Garmezy’s work opened the door to the study of protective factors: the elements of an individual’s background or personality that could enable success despite the challenges they faced.

Comme c’est précisément sur ce terrain qu’ils ont été choisis et qu’ils seront demain jugés, rien ne vient jamais les retenir sur ce chemin risqué qui, soit dit en passant, ne ressemble guère à celui qu’avait imaginé François Bayrou lorsqu’il se faisait le promoteur des nouvelles cultures de coalition. Le macronisme, en politique, est a-libéral. Le constater n’est pas lui faire un procès d’intention. C’est constater sa pente, qui vient de loin. C’est dire, preuves à l’appui, sa chance et ses risques à la fois.

Ce que veut mettre en place Emmanuel Macron n’est rien de moins qu’un système verrouillé à l’extrême capable de résister aux aléas lorsqu’il faudra qu’à l’amour nécessairement volage car née de la séduction succède la crainte, fruit de la force qui, elle, n’est pas éphémère. Machiavel, toujours.

Macron ministre, Macron candidat et Macron président, ça n’est visiblement pas la même chose. La ligne politique reste celle d’un social-libéralisme revendiqué et assumé sans complexe. Mais le style de gouvernance diffère du tout au tout. Simple effet d’un opportunisme porté jusqu’à un point inégalé d’incandescence par un homme animé par un pur esprit de conquête ? On peut le dire aussi autrement. Pour Emmanuel Macron, la politique est d’abord et avant tout une technique. La prise du pouvoir répond à ses yeux à d’autres règles que son exercice et sa conservation. Autre situation, autre comportement. Aux sources intellectuelles du macronisme, on cite souvent Paul Ricœur. On ferait mieux de convoquer le Prince de Machiavel.

In the ebb and flow of its changing rhythms—additions, revisions, reformulations and retrievals—Benjamin's Arcades Project provides an extraordinary case study in the labour of conceptual construction via the configuration and reconfiguration of archival materials. The voluminous ‘Notes and Materials’ that make up the Arcades as it has come down to us remained unpublished until 1982, finally appearing in English only in 1999 (GS V; AP). Only since their publication has it been possible to get a clear sense of the overall trajectory of Benjamin's thought during this period—rendering redundant, or at least displacing, many of the polemics associated with previous cycles of reception. The notes and materials are organized into twenty-six alphabetically designated ‘convolutes’ (literally ‘bundles’) or folders, thematically defined by various objects (arcades, catacombs, barricades, iron constructions, mirrors, modes of lighting…), topics (fashion, boredom, theory of knowledge, theory of progress, painting, conspiracies…), figures (the collector, the flaneur, the automaton…), authors (Baudelaire, Fourier, Jung, Marx, Saint-Simon…) and their combinations.

The Arcades was a vast and ambitious project, not simply in terms of the mass and breadth of its archival sources (sought out by Benjamin in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris), but also—indeed, primarily—with respect to its philosophical and historical intent, and the methodological and representational challenges it posed. Its sprawling, yet minutely investigated historical object was to act as the point of entry into the philosophically comprehended experience of metropolitan capitalism—not some past experience, or the experience of a past phase of capitalist development, but the experience of the capitalist metropolis in Benjamin's own day—through the construction of a specific series of relations between its elements ‘then’ and ‘now’. The practice of research, conceptual organization and presentation that it involved was self-consciously conceived as a working model for a new, philosophically oriented, materialist historiography with political intent.

One-Way Street, a quasi-constructivist collection of fragments written between 1923–1926 and dedicated to Lacis on its publication in 1928, and the unfinished Arcades Project, begun in the late 1920s, both exhibit a modernist experimentation with form that can in part be attributed to Lacis' influence

 "Je choisis de m'engager dans la recomposition politique lancée par Emmanuel Macron", a annoncé mercredi François de Rugy sur franceinfo.

L’ex-garde des sceaux estime que les gauches ne sont pas irréconciliables et qu’elles sont face à une « responsabilité historique ».

filaments

The food computers developed by Harper and his colleagues collect an enormous amount of data on the plants being grown—about 3.5 million data points per plant each grow cycle. The data from all the food computers on the network is then aggregated in an open database and a special machine learning algorithm filters through this data to create “climate recipes” for growing plants optimized for phenotypic traits—such as color and size—or input variables like energy or chemical use. These climate recipes can then be downloaded by other users and run as a program for a food computer, effectively “turning the everyday person into a master gardener.”

If I see you just cooperate, without thinking of whether it's in your self-interest, and then I interact with you later, I can count on you to cooperate, even if it turns out to be costly to do so. Whereas if I see you stop, carefully consider, and then say, "Oh yes, I'll help you," then I know next time you might not help me. The desire to signal that you are a trustworthy partner, and therefore someone good to interact with, can motivate you to cooperate in an uncalculated way, to broadcast your trustworthiness.  

Even if it's with someone that I'm not going to interact with again, if other people are observing that interaction, then it affects my reputation. It can be worth paying the cost of cooperating in order to earn a good reputation, and to attract new interaction partners.

If you make it so that future consequences exist in any of these various ways, it makes people more inclined to cooperate.

I'm most interested in understanding cooperation, that is to say, why people are willing to act for the greater good rather than their narrow self-interest. In thinking about that question, there's both a scientific part of understanding how the selfish process of natural selection and strategic reasoning could give rise to this cooperative behavior, and also the practical question of what we can do to make people more cooperative in real-world settings.