129 Matching Annotations
  1. Nov 2015
    1. I think each different type of data can strongly influence the analysis to answer any one of my questions above.

      I agree, your data collection methods are very thorough.

    2. What interactions in the robotics club as a local community of practice unsettle(Kelton)the norms of schooling at Technology High school, what interactions reinforce them?

      This is a really interesting question. I like how you phrased it too. You bring in so many ideas but they align well and are clear to the reader.

    3. What differentresources change the production ofspace?

      I might add here how FoK, unless that falls under "resourcees," change the production of space.

    4. I also look tofocus my attention on how the physical layout of the different parts of theroom are socially editedand coproduced as spaces(Ma and Munter, 2015)for different kinds of participationin learning.

      I am also using Ma and Munter and was happy to see how you used it here.

    5. I see using the LPP lens to identify the types of participation,how they influence learningand the coproduction of the “learning curriculum”that newcomersand oldtimers engage with in regulating and producing the local “community of practice”thatis the robotics club. Within this I aim to also investigate what physical, and non-physical resources studentshave for participationwithin this community(Nasir, et al., 2008). This an

      You clearly map the trajectory of your paper based on the concepts we learned. Your analytical lens is very clear to me as I understand the concepts in the same way you use them. It's like a concept map, how you linked the ideas.

    6. the physical space where participationtook place had some bearing on, or was indicative of the type of participation, as viewed in a Legitimate Peripheral Participation lens.

      I really like how you address the physical space here. It supports how important context is for learning.

    1. Such learning is accomplished across develop-mental timelines, typically in a variety of locations that have shifting and enduring qualities. Learning is viewed as constellations of multimodal, discursive actions made in the midst of situational circumstances. Through their actions, persons express stances that relate to their developing commitments, concerns, and identities in the midst of unfolding events to the degree afforded by the context

      pathways extends the multi-sited ethnography by acknowledging the shifting stances of the learner based on events that unfold depending on the context.

    2. ntentions,’ which drive individuals to either change their intentions or alter their life pathways. In order to account for these diversities of social practices, we articulate a theoretical framework focused on understanding the variegated cultural learning pathways that are unfolding, or that persons are trying to unfold, at any given his-torical moment across the sociodemographic diversity of the community involved.

      This reminded me of "lines of practice," how peoples practices fluctuate with learning, motivation, interest.

    3. In the broad sense intended here, learning is accomplished across settings (i.e., translocally) by persons acting within diversities of structures of social practice. As summarized by Dreier [2009]:

      pathways situates learning in the setting with strong concentration on the learner and their understanding of the dynamics at play. This is a more complex view of learning as it considers the person, politics, setting and culture.

    4. That is, we need to account for how individuals and groups arrange or transform the conditions of their own learning in relation to their expectations, interests, concerns, and available resources, as well as how such acts of agency and activity within situations are im-peded, resisted, or even co-opted. We approach this theoretical goal from a situated learning stance, understanding that the social and material pragmatics of sense-making and action are paramount in learning.

      Where #multisited focuses on contexts, #pathways focuses on multi-cultural. It's not just how people learn from setting to setting, but what they learn from setting to setting and how sometimes there is support for that learning and other times it's devalued.

    5. Life-wide learning acknowledges that learners navigate across diverse social niches, or locations, as they routinely circulate through everyday settings, activities, and social groups – from classroom to home, from afterschool programs to neighbor-hood venues, from informal designed settings like science centers to interconnected, media-rich online spaces.

      This is similar to #multisited, learning in a variety of contexts, in and out of the classroom, and using that knowledge to transform in each context.

  2. doc-0g-ag-prod-03-apps-viewer.googleusercontent.com doc-0g-ag-prod-03-apps-viewer.googleusercontent.com
    1. o this end, we have articu-lated the contours of a multi-sited sensibility as an emergent tool, one that we hope offers new ways of seeing, listening, understanding, and working to identify spaces for potential and possibility across the settings young people experience and traverse in their everyday lives.

      Is FoK an example of this or are they the same?

    2. Rather, we are attuned to the social and political forces that cre-ate boundaries and borders with real, material consequences for young people, and seek to study how these boundaries are experienced as well as reproduced, ruptured, reimagined, and reshaped.

      This reminds me of field trips to "downtown," a downtown that was sterilized and produced. How the space was created sets boundaries for particular participants. Downtown becomes reshaped as a gentrified neighborhood, losing the characteristics that made it uniquely downtown.

    3. As Hull and Shultz (2001) cau-tion, problematizing the view of out-of-school learning as “frivolous” or “incidental” does not mean that we should swing to the other extreme, “relegating all good things to out-of-school, with school only seen as a repressive space” (p. 83).

      I was beginning to feel this way...nothing good happens in school. I'm glad it's being addressed.

