I think each different type of data can strongly influence the analysis to answer any one of my questions above.

What interactions in the robotics club as a local community of practice unsettle(Kelton)the norms of schooling at Technology High school, what interactions reinforce them?

What differentresources change the production ofspace?

I also look tofocus my attention on how the physical layout of the different parts of theroom are socially editedand coproduced as spaces(Ma and Munter, 2015)for different kinds of participationin learning.

I see using the LPP lens to identify the types of participation,how they influence learningand the coproduction of the “learning curriculum”that newcomersand oldtimers engage with in regulating and producing the local “community of practice”thatis the robotics club. Within this I aim to also investigate what physical, and non-physical resources studentshave for participationwithin this community(Nasir, et al., 2008). This an

the physical space where participationtook place had some bearing on, or was indicative of the type of participation, as viewed in a Legitimate Peripheral Participation lens.

Such learning is accomplished across develop-mental timelines, typically in a variety of locations that have shifting and enduring qualities. Learning is viewed as constellations of multimodal, discursive actions made in the midst of situational circumstances. Through their actions, persons express stances that relate to their developing commitments, concerns, and identities in the midst of unfolding events to the degree afforded by the context

ntentions,’ which drive individuals to either change their intentions or alter their life pathways. In order to account for these diversities of social practices, we articulate a theoretical framework focused on understanding the variegated cultural learning pathways that are unfolding, or that persons are trying to unfold, at any given his-torical moment across the sociodemographic diversity of the community involved.

In the broad sense intended here, learning is accomplished across settings (i.e., translocally) by persons acting within diversities of structures of social practice. As summarized by Dreier [2009]:

That is, we need to account for how individuals and groups arrange or transform the conditions of their own learning in relation to their expectations, interests, concerns, and available resources, as well as how such acts of agency and activity within situations are im-peded, resisted, or even co-opted. We approach this theoretical goal from a situated learning stance, understanding that the social and material pragmatics of sense-making and action are paramount in learning.

Life-wide learning acknowledges that learners navigate across diverse social niches, or locations, as they routinely circulate through everyday settings, activities, and social groups – from classroom to home, from afterschool programs to neighbor-hood venues, from informal designed settings like science centers to interconnected, media-rich online spaces.

o this end, we have articu-lated the contours of a multi-sited sensibility as an emergent tool, one that we hope offers new ways of seeing, listening, understanding, and working to identify spaces for potential and possibility across the settings young people experience and traverse in their everyday lives.

Rather, we are attuned to the social and political forces that cre-ate boundaries and borders with real, material consequences for young people, and seek to study how these boundaries are experienced as well as reproduced, ruptured, reimagined, and reshaped.

As Hull and Shultz (2001) cau-tion, problematizing the view of out-of-school learning as “frivolous” or “incidental” does not mean that we should swing to the other extreme, “relegating all good things to out-of-school, with school only seen as a repressive space” (p. 83).

If we understand the researcher as a learner, there is a similar privileging of vertical forms of learning and expertise at play. Treating the work of the ethnography as akin to the linear movement from novice to expert—gaining “mastery” of a single setting—appears to reflect both the assumptions of the traditional ethnographic template and more reductive definitions of learning.

Despite post-colonial criticisms, oversimplified and deficit-oriented por-trayals often found a new “home” within education—a field that has historically reproduced and contended with “culture of poverty” frames (Leacock, 1977). As Pierides suggests, such frames are not dismantled by shifting locations, but by shifting assumptions and practices.

Rethinking culture as dynamic, instrumental, and co-created also takes us beyond deficit and essentialist views about cultural communities and provides a way to under-stand what is cultural about learning across the activities of people’s lives, as well as how culture and the individual are both transformed through the process of learning (Gutiérrez & Arzubiaga, 2012)

How can a multi-sited sensibility help make visible the complexity and ingenuity of human development, particularly in the con-text of migration, diaspora, and other forms of transnational and inter-cultural movement? We argue that multi-sited perspectives contribute to this discussion by urging us to pay equal attention to the practices and forms of human ingenuity that emerge in and through the connections/tensions/contradictions within and across various social spaces and activity systems—particularly for non-dominant youth.

