan.105 Thefact that the architect did not provide a design or asuggested location for the school and the community centerin "Morell Campos" certainly supports this idea.

Rexford Guy Tugwell convinced the President tofund the Greenbelt Town program in the United States throughthe Unemployment Appropriation Act which Congress was thenconsidering

hePublic Works Administration (PWA) and the ResettlementAdministration (RA). The PWA's projects were merely housingdevelopments, while the RA's goal was to build completetowns in which healthy communities could develop.

uerto Rico the PRRA began a program, within the economicreconstruction, for the building of new housing units forlow-income families under the agency's Slum ClearanceDivision, headed by Manuel Egozcue.

s it isgenerally understood that it is the federal government'sintention to stimulate the tourist trade in all overseaspossessions, I repeat my hope that an allocation ofmoney will be made in the near future to provideadditional facilities for the accommodation oftourists

The PRRA Slum Clearance Divisiondesigned three urban projects.

Tugwell was surprised by the lack ofsanitation in the many houses built over swamps.45 Hesuggested, as a possible solution to the slum problem, thata governmental housing corporation be created to builddwellings at an approximate cost of three to five thousand

The overall opinion of theofficials in charge of the projects was that it was "amistake to invest public funds in a housing development andthen to dispose of lands and houses to individuals" becausethe low income families receiving the aid liquidated theirequities "frequently at a discount to others not needing thesubsidy.

In 1886, Adolfo Nones, Dario Laguna, andRafael del Valle were responsible for the establishment ofthe "Aldea Daban" in the "Barrio Sabanahoyos" in Arecibo.This was the first slum clearance project developed on theisland.

he slums grew rapidly due to social, as well aseconomic, changes in Puerto Rico. Probably the mostimportant socioeconomic change came about from 1900 to 1930when absentee sugar corporations bought large quantities ofthe island's sugar land. This created a new proletariat andaggregate classes which worked the land but did not own it.

Slums, as defined by the Law number 264 of 1945, arethose urban or suburban sections consisting of unhealthy anddangerous structures

1937 the United States Housing Act founded thelow-income public housing program

National Industrial Recovery Actof 1933 authorized the use of federal funds to finance theconstruction of housing in order to replace the slumdwellings.

federal laws of the 1930s wererelated, in one way or another, to a massive program ofeconomic and social reconstruction under the leadership ofPresident Roosevelt

Lawnumber 53 of 1921, known as "Hogar Seguro" of Puerto Rico,created the workers' settlements with the dual purpose ofproviding adequate housing for laborers, artisans, andpublic workers and guiding an orderly urban development.

6 of 1920authorized the Commissioner of the Interior to acquire, aswell as build, houses for low-income families.

1906, the Puerto Rican Municipal Law authorized the variousmunicipalities to acquire lots in rural areas for thefounding of settlements

main objective was theredistribution of land, was the Homestead Act of 1903.

n March 1934, Mr. Rexford Guy Tugwell, United StatesAssistant Secretary of Agriculture, and Mrs. EleanorRoosevelt visited Puerto Rico. Both were struck by thesubhuman conditions in which the working class was living.It was because of their input and concern for these familiesthat a low-cost housing program was rapidly developed as oneof the most important elements of the plan for the island'sreconstruction.

Power, in most sociological studies, is con- ceived as the ability to exercise influence in a decision-making process

sophisticated start with the assumption that managers and proprietors are the principal power figures and use their sociometric tools to discover how members of an elite are grouped about various kinds of issues to form power cen- ters

The most important piece of configuration once the installation is complete is to setup mail.

n this video we set up the Montage to work (audio/MIDI) with Ableton Live through one USB cable. We also set up recording audio, MIDI and MIDI arp in Live as well.

