it seems to me, is a disability inherent in a social-psychological approach to the study of community struc- tur

Although institutional immobility and regional economic ties characterize anchor institutions, they do not account for the motivations driving universities to invest in their neighborhoods.

Some scholars sugges

This is not surprising, given the neigh-borhood’s association with a college campus, but it is not the only explana-tion.

is more common to find neighborhood stake-holder and advocate protests to recent university investments in the popular press than in the academic literature

The qualitative sample is narrow and represents a limited segment of the West Philadelphia population. While the study’s scope does not invalidate its find-ings, it does constrain its ability to offer generalizable insights and limits its usefulness when evaluating the highly complex nature of neighborhood revitalization.

By virtue of an institution’s de facto economic, educational, and physical contributions, authors argue that a university is a natural partner in neighborhood (and city) revitalization efforts.

case studies. Cases are mostly written from the university’s perspective, highlight-ing the factors motivating an institution to act and the types of investments and/or programs included in the initiative.

The argument is, however, probably wrong, since themigration of employees across the American space-econ-omy is slow and sticky. The lag between job creation andin-migration provides room for jobless locals and workinglocals on the bottom rungs of the occupational laddereither to become employed or to move up the occupationalladder. Skills are acquired that then help these locals tocompete more effectively with the slow trickle of new in-migrants (Bartik, ). Spurts of local growth (includingthose caused by incentives) materially benefit locals at theback of the labor queue, in the short term and the longterm. Furthermore, those employed during such growthspurts tend, over time, to move up the occupational ladder,and less skilled and Black workers seem to benefit fromthese growth spurts more than the rest of the population(Bartik, ).

We have opted for thoroughness and explicitness, not just because it suits us, but because vague descriptions are of little prac- tical use to others

atrix and net- work

While universities are rooted toplace, massive shifts in the healthcare industry are changing the wayhealth services are being delivered,and in some cases forcing urbanhospitals to downsize and relocate.

surfacing and articulating a theory of change through a collective and collaborative process is as fraught with difficulties as it is full of promise.

Although this strategy cannot eliminate all alternative explanations for a particular outcome, it aligns the major actors in the initiative with a standard of evidence that will be convincing to them. Clearly, this will not be as powerful as evidence resulting from randomly assigned control and treatment groups, but, as has been noted elsewhere, random assignment of communities is not a feasible avenue of evaluation for CCIs (Hollister and Hill, 1995).

he assumption that the researcher must and can strive to be a neutral observer standing out- side the social realities being studied is made by many who use quantitative and qualitative methods in a natural science model. This assumption is challenged by the feminist critique of social science that documents the male bias of theory and research which has previously been taken as a neutral account of human society. A feminist methodology must, therefore, deal with the issues of objectivity in social science and, in the process, deal also with the issue of the relationship between the researcher and the

Many economists, including me, have excessively relied on altruism to tie together the interests of family members. Recognition of the connection between childhood experiences and future behavior re- duces the need to rely on altruism in families. But it does not return the analysis to a narrow focus on self-interest, for it partially replaces altruism by feelings of obligation, anger, and other attitudes usually neglected by models of rational behavior.

Unlike Marxian analysis, the economic approach I refer to does not assume that individuals are motivated solely by selfishness or ma- terial gain.

Hobbesian

w to have simul- taneously an account of radical historical contingency for all knowledge claims and knowing subjects, a critical practice for recognizing our own "semiotic technologies" for making meanings, and a no-nonsense commitment to faithful accounts of a "real" world, one that can be partially shared and that is friendly to earthwide projects of finite freedom, adequate material abun- dance, modest meaning in suffering, and limited hap

iences. From this point of view, science -the real game in town - is rhetoric, a series of efforts to persuade relevant social actors that one's manufactured knowledge is a route to a desired form of very obje

Also on theM. Sandoval, C. Fuchs/Telematics and Informatics 27 (2010) 141–150143

But at the same time with the internet another important problem foralternative media production becomes more evident: not every media content, which is produced and distributed receivespublic visibility and is consumed

a statement that does not reachthe masses is not a significant statement at all, only an individual outcry that remains unheard and hence ineffective.

Nevertheless we doubt that alternative media can effectively challenge corporate media power

3. A critique of the participatory media approach

not only progressive social movements and left-wing political activist employ ‘‘participa-tory” production principles

The average area of individual teeth increases with warmer temperatures in both species (Tables 2 and 3); this is opposite to the site mean observations of Royer et al. (2005).

Our results also discourage modelsof guidance by default that involve repulsive guidance cuesfrom non-target cells, which has been shown to play a signifi-cant role in neural path finding (Dodd and Schuchardt, 1995).

The NCAA may be worried about a so called “talent drain” from their sports. In the decade between 1995 and 2005, only 39 players went to the NBA from high school. That is an average of less than four players per year, and should not be considered a drain on the system.

This logic is extremely flawed for many of the reasons discussed earlier. The athletes cannot get the same value out of the education because of the already intense time commitment to the sport that has given them the opportunity to be in school.

While that may be what NCAA President Mark Emmert thinks still drives the association he runs, things have changed over the years. The ideals of amateurism and the capitalist benefits that the NCAA reels in annually do not mix and are in fact hypocritical.