By virtue of an institution’s de facto economic, educational, and physical contributions, authors argue that a university is a natural partner in neighborhood (and city) revitalization efforts.

For example, the Ohio State University emphasized increased beautification and public safety initiatives, homeownership incen-tive programs, and mixed-use development projects to catalyze new private investment. The University of Cincinnati spurred revitalization by providing funds to and serving on the boards of five neighborhood community develop-ment corporations (CDCs), one for each of its adjacent neighborhoods. This strategy moves the institution into a partnership role with the neighborhood, rather than a leadership role. Several other books, articles, and reports empha-size other approaches universities are taking as urban property owners and real estate developers, economic engines, neighborhood partners, and civic leaders (e.g., Bunnell and Lawson 2006; Guinan, McKinley, and Yi 2013; Martin, Smith, and Phillips 2005; Maurrasse 2001; Mayfield and Lucas 2000; Perry, Wiewel, and Menendez 2009; Sungu-Eryilmaz 2009)

case studies. Cases are mostly written from the university’s perspective, highlight-ing the factors motivating an institution to act and the types of investments and/or programs included in the initiative.

is “enlightened” self-interest (Sungu-Eryilmaz 2009) has sparked a new ethos of university–community engage-ment, a

deral call for innovation, funded with grant monies, placed new demands on research universities across the country

an important change in the urban anchor institution conversation. It moves beyond the “who” and “how” of university-neighborhood interventions and begins to ask, “what happened?”

three major categories of indicators.

This article seeks to move beyond the anecdotal, advancing the conversation with a longitudinal evaluation of neighborhood change during the WPI years.

two subareas (Figure 1). The first is comprised of the 10 block groups located in the Sadie Tanner Mossell Alexander University of Pennsylvania Partnership School catchment area, more commonly referred to as the Penn Alexander School (PAS). These 10 block groups received the full array of WPI interventions, including access to enrollment in the Penn-sponsored neighborhood public school. The second subarea includes the portions of University City outside of the PAS catch-ment, defined as all block groups located in the University City boundary, exclusive of those groups also in the PAS catchment. These block groups received most of the WPI interventions, excluding access to the PAS

five-year estimates from the ACS provide continuity in the socioeconomic indicators.

The University of Pennsylvania (Penn)

ohns Hopkins University is collaborating with a number of philanthropic and government stakeholders to pursue the redevelopment of a severely disinvested neighborhood in East Baltimore. The partners established a separate nonprofit entity, East Baltimore Development, Inc. (EBDI),

For instance, Harvard University is investing in neighborhood revitalization as part of its campus expansion plans in Boston’s Allston neighborhood. In addition to investing in new uni-versity facilities, Harvard is leveraging private development to generate new activity along an underutilized commercial corridor and contributing to neighborhood stabilization through a community benefits agreement. Syracuse University is supporting a multifaceted community revitalization initiative, executed by a separate community-focused nonprofit organization.

They responded with diverse place-based interventions, often designed to stabilize the neighborhood’s conditions, induce improvement, and/or catalyze broad revitalization via private investment.

urban universities have a large physical presence within their communities. Their assets include significant amounts of fixed capital—primarily real estate holdings and infrastructure—which tend to make universities less mobile than other corporations

urban universities spent $136 billion on salaries, goods, and services; employed two million workers, two-thirds of which were in nonfaculty administrative and support positions;

2,000 institutions of higher education are located in central cities,

As cities strive to develop and sustain a place for themselves in the knowledge economy, urban universities represent critical stakeholders with the capacity to contribute to regional economic development in powerful and groundbreaking ways (Goddard and Vallance 2013).

It draws upon material from a significant number of interviews that the author has conducted with this group in a variety of economic sectors and

early career researchers on the specific ways that they approached and handled the question of ‘how many qualitative interviews is enough?’

Methods Review we draw on the tacit knowledge of a series of renowned social scientists who come from a range of epistemological and disciplinary positions but who share an expertise in qualitative research.