    4. If we understand the researcher as a learner, there is a similar privileging of vertical forms of learning and expertise at play. Treating the work of the ethnography as akin to the linear movement from novice to expert—gaining “mastery” of a single setting—appears to reflect both the assumptions of the traditional ethnographic template and more reductive definitions of learning.

      I love this idea of the researcher as student moving from novice to mastery. I would apply it in the classroom, I am a novice to our classroom culture, learning and being transformed along the way.

    5. Despite post-colonial criticisms, oversimplified and deficit-oriented por-trayals often found a new “home” within education—a field that has historically reproduced and contended with “culture of poverty” frames (Leacock, 1977). As Pierides suggests, such frames are not dismantled by shifting locations, but by shifting assumptions and practices.

      Is Rogoff the only author that challenged the "culture of poverty?" Most authors challenged context of learning but not the student doing the learning. Is that correct?

    6. Rethinking culture as dynamic, instrumental, and co-created also takes us beyond deficit and essentialist views about cultural communities and provides a way to under-stand what is cultural about learning across the activities of people’s lives, as well as how culture and the individual are both transformed through the process of learning (Gutiérrez & Arzubiaga, 2012)

      This makes me think of the culture of skateparks. From the skaters I spoke to, the habits and work ethic developed by skaters carried over to other areas of their life. They identified as skaters even if they weren't still avid skaters and they felt it was a sign of integrity. They were transformed through this learning.

    7. How can a multi-sited sensibility help make visible the complexity and ingenuity of human development, particularly in the con-text of migration, diaspora, and other forms of transnational and inter-cultural movement? We argue that multi-sited perspectives contribute to this discussion by urging us to pay equal attention to the practices and forms of human ingenuity that emerge in and through the connections/tensions/contradictions within and across various social spaces and activity systems—particularly for non-dominant youth.

      As seen through Rogoff's families in the Arizona borderlands, they have FoKs and rely on each other as resources to make their transition to the states. Their resourcefulness cannot be discounted.

    8. Of particular significance to our work, multi-sited ethnography under-stands itself as an ethnography of movement, borderlands, hybridity, and change: “the habit or impulse of multi-sited research is to see subjects as differently constituted, as not products of essential units of difference only, but to see them in development—displaced, recombined, hybrid in the once popular idiom, alternatively imagined” (Marcus, 2009, p. 184).

      This idea reminds me of Azevedo's lines of practice. Subjects come to a hobby with varying degrees interest and motivations. It feels like the authors want us to consider what students come to learning with, what interests, motivations, backgrounds that inform and enhance their learning.

    9. While traditional single-sited ethnography emphasizes localized everyday practices, understanding the experiences of immigrant and diasporic communities in particular involves defining everyday practice as the “interplay of transnational, national and local pro-cesses” (Hall, 2004, p. 109

      I was thinking of L&W tailors when I read this. The taiolors' reading was very specific about their learning in that situation but did not offer anything in the way of what the apprentice brought to the workshop, their culture, their customs, that necessitated this arrangement.

  3. Oct 2015
    1. More generally, we can begin to see tourists posing for a photo in front of a statue as an entrypoint or opportunity for a deeper meaning making interaction.

      How is this meaning making affected when your just tagging along for the ride?! Like when your parents make you go to a museum....

    2. Thisexchange shows their awareness of Munch’s position in the frame.

      This attention to detail might have otherwised been missed without this activity.

    3. After beginning as an unpromptedpose to find meaning in the artwork, the pair’s constantly adjusting poses become an embod-ied representation of their evolving understanding. These poses support both social processes ofcoordination and processes of internalization

      The viewrs make meaning internalizing the art an dtheir interpretation of it by positioning themselves like the painted figures.

    4. As Sara’s pose has now become a shared representation of the figure in the painting, thepair is now able to focus on and explore features of the work by comparing the work to the posein the form of an embodied representation

      Is Sara representing the pose or her interpretation of the pose?

    5. They found that subjects gesture more when describing more abstract images andvocalize more when the images are less abstract.

      If the image is abstract, viewers gesture more....This is an interesting accomodation that the mind/body makes to make meaning.

    1. the authors illustrate how a desettling paradigm stands to expand contexts for learning and development in ways that are more inclusive, heterogeneous, and transformative.

      Desettling doesn't have to be a field trip, does it? can it be anything outside the confines of the classroom?

    2. Rather many elements of the exhibition’s design can be seen as confronting longstanding disembodied and immaterial views of mathematics (see Section 2.4).

      The exhibit gives context to math in the space of the body.

    3. At times, the visitor’s physical action on and in the environment moves beyond the hands alone as she races, hops, or saunters along Partner Motion’s tracks, clambers atop the largest chair at Comparing Forms, or arches her spine back trying to see the towering shadow cast by her own body at the immersive exhibit Half Whole Double. Meanwhile the exhibition’s technologies seem largely novel, unfamiliar, or, in the words of North Lake 5th-grader, Michael, “oddball.”