he on-line search referred to previously revealed three basic uses for focus groups

the antitax climate may leadmore municipalities to consider PILOTs,

Growing scrutiny of the nonprofit sector may alsoplay a role in the growing use of PILOTs

press accounts suggest interest in PILOTshas been growing since the early 1990s and evenmore so in recent years

ince 2000, PILOTs havebeen used in at least 117 municipalities

we exclude other types ofpayments that are sometimes termed PILOTs, in-cluding incentives that local governments sometimesoffer to businesses for which they make PILOTs in-stead of paying full property taxes

municipalities try to addressthose fiscal pressures by seeking payments in lieu oftaxes (PILOTs) from tax-exempt nonprofits.

many communities are thehome to a number of organizations thatoperate as tax-exempt entities

Successful conversations should meet thefollowing objectives:Recognize the unique nature and contri-butions of each nonprofit organizationwithin a community.Strive to create a collaborative environ-ment where all stakeholders have a voice.Utilize an outcomes-based evaluationprocess in which nonprofit organizationsare encouraged and assisted in evaluatingtheir government footprint.

here are a few variables that the local governmentadministrator does have control over

he Aspen Institute first coined the term anchor institution in a 2001 study, defining it as an urban institution with “significant infrastructure in a specific community [that is] therefore unlikely to move” (Fulbright-Anderson, Auspos, & Anderson, 2001)

bsence of services and major stakeholders in urban communities.

First, the study reviews historic precedents for anchor institutions and examines contemporary anchor frameworks, identifying the assumptions and best practices embedded in anchor institution theory.

ome universities are pursuing another role as an anchor institution

evidence-based outcomes of anchor revitalization strategies, as well as potential challenges and opportunities for neighborhoods (

Scholars have studied this phenomenon for more than a decade, defining and building theory, examining case studies, and identifying best practices.

would resolve market failures

Philadelphia’s long-term trajectory follows that of many former-manufactur-ing centers across the Northeastern and Midwestern United States.

he remainder of this article explores patterns of socioeconomic and demographic change in University City. It begins with a brief discussion of neighborhood change in the city of Philadelphia, which provides context for University City’s experience. Subsequently, the discussion turns to change in University City and the larger West Philadelphia neighborhood, as well as disaggregated change within University City in relation to the PAS catchment area.

leverage the university’s financial, organizational, and human capi-tal to improve the neighborhood and catalyze outside investment.

According to a university-commissioned report, Penn saw four potential responses to their environ-ment: (1) engage in community service activities with the neighborhood, knowing that these activities may not address decline in a significant way; (2) reconceive of the Penn campus as a fortress, building walls, gates, and check-points to barricade the institution from decline; (3) vacate the existing West Philadelphia campus and relocate to a more stable location; or (4) develop a broad neighborhood revitalization strategy supported by substantial institu-tional resources (Kromer and Kerman 2005).

The WPI: Penn’s Investment in PlaceIn the early 1990s, University City, and the larger West Philadelphia com-munity, reflected the experience of many neighborhoods across the city of Philadelphia, as well as urban centers across the country (Kromer 2010; Kromer and Kerman 2005; Rodin 2007). High crime rates, property aban-donment and disinvestment, increasing poverty levels, and declining public schools characterized the neighborhood.

deral call for innovation, funded with grant monies, placed new demands on research universities across the country

They responded with diverse place-based interventions, often designed to stabilize the neighborhood’s conditions, induce improvement, and/or catalyze broad revitalization via private investment.

urban universities have a large physical presence within their communities. Their assets include significant amounts of fixed capital—primarily real estate holdings and infrastructure—which tend to make universities less mobile than other corporations

2,000 institutions of higher education are located in central cities,

As cities strive to develop and sustain a place for themselves in the knowledge economy, urban universities represent critical stakeholders with the capacity to contribute to regional economic development in powerful and groundbreaking ways (Goddard and Vallance 2013).

hat land, the basic stuff of place, is a market commodity providing wealth and power, and that some very important people conse- quently take a keen interest

of place quite apart from a crucial dimension of social structure:

A city and, more generally, any locality, is conceived as the areal expression of the interests of some land-base

Building the Conceptual Framework: LL ‘Tops, Purpose ant Significance ——

Researcher Competence

Conceptual Framework

Design Soundness

o often, policy studies offer findings and recommendations with little sense of how the research led to those recommendations. So

Critical ethnography i

Feminist theories frame research ranging across issues and disciplines.

ualitative Research Genres

Qualitative researchers are intrigued with the complexity of social interactions as expressed in daily life and with the meanings the participants themselves attribute. to these interactions.

common considerations and procedures for its conduct and certain “habits of mind and heart” (Rossman & Rallis, 1998)

e refer to qualitative research and qualita- tive methodology as if they were one agreed-on approach.

form of words rather than numbers, have always been the staple of some fields in the social sciences, notably anthropology, history, and politi- cal science.