Of particular significance to our work, multi-sited ethnography under-stands itself as an ethnography of movement, borderlands, hybridity, and change: “the habit or impulse of multi-sited research is to see subjects as differently constituted, as not products of essential units of difference only, but to see them in development—displaced, recombined, hybrid in the once popular idiom, alternatively imagined” (Marcus, 2009, p. 184).

While traditional single-sited ethnography emphasizes localized everyday practices, understanding the experiences of immigrant and diasporic communities in particular involves defining everyday practice as the “interplay of transnational, national and local pro-cesses” (Hall, 2004, p. 109

More generally, we can begin to see tourists posing for a photo in front of a statue as an entrypoint or opportunity for a deeper meaning making interaction.

Thisexchange shows their awareness of Munch’s position in the frame.

After beginning as an unpromptedpose to find meaning in the artwork, the pair’s constantly adjusting poses become an embod-ied representation of their evolving understanding. These poses support both social processes ofcoordination and processes of internalization

As Sara’s pose has now become a shared representation of the figure in the painting, thepair is now able to focus on and explore features of the work by comparing the work to the posein the form of an embodied representation

They found that subjects gesture more when describing more abstract images andvocalize more when the images are less abstract.

the authors illustrate how a desettling paradigm stands to expand contexts for learning and development in ways that are more inclusive, heterogeneous, and transformative.

Rather many elements of the exhibition’s design can be seen as confronting longstanding disembodied and immaterial views of mathematics (see Section 2.4).

At times, the visitor’s physical action on and in the environment moves beyond the hands alone as she races, hops, or saunters along Partner Motion’s tracks, clambers atop the largest chair at Comparing Forms, or arches her spine back trying to see the towering shadow cast by her own body at the immersive exhibit Half Whole Double. Meanwhile the exhibition’s technologies seem largely novel, unfamiliar, or, in the words of North Lake 5th-grader, Michael, “oddball.”

As the students move, so too does the classroom’sarchitecture, minutely. With each nudge of a chair or curve-huggingtransit around a desk, the room’s furniture seemsless a place to do mathematics and more an impediment to it(Figure6.3).

which for youthbecame a dynamic setting for learning to ride in the city.

and huddled togetherunder a freeway overpass to again scrutinize maps they retrieved from their back pockets.The relation between their mapped route and the experience of riding on city streets wasfragile but recoverable

After a tutorialon how to ride together, youth used a Google MapTMtraffic map of the downtown area toselect a route from the Workshop to a major community park.

We argue that by participating in theseactivities, youth began to understand real and abstracted urban space differently, whichafforded new opportunities for imagining and showing their futures within that space.

n a presentationfacilitated by a researcher (Kris), Carissa described places

Carissa’s image of herself as a young adult ‘‘took place’’ in the city by marking up thedesire layer of her map with a bike lane that allowed a future-time, college student (herself asa young adult) to ride a bike from her university campus, past her current neighborhood, andinto an area of the city that was the center of music publishing and recording.

Our interest in counter-mapping was to provide youth with new resources for movingthrough the city, skills in the use of novel (for them) mapping technologies, and ways ofthinking about representations and spatial phenomena that would allow them to participatein city planning.

If we value our volunteers and want them to have agency in their work, we need to structure their learning and work in a way that enables that agency and honors their commitment

Limmud NY

Looking through this lens, it’s not just about the learning experience the leader creates for the learner, it’s about the learning that takes place because the learner is actively participating in the experience

CenterintheSquareprovidesamarketableimageforthecityandreportedlyhelpsattracthundredsofthousandsofvisitorsandbringinmillionsofdollarsannually.Inthisprocessofredevelopment,however,thenon-aƒuentweremarginalizedorexcluded.

Inpractice,however,teachersfrequentlyhave`vagueorlimitedlearninggoals’for®eldtrips

AsLo ̄and(1998:97)notes,suchsettingsnow`appear(whatevertheactualintentionoftheircreators)tohavebeenbuilttodiscouragepleasuresofaninterac-tionalsort’.`Public’settings,asonceunderstood,havebecome`progres-sivelylesspublic...moreexclusivethanatanytimeinthepast100years

Thisde®nitionofyoungpeopleaspeoplewho`don’thavemuchtodo’inpublicre ̄ectsthedryingupofsafe,unprogrammedoutdoorsettingsandcommunity-regulatedinteriorsaccessibletokids,andtheirreplacementbyenclosedspaceswithstrongborderscontrolledbyinstitutionscentredoutsidetheneighbourhood.