      Learning becomes a whole body experience. The students are seeing everyday things (shadows, chairs) in a new light..."oddball." They are rewriting schema and changing their relationships to these objects. They are learning through their body's relationship to these technologies.

    4. As the students move, so too does the classroom’sarchitecture, minutely. With each nudge of a chair or curve-huggingtransit around a desk, the room’s furniture seemsless a place to do mathematics and more an impediment to it(Figure6.3).

      As the students move they edit the space to accomodate the activity. This reminds me of Ma & Hunter, setting and activity interacting with each other and new learning emerges.

    5. The students are editting their space to accomodate the activity. This is similar to Ma and Hunter, setting and activity inform each other and new learning emerges.

    1. which for youthbecame a dynamic setting for learning to ride in the city.

      "Dynamic" learning, in the moment, in response to real time conditions....learning in context. I think this is how "islands of expertise" are created. Resources are being maximized and changing behavior.

    2. and huddled togetherunder a freeway overpass to again scrutinize maps they retrieved from their back pockets.The relation between their mapped route and the experience of riding on city streets wasfragile but recoverable

      Collaboration and experiential learning that changes previous conceptions of space.

    3. After a tutorialon how to ride together, youth used a Google MapTMtraffic map of the downtown area toselect a route from the Workshop to a major community park.

      I find this facsinating because it's easy to take for granted....they needed an tutorial on how to ride together. So many layers of learning.

    4. We argue that by participating in theseactivities, youth began to understand real and abstracted urban space differently, whichafforded new opportunities for imagining and showing their futures within that space.

      This is authentic learning that will transform their identity in the FW of adult city dwellers.

    5. n a presentationfacilitated by a researcher (Kris), Carissa described places

      Carissa and Leah are learning agency, public speaking, presentation, aside from mapping and city planning.

    6. Carissa’s image of herself as a young adult ‘‘took place’’ in the city by marking up thedesire layer of her map with a bike lane that allowed a future-time, college student (herself asa young adult) to ride a bike from her university campus, past her current neighborhood, andinto an area of the city that was the center of music publishing and recording.

      Carissa's identity was transforming from seeing herself as a teen to a college student and anticipating her needs as a young adult.

    7. Our interest in counter-mapping was to provide youth with new resources for movingthrough the city, skills in the use of novel (for them) mapping technologies, and ways ofthinking about representations and spatial phenomena that would allow them to participatein city planning.

      the students learning was authentic and legitimate. Unlike the field trips, but like skaters, students were teacher/learners and had agency.

    1. If we value our volunteers and want them to have agency in their work, we need to structure their learning and work in a way that enables that agency and honors their commitment

      I look forward to reading your final paper! I like your choice of Kirshner and your focus on developing agency in volunteers.

    2. Limmud NY

      What, exactly, is the purpose of the organization?

    3. Looking through this lens, it’s not just about the learning experience the leader creates for the learner, it’s about the learning that takes place because the learner is actively participating in the experience

      This also reminds me of Ma & Hunter's paper on skate parks, how learner and teachers emerge from the setting and activity.

    1. CenterintheSquareprovidesamarketableimageforthecityandreportedlyhelpsattracthundredsofthousandsofvisitorsandbringinmillionsofdollarsannually.Inthisprocessofredevelopment,however,thenon-aƒuentweremarginalizedorexcluded.

      This space was produced not just by the structures that were built but also by the way the participants of the downtown were editted out.

    2. Inpractice,however,teachersfrequentlyhave`vagueorlimitedlearninggoals’for®eldtrips

      The city created an arena, teachers are providing setting and activity yet little, if any, learning is happening. What is the missing ingredient that skate parks have that field trips don't?

    3. AsLo ̄and(1998:97)notes,suchsettingsnow`appear(whatevertheactualintentionoftheircreators)tohavebeenbuilttodiscouragepleasuresofaninterac-tionalsort’.`Public’settings,asonceunderstood,havebecome`progres-sivelylesspublic...moreexclusivethanatanytimeinthepast100years

      Construction of space that deconstructs a community.

    4. Thisde®nitionofyoungpeopleaspeoplewho`don’thavemuchtodo’inpublicre ̄ectsthedryingupofsafe,unprogrammedoutdoorsettingsandcommunity-regulatedinteriorsaccessibletokids,andtheirreplacementbyenclosedspaceswithstrongborderscontrolledbyinstitutionscentredoutsidetheneighbourhood.

      Is this similar to treatment of skaters and the creation of their "world in a box?" Although skaters edited the socially produced space, did creation of skateparks edit the neighborhood by creating boundaries for skaters?

    1. I loved how you compared two very different museums, it left me wanting more. How did the FoKs affect your experience? Does everyone have access to the FoKs available?