How can we draw valid meaning from qualitative data?

his study looks at edsand meds as one of those overlooked fixedassets.

nstitutions of higher learning2 (“eds”) and medical facilities (“meds”) are some of the largestprivate employers in America’s biggest cities. A survey of the top 10 private employers in thelargest 20 U.S. cities found that:

three measurement issues are emerging that are specific to a theory of change evaluation.

the field of comprehensive community initiatives (CCIs)

s that such involvement is usually considered as lacking in research objectivity (Oakl

In the same way, although research may have done something for the poor, it also reflects their unequal position. Firstly, the decisions to undertake studies are made not by the socially deprived but generally by statutory departments, by research units, by people like you and me. Secondly, the processes used to collect material also reinforce notions of superiority and inferiority. Ann Oakley, from a feminist perspective, explains that traditional social research interviewing is based on the following assumption

ethical frameworkswithin different cultural contexts

large investment in resources needed to embedoneself in many different contexts.

Doubly engaged social science is the underlying epistemo-logical paradigm of several methodological approaches; aresearcher may be able to provide robust analyses and establishmultiple causal pathways for urban poverty using quantitativemethodologies, panel data or cross-sectional large-N studies,and field experiments. Another scholar may opt for qualitativeapproaches including participant observation, focus groups,ethnographic immersion, and one-on-one structured inter-views.

Our approachto fieldwork has been largely driven by Canadian research’sminimal harm principle.1

ngaged and socially responsiblesocial science method, suggesting that such approaches can be“doubly engaged”

scholar-activists

ethics

Ethnography is a powerful qualitative method that helps usunderstand individual and community behaviour.

emancipatory aim of a women’s sociology derive from its close connections with the con- temporary women’s movement as well as from our particular position as women researchers

nexamined the social processes lying behind the correlations

ar Posts

Yet, one type of behavior has been almost completely ignored by economists,1 although scarce resources are used and it has been followed in some form by practically all adults in every recorded society. I refer to marriage

ntific truth. History is a story Western culture buffs tell each other; science is a contestable text and a power field; the content is the fo

es.' According to these tempt- ing views, no insider's perspective is privileged, because all draw- ings of inside-outside boundaries in knowledge are theorized as power moves, not moves toward truth. So, from the strong social constructionist perspective, why should we be cowed by scien- tists' descriptions of their activity and accomplishments; they and their patrons have stakes in throwing sand in our eyes. They tell parables about objectivity and scientific method to students in the first years of their initiation, but no practitioner of the high scien- tific arts would be caught dead acting on the textbook versions. Social constructionists make clear that official ideologies about ob- jectivity and scientific method are particularly bad guides to how scientific knowledge is actually made. Just as for the rest of us, what scientists believe or say they do and what they really do have a very loose fi

ra's "special-interest groups" in the rarified realm of epistemology, where traditionally what can count as knowledge is policed by philosophers codifying cognitive

critical race theorists had as their objective, ending ex-clusive reliance upon civil rights litigation, storytelling to broaden public con-sciousness of racism and discrimination under the law

I wantto argue that its methodology provides rich theoretical insights into contem-porary practices in community development.

Community development is also a problematic concept, subject to differ-ent meanings and multiple interpretations. In this work, community devel-opment is understood as a‘social profession’(seeBanks, 2004), situatedinside the welfare state—readers should note that my focus is not on formsof community development which takes place in other areas—for example,the Third Sector.

quantifiable outcomes and outputs

eoliberalism as‘the elevation of market-based principles andtechniques of evaluation to the level of state-sponsored norms’

wer comes from below; that is, there is no binary and all-encompassing opposition between rulers and ruled at the root of power relations, and serving as a general matrix -no such duality extending from the top down and react-ing on more and more limited groups to the very depths of the social body.