But that method misses an important resource: the field-worker’s reflec- tions and commentary on issues that emerge during the process.

a unit of analysis.

efinitions of Selected Codes From Table 4.1

Illustration of a Poorly Structured List of Codes (excerpt)

Lofland’s (1971) scheme sug- gests that codes in any study can deal with the following sorts of phenomena, graduated from micro to macro levels:

able 4.1 (Continued)

Whether codes are created and revised early or late is basically less important than whether they have some conceptual and structural order. Codes should relate to one another in coherent, study-im- portant ways; t

ome analysts have names for coding procedures later in the study cycle. For example, Lincoln and Guba (1985) talk about these operations: 1. “filling in”: adding codes, reconstructing a coherent scheme as new insights emerge and new ways of looking at the data set emerge 2. “extension”: returning to materials coded earlier and inter- rogating them in a new way, with a new theme, construct, or relationship 3. “bridging”: seeing new or previously not understood rela- tionships within units of a given category (that relationship will itself have a name, and it may call for a new configu- ration of the categories) 4, “surfacing”: identifying new categories

We have opted for thoroughness and explicitness, not just because it suits us, but because vague descriptions are of little prac- tical use to others

snowball sample of quali- tative researchers and sent them an informal survey, asking them about methods of qualitative data analysis they had been using, and inviting them to send specific examples, B. The Nature of This Book =» 3 exhibits, and suggestions. Many of the ideas from these 126 colleagues have been included.

unequivocal determination of the validity of findings is impossible (Becker, 1958; Bruyn, 1966; Lofland, 1971; Wolcott, 1992). More pro- foundly, for some phenomenologically oriented, inter- pretivist, and constructivist researchers, there is no unam- biguous social reality “out there” to be accounted for, so there is little need to evolve methodological canons to help explicate its laws (see Dreitzel, 1970).

problem of confidence in findings has not gone away.

atrix and net- work

methods of analysis are not well formulated.

Seen in traditional terms, the reliability and validity of qualitatively derived findings can be seriously in doubt (Dawson, 1979, 1982; Ginsberg, 1990; Kirk & Miller, 1986; Kvale, 1989a; LeCompte & Goetz, 1982

et, in the flurry of this activity, we should be mindful of some pervasive issues that have not gone away.

form of words rather than numbers, have always been the staple of some fields in the social sciences, notably anthropology, history, and politi- cal science.

How can we draw valid meaning from qualitative data?

The argument is, however, probably wrong, since themigration of employees across the American space-econ-omy is slow and sticky. The lag between job creation andin-migration provides room for jobless locals and workinglocals on the bottom rungs of the occupational laddereither to become employed or to move up the occupationalladder. Skills are acquired that then help these locals tocompete more effectively with the slow trickle of new in-migrants (Bartik, ). Spurts of local growth (includingthose caused by incentives) materially benefit locals at theback of the labor queue, in the short term and the longterm. Furthermore, those employed during such growthspurts tend, over time, to move up the occupational ladder,and less skilled and Black workers seem to benefit fromthese growth spurts more than the rest of the population(Bartik, ).

subsidizing new investment at a particular place merelymakes that place more attractive to in-migrants (Marston,).

There are two broad but related justifica-tions for incentives (Eisinger, ).

Under the rubric of business incentives, we include bothtax instruments—property tax abatements, tax incrementfinancing, sales tax exemptions and credits, and corporateincome tax exemptions and credits for investment or jobs—and non-tax incentives such as business grants, loans,and loan guarantees. In all cases, the firm, not the workeror work seeker, is the initial recipient of the incentive

re they a cost-effective strategy forachieving economic growth?

y. In the Santa Barbara antigrowth movements, for example, much support is provided by professionals from research and electronics firms, as well as branch managers of small "high-technology" corporation

s the claim that growth "makes jo

all political movements which attempt to rely upon volunteer labor to supplant political powers institutionalized through a system of vested economic interest, antigrowth movements are probably more likely to succeed in those places where volunteer reform movements have a real- istic constituency-a leisured and sophisticated middle class with a tradi- tion of broad-based activism, free from an entrenched

ocalities grow in population not simply as a function of migration but also because of the fecundity of the existing population. Some means are obvi- ously needed to provide jobs and housing to accommodate such growth- either in the immediate area or at some distant lo

reas. In fact, the tendency is for rapid growth to be associated with higher rates of unemployment (for general documentation, see Follett 1976; Appelbaum 1976; Hadden and Borgatta 1965, p. 108; Samuelson 1942; Sierra Club of San Diego 1973).

s, growth benefits only a small proportion of local residents. Growth almost always brings with it the obvious problems of increased air and water pollution, traffic congestion, and overtaxing of natural a