    2. On the other hand only a few visitors to the Intrepid were using their phones for other activities and not to take pictures, and for some of them it was clear that they were looking for information on the pieces as after a few moments typing stuff they begun to read loudly to the people in their groups

      This is an insteresting observation. The Intrepid fostered an access point to more information. It makes me wonder how differently people view art museums to history themed ideas.

    3. he conversations about the pieces and the discussions were much more like peer conversations in the Whitney and sounded closer to storytelling in the Intrepid.

      Does a visitor to either the Whitney or Intrepid have access to these conversations? Are they listening in or eavesdropping?

    4. That looks like a Fund of Knowledgeavailable to everyvisitor

      How did these different FoKs change the experience for you?

    5. ntrepid Sea, Air & Space Museum

      You're really taking in the sites!

    1. s volunteered various causes for such behavior (e.g., being tired, feeling lazy, havi

      Here is a nice example of preferences shifting over time within a line of practice.

    2. After games or practice, on occasions when the team would go out for pizza. the boys talked minimally about their own games, but primarily about what was happening in the major leagues. The give-and-take, back-and-forth nature of reasoning, arguing, and making a point on and off the field illustrate the dialogical nature of the discourse. The coach assumes an audience of listeners who share his situation and orientation to action and who recognize that talk about baseball is dominant and valid in this context

      Aside from actually learning how to play baseball, which was not a strong motivation for the players, the league attended to other preferences. It was social and allowed a chance to talk about their interest in major league baseball ( a hobby).

    3. closed the letter by requesting that parents "release" their sons to the team before the game and let them "do their own thing" without parental interference. The letter closed with the "Little League Pledge" from the official rule book: "I trust in God. I love my country and will respect its law. I will play fair and strive to win. But win or lose, I will always do my best" (coach's newsletter, April 28, 1988). The coach made the boys memorize the team's three goals and asked them to call these to mind at critical points during the season. He explained his premise in coaching to me in the following way: "Players and coach enter a fantasy world and pretend they are big-league players . . . players are not kids" (personal communication, December 27, 1988). His

      This script is similar, again, to AA members whose narrative is shaped by consistent exposure to old timers.

    4. ose boys who would play the most over the season would be those who responded to coaching, worked for the team, tried hard, and consistently exhibited good sportsmanship

      This is similar to the hurdlers whose participation was negotiated by the coach. If the hurdler didn't seem serious, the coach limited their ability to participate in races. Motivation to try hard is fostered by commensurate time on the field.

    5. ey features of situations for learning within the team offer direct experimentation and observation by the boys that result in their narratives of hypothetical situations. The coach's philosophy led him to create a fantasy world drama whose scripts demanded that the boys reason and problem solve as big-league players. The baseball season thus became one long drama as play in which the boys worked to suspend or erase their real-world features of inexperience and youth. T

      This reminded me of the FW of AA members. There was an AA "curriculum" whose goal was to transform the members' identity. This is similar to the coach's use of language with the players so that they "pretended" to play like major league athletes.

    1. Though the parent provides access to opportunities to participate, similar to LPP tailors and midwives, this form of learning is not done through observations.

    2. This reminds me of AA meetings that served to shape an AA identity. By parents role in supporting an island of expertise, are they also shaping a child's identiy in relation to the topic?

    1. The first shocking thing was entering the museum. Right by the door there is a desk with three people ready to offer help, but that is not the tickets desk, it is the desk for “becoming a friend”of the museum.

      I like how you begin your observation from when you enter the building. I also found this set up confusing.

    2. And for this particular issue I think there is a combination of transfer from outside of the communityand getting new resourcesfrom inside the community to create an idea, an exemplification of some previous ideas in my particular case

      This is an interesting example of how art and society inform each other.

    3. As a foreignerand asa newcomer to that collection

      I love the insight you bring as a foreigner.

    4. First, the way people behaves when someone is taking apicture.

      I noticed the same thing!

    5. this is probably a newcomer feature too, as the old-timers have probably already done that and their enjoyment of the view is not as related as “making senseof the surroundings”as newcomers do.

      I'm not sure that I agree that enjoying the view is reserved for new comers. Unless these were two different CoPs....those making sense of their surroundings and those just enjoying the view.

    6. Entering the building, we took the elevator to the third floor, mostly because of the idea of the “Education Center”, to find out that there was nothing happening neither there nor in the Theater (also third floor).

      I am surprised by the lack of FoK...no one told you those floors were closed? No one in the elevator knew either?

    1. Although in this case Sally worked on her own, she and others often collabo-rated on short- and long-term projects or simply consulted with peers for explicithelp. For instance, people often knew the experienced members of the commu-nity, and they might have requested their assistance when they stumbled upon anydifficulties. In addition, because individuals had scopes of different magnification,practitioners often knew whose scope was capable of resolving object featuresthat others’ might not have. So participants often traded viewpoints on theirobservations.