The omnipresence of power: not because it has the privilege of consolidating everything under its invincible unity, but because it is produced from one moment to the next

The doubts I would like to oppose to the repressive hy-pothesis are aimed less at showing it to be mistaken than at putting it back within a general economy of discourses on sex in modern societies since the seventeenth century.

Why do we say, with so much passion and so much resentment against our most recent past, against our present, and against ·~ We "Other Victorians" 9 ourselves, that we are repressed? By what spiral did we come to affirm that sex is negated? What led us to show, ostenta-tiously, that sex is something we hide, to say it is something we silence?

To say that sex is not repressed, or rather that the relationship be-tween sex and power is not characterized by repression, is to risk falling into a sterile paradox. It not only runs counter to a well-accepted argument, it goes against the whole economy and all the discursive "interests" that underlie this argument.

The type of social science in which we are interested is an empirical science of concrete reality.Our aim is the understanding of the characteristic uniqueness of the reality in which we move. Wewish to understand on the one hand the relationships and the cultural significance of individualevents in their contemporary manifestations and on the other the causes of their beinghistorically so and not otherwise.

Does the term alternativemedia exclusively refer to politically progressive, left-wing media that aim at challenging capitalism and corporate (media)power, or does the term also include conservative, right-wing, and repressive media (Downing, 2001, p. 88)

theoretical conceptualization of the term alternative media is needed.

alternative to mainstream media, or if the term implies thatsuch media want to challenge all forms of domination and foster societal alternatives to capitalism

Participatory media approaches stress that democratic media potentials

setup(); for (;;) { loop(); if (serialEventRun) serialEventRun(); }

Setting Up Jamf Pro The first time you connect to the Jamf Pro server, the Jamf Pro Setup Assistant guides you through the following setup tasks: Accept the license agreement. Enter your activation code. Create your first Jamf Pro user account. Enter your Jamf Pro URL.The Jamf Pro URL is the URL that client applications, computers, and mobile devices will connect to when communicating with the Jamf Pro server.

Setting up My Media as a Navigation Bar Link

So rather than waiting further we decided to instrument the existing web interface — not a terribly elegant or reliable solution but it works for now.

The configuration file itself can be treated as an extension if it contains a setup() function.

The project also adheres closely to the Google Python Style Guide.

We use a combination of [JSHint](http://jshint.com) and [JSCS](http://jscs.info) for helping confirm code style conformance.

Please stick to strict, 80-column line limits except for small exceptions that would still be readable if they were truncated. Eliminate trailing whitespace wherever possible.

Copy your extension’s ID from the chrome://extensions page. Chrome generates this ID the first time you install the extension and will reuse it each time your rebuild or reinstall the extension

Add a node symlink. This is needed because the node binary from Ubuntu is called nodejs but many packages will try to run it as node:

Please consult the administration documentation for more information on accessing the admin dashboard.

Once installed, running nsqd in its default configuration should suffice for integration with h in a development environment

The h project uses ElasticSearch (v1.0 or later) as its principal data store for annotation data, and requires the ElasticSearch ICU Analysis plugin to be installed

Using the bookmarklet or otherwise embedding the application may not be possible on sites accessed via HTTPS due to browser policy restricting the inclusion of non-SSL content.

If you don’t have your h/node_modules/.bin directory on your PATH then you’ll get errors because the Node modules you’ve installed can’t be found (for example: Program file not found: uglifyjs). To add the Node modules to your PATH:

If you want to annotate a site that’s served over https then you’ll need to serve h over https as well, otherwise the browser will refuse to launch h and give a mixed-content warning.

Now, I observe that you, with all your cleverness, do not venture to contradict your favourite in any word or opinion of his; but as he changes you change, backwards and forwards.