It is from this rela-tionship between activity and setting that the learning opportunities that we describe emerge

depicts a simplified version of the relationship between arena, setting and sociallyproduced space, activity, and opportunities to learn, as extended by our framing.

Jasmine Y. Ma

On the other hand only a few visitors to the Intrepid were using their phones for other activities and not to take pictures, and for some of them it was clear that they were looking for information on the pieces as after a few moments typing stuff they begun to read loudly to the people in their groups

he conversations about the pieces and the discussions were much more like peer conversations in the Whitney and sounded closer to storytelling in the Intrepid.

That looks like a Fund of Knowledgeavailable to everyvisitor

ntrepid Sea, Air & Space Museum

s volunteered various causes for such behavior (e.g., being tired, feeling lazy, havi

After games or practice, on occasions when the team would go out for pizza. the boys talked minimally about their own games, but primarily about what was happening in the major leagues. The give-and-take, back-and-forth nature of reasoning, arguing, and making a point on and off the field illustrate the dialogical nature of the discourse. The coach assumes an audience of listeners who share his situation and orientation to action and who recognize that talk about baseball is dominant and valid in this context

closed the letter by requesting that parents "release" their sons to the team before the game and let them "do their own thing" without parental interference. The letter closed with the "Little League Pledge" from the official rule book: "I trust in God. I love my country and will respect its law. I will play fair and strive to win. But win or lose, I will always do my best" (coach's newsletter, April 28, 1988). The coach made the boys memorize the team's three goals and asked them to call these to mind at critical points during the season. He explained his premise in coaching to me in the following way: "Players and coach enter a fantasy world and pretend they are big-league players . . . players are not kids" (personal communication, December 27, 1988). His

ose boys who would play the most over the season would be those who responded to coaching, worked for the team, tried hard, and consistently exhibited good sportsmanship

ey features of situations for learning within the team offer direct experimentation and observation by the boys that result in their narratives of hypothetical situations. The coach's philosophy led him to create a fantasy world drama whose scripts demanded that the boys reason and problem solve as big-league players. The baseball season thus became one long drama as play in which the boys worked to suspend or erase their real-world features of inexperience and youth. T

The first shocking thing was entering the museum. Right by the door there is a desk with three people ready to offer help, but that is not the tickets desk, it is the desk for “becoming a friend”of the museum.

And for this particular issue I think there is a combination of transfer from outside of the communityand getting new resourcesfrom inside the community to create an idea, an exemplification of some previous ideas in my particular case

As a foreignerand asa newcomer to that collection

First, the way people behaves when someone is taking apicture.

this is probably a newcomer feature too, as the old-timers have probably already done that and their enjoyment of the view is not as related as “making senseof the surroundings”as newcomers do.

Entering the building, we took the elevator to the third floor, mostly because of the idea of the “Education Center”, to find out that there was nothing happening neither there nor in the Theater (also third floor).

Although in this case Sally worked on her own, she and others often collabo-rated on short- and long-term projects or simply consulted with peers for explicithelp. For instance, people often knew the experienced members of the commu-nity, and they might have requested their assistance when they stumbled upon anydifficulties. In addition, because individuals had scopes of different magnification,practitioners often knew whose scope was capable of resolving object featuresthat others’ might not have. So participants often traded viewpoints on theirobservations.

Mitchell stated thathe was not the building type, but he claimed that he could not pass up the opportu-nity of taking a telescope-making course with John Dobson himself—the creatorof what has become a very popular large-aperture telescope.

Star parties at Mt Hillview were quite lively.

given the significant leeway hobbyists have inshaping the content, goals, means, and pace of their activities.

senseof future that the community imparts to its members.

Dolores observed that adults made room for youth input and ownership by de-taching themselves from the project and letting youth make key decisions.

Vanessa, the executive direc-tor of Youth Rising, said that she felt pressure for groups like hers to appear“youth-led,” but that this was sometimes unproductive because youth need supportto develop certain skills necessary for political action.

Many argue, for example, that youths’ participation in social change requires themto understand systemic legacies of inequality and racism in the United States,which might require some form of educational intervention by adults (Ginwright& James, 2002; Tejeda, Espinoza, & Gutierrez, 2003)

This researchhighlights a tension that can arise between designing exhibits to support scientific contentversus scientific inquiry processes.