      This is a nice example of multiple resources. The CoP was available when Sally needed help and she had access but could engage with them or work alone when she wanted. The group shared material resources as well as ideas about their observations. There was support for learning but Sally was able to choose when and how she wanted that support.

    2. Mitchell stated thathe was not the building type, but he claimed that he could not pass up the opportu-nity of taking a telescope-making course with John Dobson himself—the creatorof what has become a very popular large-aperture telescope.

      Interesting how this resource, availability of an expert, gave Mitchell access that he would ordinarily deny under other conditions. "Building" was not part of his identity, but like AA members, his identity underwent transformation as a result of this resource.

    3. Star parties at Mt Hillview were quite lively.

      Star parties serve as a relational resource connecting one to the community as well as the practice.

    4. given the significant leeway hobbyists have inshaping the content, goals, means, and pace of their activities.

      Hobbyists have leeway that instructors and students don't have. This drives the learning and motivation to learn and is a valid resource.

    5. senseof future that the community imparts to its members.

      "Sense of future," I understand this as authenticity and consider it a resource because it serves to motivate learners and "legitimizes" their efforts.

    1. Dolores observed that adults made room for youth input and ownership by de-taching themselves from the project and letting youth make key decisions.

      Does this change the goal of the group? Rather than foster activism, they foster collaboration and decision making? If so, who's goal were they meeting, the adults or the youths?

    2. Vanessa, the executive direc-tor of Youth Rising, said that she felt pressure for groups like hers to appear“youth-led,” but that this was sometimes unproductive because youth need supportto develop certain skills necessary for political action.

      How is political activism being modeled for these youths? Was there intent participation from which they can observe and learn until they built confidence to proceed independently or were they expected to figure it out on their own with minimal guidance? This is a departure from the examples we have been looking at until now.

    3. Many argue, for example, that youths’ participation in social change requires themto understand systemic legacies of inequality and racism in the United States,which might require some form of educational intervention by adults (Ginwright& James, 2002; Tejeda, Espinoza, & Gutierrez, 2003)

      This is a characteristic of inquiry/project based learning. Learning the history of inequality/racism while engaging in activism gives the information context. If "teachers" cannot bring this awareness to youths then you're limiting their role as a resource/FoK.

    4. Learning in this way builds identity as Nasir and Cook outlined.

  4. Sep 2015
    1. This researchhighlights a tension that can arise between designing exhibits to support scientific contentversus scientific inquiry processes.

      I have found this to be a problem with proect based learning as well. If the teacher is not careful, the students become engaged in the project and not the learning.

    2. Findings from our research and evaluation studiessuggest that immediate apprehendability may also be increased through the use of fa-miliar activities as over-arching schemas.

      Current school wide practices, which are being challenged by theories like LPP, are hard to change because of hard wired schemas of what school should be.

    3. Such design oftengoes unseen and unappreciated because, ironically, masterful design results in objects thatseem obvious and simple to use

      Apple products are a good example of this.

    1. "funds of knowledge"

      I love this term as it makes me think of shared knowledged as an investment that one can add to or pull from.

    2. Our analysis reveals both the collective nature of theiractivities and the diversity of these human knowledge systems, in-cluding its various constraints (Glick, 1985).

      As the school year begins, this article highlights the importance of icebreakers and building a classroom community where FOK become as fluid as those shared in students' respective communities.

    1. seen to witness the activities of others, to responding to their action andhaving them respond to yours.

      This sounds similar to book clubs and movie clubs, an opportunity to share the experience of a piece of art.

    2. A feature of the world is progressively discovered by virtue of oneperson noticing someone else notice something. The objects, their character,interdependence and functionality are assembled then and there by virtue ofhow others selectively orient and respond to the world in which they arelocated

      This reminds me of elementary school science fair!

    3. Indeed, whatpeople choose to look at in a museum or gallery, how long they spend withan exhibit, and how they look at and experience particular objects andartefacts may well arise in and through interaction with others – not justthose they may be with but others who happen to be within ‘perceptual rangeof the event’ (cf. Goffman, 1981).

      How has the guided audio tour changed this experience? Do users follow a particular trajectory? Does this enhance or interrupt the experience?

    4. urprisingly perhaps,these aspects of conduct and experience have remained relatively under-developed in research concerned with visual communication in the socialand cognitive sciences.

      I wonder how the internet and social media have affected this relationship as art can be seen "out of context" intended by the artist. How does where we see art affect how we experience it?

    1. Our analyses show that relational resources sometimes served as akind of gateway to material and ideational resources (and thus as a gateway tolearning).We als

      Is this similar to the politics of power mentioned by Lave and Wagner?