49).4 In- creased utility and government costs caused by new development should be borne (and they usually are-see, e.g., Ann Arbor City Planning De- partment [1972]) by the public at large, rather than by those responsible for the "excess" demand on the urban infrast

es; decisions made by private corporations also have major impac

g way: an at- tempt is made to use government to gain those resources which will enhance the growth potential of the area unit in ques

is, each landowner (or person who otherwise has some interest in the prospective use of a given piece of land) has in mind a certain future for that parcel which is linked somehow with his or her own well-bein

economic essence of virtually any given locality, in the present Amer- ican context, is growth. I further argue that the desire for growth provides the key operative motivation toward consensus for members of politically mobilized local elites, however split they might be on other issues, and that a common interest in growth is the overriding commonality among important people in a given locale-at least insofar as they have any important local goals at all. Further, this growth imperative is the most important constraint upon available options for local initiative in social and economic reform. It is thus that I argue that the very essence of a locality is its operation as a growth ma

hat land, the basic stuff of place, is a market commodity providing wealth and power, and that some very important people conse- quently take a keen interest

of place quite apart from a crucial dimension of social structure:

A city and, more generally, any locality, is conceived as the areal expression of the interests of some land-base

l limits to growthin favor of an optimistic, pro-growth narrative

ncorporates community and environmentalconcerns along with economic one

most resolute and avant-garde municipal socialists will find themselves in the end, playingthe capitalists game and performing as agents of discipline for the very processes they aretrying to resist’’ (Harvey, 1989: 5). Given such conditions, the participation of non-profitssuch as the FHL in the creation and governance of public space goes hand in hand withincreasing pressure to follow the rules dictated by the growth machine. Its efforts form aprotective layer that abets and legitimates the city’s neoliberal sustainable growth agenda(Mayer, 2007)

hat particular sustainability fixes alwaysresult in winners and losers (Marcuse, 1998).

Indeed, the worldwide proliferation of a host of new urbansustainability strategies such as smart growth, New Urbanism, Transit-OrientedDevelopment and LU, is taking place in tandem with state sponsored, marketfundamentalist discourses (Gibbs et al., 2013)

articipant observation and 30 interviews conducted over three yearsfrom 2011 until 2014 on and around the High Line with visitors, FHL staff and volunteersand local business owners.

contradictions of market driven sustainability projectsin a climate of neoliberal urbanization.

Cranz and Boland refer to as a ‘‘sustainable park’’ (Cranz and Boland, 2004)

principles ofLandscape Urbanism

Bargar and Duncan (1982) note that research is a process “that. religiously uses logical analysis as a critical tool in the refinement of ideas, but which often begins at a very different place, where imagery, metaphor and. analogy, intuitive hunches, kinesthetic feeling states, and even dreams and. dream-like states are prepotent”

he role of intuition-in- this phase of the research process cannot be underestimated. Studies of eminent scientists reveal the central role of creative - insight—intuition—in their thought processes (Hoffman, 1972; Libby, 1922; — Mooney, 1951).

This complex process of conceptualizing, framing, and focusing a study is depicted in Figure 2.5.

Figure 2.4 illustrates this funnel metaphor, drawing from the study by Benbow (1994) about the development of commitment to social action. The | large end of the funnel represents the general conceptual f focus—the issue of social activism and its rolein: ameliorating oppressive ‘ctreumiStances. Midway down the funnel, the focus narrows to a concern with individuals who have demonstrated and lived an intense commitment to social causes. An alternative ’ choice at this point would have been to focus on social movements as group | phenomena rather than on individuals whose lived experiences embody social consciousness, The small en end d of t the conceptual funnel focuses even ‘more closel ely ona research q question (or set of questions) about how life ex experiences helped shape and develop a lifelong, intensive commitment to social activism.

e cycle of inquiry

Building the Conceptual Framework: LL ‘Tops, Purpose ant Significance ——

Researcher Competence

Conceptual Framework

ur purpose in this book is to describe the generic process of designing qualitative research; it entails immersion in the everyday life of the setting chosen for study, values and seeks to discover participants’ perspectives on their worlds, views inquiry as an interactive process between the researcher and the participants, is both de- Scriptive and analytic, and relies on people’s words and observable behavior

Design Soundness

o often, policy studies offer findings and recommendations with little sense of how the research led to those recommendations. So

Critical ethnography i

Feminist theories frame research ranging across issues and disciplines.

Introduction

ualitative Research Genres

Qualitative researchers are intrigued with the complexity of social interactions as expressed in daily life and with the meanings the participants themselves attribute. to these interactions.

common considerations and procedures for its conduct and certain “habits of mind and heart” (Rossman & Rallis, 1998)

e refer to qualitative research and qualita- tive methodology as if they were one agreed-on approach.