Findings from our research and evaluation studiessuggest that immediate apprehendability may also be increased through the use of fa-miliar activities as over-arching schemas.

Such design oftengoes unseen and unappreciated because, ironically, masterful design results in objects thatseem obvious and simple to use

"funds of knowledge"

Our analysis reveals both the collective nature of theiractivities and the diversity of these human knowledge systems, in-cluding its various constraints (Glick, 1985).

seen to witness the activities of others, to responding to their action andhaving them respond to yours.

A feature of the world is progressively discovered by virtue of oneperson noticing someone else notice something. The objects, their character,interdependence and functionality are assembled then and there by virtue ofhow others selectively orient and respond to the world in which they arelocated

Indeed, whatpeople choose to look at in a museum or gallery, how long they spend withan exhibit, and how they look at and experience particular objects andartefacts may well arise in and through interaction with others – not justthose they may be with but others who happen to be within ‘perceptual rangeof the event’ (cf. Goffman, 1981).

urprisingly perhaps,these aspects of conduct and experience have remained relatively under-developed in research concerned with visual communication in the socialand cognitive sciences.

Our analyses show that relational resources sometimes served as akind of gateway to material and ideational resources (and thus as a gateway tolearning).We als

. Our data seem to indicate that the personal relationshipbetween the coach and the athlete was central in determining athletes' access to theother material and ideational resources, as much of the teaching and learningoccurred in one-on-one interactions

Octavia displayed this same drive and independence, but at theend of practice she sat down on the grass for about 20 minutes to socialize with herteammates. At this point in the season, Octavia seemed to be participating in thepractice not for others but for herself, so that she might improve her performance.

We argue that Octavia's practice-linked identity with respect to track increasedover the course of the season. That is, she became more connected to the practice oftrack. This shift was evidenced both in her retrospective account in an interviewtoward the end of the year and in changes in her participation in practices and meetsfrom early in the season to later in the year. Co-occurring with these shifts werechanges in Octavia's goals in track, changes in her performance as she learned tohurdle, and changes in her social relationships with other members of the team

In this interaction, several ideationalartifacts about Octavia and about hurdling were made salient Importantly, sheactively participated in this exchange, deconstructing her own performance.

In thisinteraction, and in others, the coach conveyed the importance of strong relationshipsbetween the students to creating an environment that supports optimal skill devel-opment and performance.

In thisinteraction, and in others, the coach conveyed the importance of strong relationshipsbetween the students to creating an environment that supports optimal skill devel-opment and performance.

In thisinteraction, and in others, the coach conveyed the importance of strong relationshipsbetween the students to creating an environment that supports optimal skill devel-opment and performance.

a reason to learn

Reference group theory (Hyman 1942; Leach and Smith2006; Merton with Rossi 1957; Turner 1956) argues that one of the most powerfulinfluences on individuals' sense of self and behavior is the reference group that theybelong to (Suls and Wheeler 2000), which serves as a context for individuals to analyzeinformation and make decisions.

Thus the directive force of romance-its compelling nature-integrally depends upon the realized world of social position, of hierarchy and power, as well as upon cul-tural forces.

Even though the women were bombarded with images of themselves in the world of romance, and even though many of their peers seemed to have sorted through these various interpretations and arrived at fairly stable views of themselves as actors in the romantic world, some of the women did not identify themselves as such. They had no clear idea of a "romantic" self-either a self to avoid or a self to realize.

uch romantic attach-ments became markedly less salient for her, and her identity as an attrac-tive woman in the world of romance, as culturally construed, became unimportant.

American culture does not generally treat romantic relationships as an area of expertise. q./J -}:f. romantic relationships as something orirrexpert:I.:ove about fatalistically, as somethiilg .• successful relationships were more to_ch'!mft<:.rJiaws, b,Jck, or mismatches of interesiStllanto a lack of skill or savoir Nonetheless, upoii-quesi!Oii.5';)(;,xpertlseaiia

What happens when an AA member fails to compose this new under­standing of himself and of his life?

He does not figure his life in AP!s terms. He views AA as a measure to take when things get really bad. He does not share the set of values and distinctions that unites other AA members. The identity of "alcoholic" does not affect his actions, or his perceptions of self, beyond his drinking behavior.