    2. . Our data seem to indicate that the personal relationshipbetween the coach and the athlete was central in determining athletes' access to theother material and ideational resources, as much of the teaching and learningoccurred in one-on-one interactions

      Similar to Becker's iron workers?

    3. Octavia displayed this same drive and independence, but at theend of practice she sat down on the grass for about 20 minutes to socialize with herteammates. At this point in the season, Octavia seemed to be participating in thepractice not for others but for herself, so that she might improve her performance.

      As she is no longer a "novice," she is not following the rules strictly.

    4. We argue that Octavia's practice-linked identity with respect to track increasedover the course of the season. That is, she became more connected to the practice oftrack. This shift was evidenced both in her retrospective account in an interviewtoward the end of the year and in changes in her participation in practices and meetsfrom early in the season to later in the year. Co-occurring with these shifts werechanges in Octavia's goals in track, changes in her performance as she learned tohurdle, and changes in her social relationships with other members of the team

      This is similar to Spiro's stages of learning (Holland et. al.)

    5. In this interaction, several ideationalartifacts about Octavia and about hurdling were made salient Importantly, sheactively participated in this exchange, deconstructing her own performance.

      This is unlike Lave and Wagner's examples. There is an element of competition that requires one to gain mastery, not just participate in the event. Seeing oneself as a success, identifying as a winner, is an important element, similar to identifying as an alcoholic in AA.

    6. In thisinteraction, and in others, the coach conveyed the importance of strong relationshipsbetween the students to creating an environment that supports optimal skill devel-opment and performance.

      Interesting to see the effect of an "expert" on the teammates relationships, his guidance as opposed to peers guiding peers in relationships (Holland et. al., chapter 5).

    7. In thisinteraction, and in others, the coach conveyed the importance of strong relationshipsbetween the students to creating an environment that supports optimal skill devel-opment and performance.

      Interesting to see the effect of an "expert" on the teammates relationships, his guidance as opposed to peers guiding peers in relationships (Holland et. al., chapter 5).

    8. In thisinteraction, and in others, the coach conveyed the importance of strong relationshipsbetween the students to creating an environment that supports optimal skill devel-opment and performance.

      Interesting to see the effect of an "expert" on the teammates relationships, his guidance as opposed to peers guiding peers in relationships (Holland et. al., chapter 5).

    9. a reason to learn

      Is this the first mention of motivation in relation to learning?

    10. Reference group theory (Hyman 1942; Leach and Smith2006; Merton with Rossi 1957; Turner 1956) argues that one of the most powerfulinfluences on individuals' sense of self and behavior is the reference group that theybelong to (Suls and Wheeler 2000), which serves as a context for individuals to analyzeinformation and make decisions.

      Similar to Holland et. al., chapter 5; peer influence on relationships.

  5. newclasses.nyu.edu newclasses.nyu.edu
    1. Thus the directive force of romance-its compelling nature-integrally depends upon the realized world of social position, of hierarchy and power, as well as upon cul-tural forces.

      Which vary from person to person....

    2. Even though the women were bombarded with images of themselves in the world of romance, and even though many of their peers seemed to have sorted through these various interpretations and arrived at fairly stable views of themselves as actors in the romantic world, some of the women did not identify themselves as such. They had no clear idea of a "romantic" self-either a self to avoid or a self to realize.

      Compared to previous examples, romantic relationships are interesting because they are informed by upbringing, past, culture, self image, etc. AA members were shaped by a story telling model and reinterpretation with very defined goals, likewise for midwives, sailors and tailors. Identity formation in an area with a spectrum of available identities is confusing.

    3. uch romantic attach-ments became markedly less salient for her, and her identity as an attrac-tive woman in the world of romance, as culturally construed, became unimportant.

      Did romance become unimportant or did she choose to engage in a relationship that was validating? Does the figured world you want to belong to shape your identity or does your identity shape your choice of worlds you partake in?

    4. American culture does not generally treat romantic relationships as an area of expertise. q./J -}:f. romantic relationships as something orirrexpert:I.:ove about fatalistically, as somethiilg .• successful relationships were more to_ch'!mft<:.rJiaws, b,Jck, or mismatches of interesiStllanto a lack of skill or savoir Nonetheless, upoii-quesi!Oii.5';)(;,xpertlseaiia

      Is LPP possible when it comes to relationships?

  6. newclasses.nyu.edu newclasses.nyu.edu
    1. What happens when an AA member fails to compose this new under­standing of himself and of his life?

      What happens when a person is forced into a figured world they do not want to be in...a Holocaust victim, a prisoner? Does their identity reflect their reality, thier former lives, or their aspirations?

    2. He does not figure his life in AP!s terms. He views AA as a measure to take when things get really bad. He does not share the set of values and distinctions that unites other AA members. The identity of "alcoholic" does not affect his actions, or his perceptions of self, beyond his drinking behavior.

      Andrew seems conflicted by his figured worlds. Though he acknowledges his alcoholism it is not how he identifies. For Hank, AA became a surrogate family (by way of his descri[tions of "Who am I?"). Andrew, though lonely, does not allow AA to serve that purpose for him. Is it a self fulfilling prophecy of lonliness that he is holding on to? An identity he wants to cling to?

    3. The stories are used in what is simultaneously a social and a cognitive and affec­tive, personal process. In the process of identity formation, the AA mem­ber undergoes a kind of reorientation in her self-understandings, a de­tachment from identities subsisting in other figured worlds, followed by the reconstitution-a process not only of learning but also of valu­ation, indeed elevation-of an identity predicated within A& world. She accomplishes this transition primarily by reinterpreting her life as an AA story.

      I am intrigued by the example of AA members as they are adopting an identity without the traditional role models, ex: teachers, parents, peers.

    1. tools of liberation from control by environmental stimuli.

      Can someone give me an example of an artifact being a tool of liberation?

    2. Fig-ured worlds provide the contexts of meaning and action in which social positions and social relationships are named and conducted. They also provide the loci in which people fashion senses of self-that is, develop

      Lave and Wegner don't address this issue of gender and power because their examples are of vocations that are gender specific.

    3. Attractiveness was, in Bourdieu's terms, a symbolic capital of the field. The endless energy and hours spent on beautification made sense in such a i)\(Ot;ii

      When practices become widespread in society it stops being seen as a figured world but a reality. Though beauty is a social construct, it becomes a realistic determinant of attraction in a society that is inundated with that message.

    4. Cultural schemas or cultural models are stereotypical distillates, gen-eralizations from past experience that people make. They are akin to what Crapanzano (1990), speaking about the processes that maintain the self in continual change, calls "arrests"-representations of self at a particular time that people try to reassert, even under new conditions.•

      I think it is necessary to be grounded in some practices and habits, and repeated, somewhat predictable, responses in order to form an identity.

    5. The conceptual importance of figured worlds has been emphasized in anthropology for some time. Hallowell (1955a) argued that individuals live in worlds that are culturally defined and understand themselves in relation to these worlds. In a classic article, :'The Self and Its Behavioral Environment," he n

      Can you live any other way?

    6. It is certainly not divorced from these happen-ings, but neither is it identical to the particulars of any one event. l!.1§Jm_ abstraction, an extractio

      Sounds like "schema" from the psychology world.

    7. It is this compe-tence that makes possible culturally coustituted or figure-d consequently, the range of human (1985) points out the cleilnue lmk between Play worlds-and institutional life. Fantasy an game play serve as precursors to participation in an institutional life, where individuals are treated as scholars, bosses, or at-risk children and events such as the granting of tenure, a corporate raid, and the self-es-teem of at-risk children are taken in all seriousness. But to see imagina-tion extended so is simply to recognize that it pervades cultural life.

      Children role-play, mimicking roles they are familiar with. This is true for adults as well. People get into realtionships that are familiar to them, like abused people with an abusive partner. This is a strong case for modeling. It's interesting that the figured world, though threatening, becomes so much a part of their identity that they maintain it rather than avoid it.

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      Can someone give me an example of an artifact being a tool of liberation?

    2. >ǝ

      Really?!

    3. $ń†+  ő `ő őà ă ˜ ő ?őő *Jőő0ő"őOhőG"ő ! ő 3ő !ő"  ő . ő ő C őĨő  ő ő őőÆÕ

      When practices become widespread in a society, it stops being seen as a figured world, but as reality. Though beauty is a social construct, it becomes a realistic determinant of attraction in a society that is inundated with that message.

    4. jʨ  ʨ>’Bȑäʨʨ ʨʨʨ   ʨ(ʨ ʨ ʨ ʨʨ  ¬ʨʨ ʨʨ 4öʨǃ ȒűǖdzƸʨ źʨ ʨ % ʨ  ʨ  Mʨ ʨ 71ʨ

      I think it is necessary to be grounded in some practices, habits, situations, with repeated, somewhat predictable responses in order to form an identity.

    5. JSqq~–]qq¤s=;;S ¤S†h“]X¤iS¤k|Xk•kX“SqŒ¤qk•]¤kz¤–~„qXŒ¤ŽiS¤S„]¤V“q“„Sqq™¤X]f|]X¤S|X¤“|X]„ŒŽS|X¤Ži]xŒ]q•]Œ¤kz¤„]qSk}|¤Ž}¤i]Œ]¤–~„qXŒ1¤

      Can you live any other way?

    6. $őa ̆' ̆ ̆# ̆ ̆Ġ#+ ̆ ̆' ̆ ̆5 ̆!ɥV % ̆! ̆ ̆! ̆ ̆Â  ̆< ̆5 ̆B

      This sounds similar to schma, in the psychology world.