The stories are used in what is simultaneously a social and a cognitive and affec­tive, personal process. In the process of identity formation, the AA mem­ber undergoes a kind of reorientation in her self-understandings, a de­tachment from identities subsisting in other figured worlds, followed by the reconstitution-a process not only of learning but also of valu­ation, indeed elevation-of an identity predicated within A& world. She accomplishes this transition primarily by reinterpreting her life as an AA story.

tools of liberation from control by environmental stimuli.

Fig-ured worlds provide the contexts of meaning and action in which social positions and social relationships are named and conducted. They also provide the loci in which people fashion senses of self-that is, develop

Attractiveness was, in Bourdieu's terms, a symbolic capital of the field. The endless energy and hours spent on beautification made sense in such a i)\(Ot;ii

Cultural schemas or cultural models are stereotypical distillates, gen-eralizations from past experience that people make. They are akin to what Crapanzano (1990), speaking about the processes that maintain the self in continual change, calls "arrests"-representations of self at a particular time that people try to reassert, even under new conditions.•

The conceptual importance of figured worlds has been emphasized in anthropology for some time. Hallowell (1955a) argued that individuals live in worlds that are culturally defined and understand themselves in relation to these worlds. In a classic article, :'The Self and Its Behavioral Environment," he n

It is certainly not divorced from these happen-ings, but neither is it identical to the particulars of any one event. l!.1§Jm_ abstraction, an extractio

It is this compe-tence that makes possible culturally coustituted or figure-d consequently, the range of human (1985) points out the cleilnue lmk between Play worlds-and institutional life. Fantasy an game play serve as precursors to participation in an institutional life, where individuals are treated as scholars, bosses, or at-risk children and events such as the granting of tenure, a corporate raid, and the self-es-teem of at-risk children are taken in all seriousness. But to see imagina-tion extended so is simply to recognize that it pervades cultural life.

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Finally, assumptions of uniformity make it difficult to explore the mechanisms by which processes of change and transformation in communities practice and pro-cesses of learning are intricately implicated in each other.

To be able to participate in a legitimately peripheral way entails that newcomers have broad access to arenas of mature practice.

There is anecdotal evidence (Butler personal communication; Hass n .d.) that where the circulation of knowledge among peers and near-peers is possible, it spreads exceedingly rapidly and effectively.

Indeed, nei-ther Yucatec midwives nor quartermasters learn in specific master-apprentice relations.

Finally, we explore contradictions inherent in learning, and the relations of the resulting conflicts to the development of identity and the transformation of practice.

The critique of structural and phenomenological the-ory early in Bourdieu's Outline of a Theory of Practice, with its vision of conductorless orchestras, and regulation without rules, embodied practices and cultural dispositions concerted in class habitus, suggest the possibility of a (crucially impor-tant) break with the dualisms that have kept persons reduced to their minds, mental processes to instrumental rationalism, and learning to the acquisition of knowledge (the discourse of dualism effectively segregates even these reductions from the everyday world of engaged participation).

Or to put it the other way around, in a thoroughly historical theory of social practice, the historiciz-ing of the production of persons should lead to a focus on processes of learning.

A. A.s must learn to experience their problems as drinking problems, and themselves as alcoholics. Stories do not just describe a life in a learned genre, but are tools for reinterpreting the past, and understanding the self in terms of the A. A. iden-tity.

Where there is high volume] a division of labor among a relatively large number of workers increases efficiency. . . . In this situation, not only apprentices but journeymen, too, seldom learn the full range of tasks once proper to their trade

Nor is it easy to set up apprenticeHke training situations.

Two consequences follow from the failure to assign teaching responsibility. On the one hand, when teaching does occur, it is not overlaid with the teacher's own worries about how he is doing; teacher a11d apprentice can concentrate on the learner's difficulties. Where the teacher has no responsibility, he cannot ; misuse or fail to meet it. On the other hand, an apprentice may not be taught anything, since he may not be aggressive enough to force anyone to teach him

When they lose faith in his authority, they refuse to accept the standard curriculum, and the teacher's job becomes more difficult; he must persuade or coerce students into doing what he thinks best. S

Students typically (though not always) concede that the teacher knows more about the subject they want to learn than they do; if he did not, there would be little point in studying with him.