    7. vǝ­oOĔí±ǝ ǝ/ǝǝ9ŸÑƍĶǝ œ$ǝ ǝ Zǝ  ǝǝ  ǝ3gǝu "ǝǝǝ "ǝ  ǝ ǝ    ǝǝ ǝǝǝ ƎƠƕř ǝ Fǝ ǝ ǝ ǝ ǝ ǝ   ^ǝ  ̧ǝ ǝÒ  $ǝ)į ǝǝ ǝ ǝ ǝǝ ǝǝ Gǝǝ  ǝ ¹ǝǝŎǝ  Ó ƱķůÔl·ǝĤÕ őƊŝ ŏ İŹǍǝ ǝ$ǝǝĥ ǝ    hǝQǝǝ ǝ&ƲƏŗŘDžŽß«ǜdžÖǝ‘Đ²ýú&sşƪǝƞlû‚ŖLJLj×ØŐǝĞƀljNJN

      Children role play, mimicking roles they are familiar with and that shapes their identity. This is true in adults as well. People get into relationships that are familiar to them...ex:the abused getting involved with an abusive partner. This makes a strong case for modeling.

    1. Finally, assumptions of uniformity make it difficult to explore the mechanisms by which processes of change and transformation in communities practice and pro-cesses of learning are intricately implicated in each other.

      As mentioned in class, the difference in teacher/learner ratio evident in classrooms vs. apprenticeship.

    2. To be able to participate in a legitimately peripheral way entails that newcomers have broad access to arenas of mature practice.

      How do we give students a sense of agency?

    3. There is anecdotal evidence (Butler personal communication; Hass n .d.) that where the circulation of knowledge among peers and near-peers is possible, it spreads exceedingly rapidly and effectively.

      I like this concept of a community of learners. This is consistent with the idea that learners see where other learners get confused because they too struggle through the experience. Masters have lost this sensitivity.

    4. Indeed, nei-ther Yucatec midwives nor quartermasters learn in specific master-apprentice relations.

      No, but as Daniel mentioned in chapter 3, there is an external legitimacy of the master giving responsibility to the "apprentice."

    5. Finally, we explore contradictions inherent in learning, and the relations of the resulting conflicts to the development of identity and the transformation of practice.

      Are there social conflicts as well that should be explored? Old timers vs. new comers?

    1. The critique of structural and phenomenological the-ory early in Bourdieu's Outline of a Theory of Practice, with its vision of conductorless orchestras, and regulation without rules, embodied practices and cultural dispositions concerted in class habitus, suggest the possibility of a (crucially impor-tant) break with the dualisms that have kept persons reduced to their minds, mental processes to instrumental rationalism, and learning to the acquisition of knowledge (the discourse of dualism effectively segregates even these reductions from the everyday world of engaged participation).

      When I read "dualism" in this context I am confused about what the dualities are. I understand it to be between selfish gains and for the social good.

    2. Or to put it the other way around, in a thoroughly historical theory of social practice, the historiciz-ing of the production of persons should lead to a focus on processes of learning.

      I thought this was interesting, the connection between learning and identity formation.

    1. A. A.s must learn to experience their problems as drinking problems, and themselves as alcoholics. Stories do not just describe a life in a learned genre, but are tools for reinterpreting the past, and understanding the self in terms of the A. A. iden-tity.

      It is clear by this example, the transformative nature of this type of learning, yet the "work" of AA is identity formation. I would have liked to see more samples of this in their other examples.

    2. Where there is high volume] a division of labor among a relatively large number of workers increases efficiency. . . . In this situation, not only apprentices but journeymen, too, seldom learn the full range of tasks once proper to their trade

      This is similar to Becker...a tradesman may not become a master but it doesn't mean he's not a worker in the trade. Lave and Wagner stress mastery as a goal.

    1. Nor is it easy to set up apprenticeHke training situations.

      Is one of the positives of on the job training the teacher/student ratio? Something very difficult to duplicate in the classroom.

    2. Two consequences follow from the failure to assign teaching responsibility. On the one hand, when teaching does occur, it is not overlaid with the teacher's own worries about how he is doing; teacher a11d apprentice can concentrate on the learner's difficulties. Where the teacher has no responsibility, he cannot ; misuse or fail to meet it. On the other hand, an apprentice may not be taught anything, since he may not be aggressive enough to force anyone to teach him

      This idea is novel and refreshing!

    3. This culture is very difficult to undo.

    4. When they lose faith in his authority, they refuse to accept the standard curriculum, and the teacher's job becomes more difficult; he must persuade or coerce students into doing what he thinks best. S

      How democratic can a classroom be?

    5. Students typically (though not always) concede that the teacher knows more about the subject they want to learn than they do; if he did not, there would be little point in studying with him.

      So is teaching more about how to learn than what to learn?

    6. So is teaching more about how to learn than what to learn?