While universities are rooted toplace, massive shifts in the healthcare industry are changing the wayhealth services are being delivered,and in some cases forcing urbanhospitals to downsize and relocate.

University of Pennsylvania Cen-ter for Community Partnerships

Methodology

renovateaffordable homes and a nearby school,and facilitate homeownership in thearea.

annual donation of $80,000to a neighborhood association to hire afull-time worker who organizes joblessresidents to keep the area clean andsafe.

Yale University conducted an eco-nomic assessment of its impact onNew Haven and found that “Yale’sstrength and the health of the City, fiscally and socially, are inextricablylinked” (Economic Impact: Yale andNew Haven, 1993). The study’s find-ings motivated the University to com-mit over $41 million to a variety ofneighborhood revitalization projects in the city.

Between20 to 50 homes are reconstructed

The impact of such investments issubstantial. On average, the univer-sity spends over $2 billion a year onpurchasing contracts for goods andservices. Penn’s spending in WestPhiladelphia quadrupled from $10million in 1993 to $42 million in1998. More than three-quarters ofthe university’s construction con-tracts in 1997 went to local busi-nesses that employed city residents.The new retail and commercial activ-ity alone is creating nearly 400 newconstruction jobs and 4,250 long-term jobs. More information can befound at www.upenn.edu

This survey looked at the 20 largestcities in America and focused on thetop 10 private firms in each (see Table1). T

his study looks at edsand meds as one of those overlooked fixedassets.

nstitutions of higher learning2 (“eds”) and medical facilities (“meds”) are some of the largestprivate employers in America’s biggest cities. A survey of the top 10 private employers in thelargest 20 U.S. cities found that:

The major strength of the theory of change approach is its inherent common sense. Its major competitive advantage is the inability of other currently available approaches to do the job. We have described the potential benefits of the theory of change approach from the initial planning of a CCI, through the measurement of its outcomes and activities, to the analysis and interpretation of the data. It should generate useful learning over the life span of the initiative and could spawn cross-initiative learning as well. But perhaps its most powerful contribution to the evaluation endeavor is its emphasis on understanding not only whether activities produce effects but how and why, throughout the course of the initiative.

specifying intermediate outcomes and how they may lead to long-term change can be a politically charged process, especially if those outcomes might imply major resource reallocation or power shifts.

Robert Granger

three measurement issues are emerging that are specific to a theory of change evaluation.

(grid 2 325k),

the field of comprehensive community initiatives (CCIs)

(grid 1 227k),

surfacing and articulating a theory of change through a collective and collaborative process is as fraught with difficulties as it is full of promise.

Chen (1990) and Patton (1986) describe a process in which stakeholders and evaluators "co-construct" the initiative's theory so as to maximize its utility for all, as a planning and management tool

theory underlying the intervention

For example, suppose a CCI sets crime reduction in the target neighborhood as one of its longer-term desired outcome

Clearly, this will not be as powerful as evidence resulting from randomly assigned control and treatment groups,

Although this strategy cannot eliminate all alternative explanations for a particular outcome, it aligns the major actors in the initiative with a standard of evidence that will be convincing to them. Clearly, this will not be as powerful as evidence resulting from randomly assigned control and treatment groups, but, as has been noted elsewhere, random assignment of communities is not a feasible avenue of evaluation for CCIs (Hollister and Hill, 1995).

"theory of change approach"

The City Sustainable: Three Thoughts on “Green Cities, Growing Cities, Just Cities”

Cities, Growing Cities”

eminist research

should we do research that is not consciousness raising for the participants? Is such research an oppressive process that of necessity exploits the subject?

e limits were in the restricted possibilities for satisfying work and financial independence facing all the women in our study. The research process was not consciousness raising

esearch process as consciousness raising or emancipatory. Many of them told us that they experienced the inte

These problems have to do with how reality is constructed and reconstructed in the process of talking and thinking a

the same time such closeness may create certain kinds of blindness in the researcher. One protection we developed against this was in the ongoing process of analysis in the research group. Our analytic discussions, of necessity,

he fact that we, the in- terviewers, were women who have been married, divorced, and had children (one of us had a baby after the study began) increased the validity of our data.

he first criterion of adequacy in this approach is that the active voice of the subject should be heard

e expected to work in this way, but if we had understood beforehand how long and difficult the process would become, we might have more consciously and more quickly worked out strategies of analysis.’

At the same time that we were trying to find some fruitful categories in which to group our inter- viewees, we were analysing issues or themes in the in- terviews.

framework that links women’s oppression to the structure of Western capitalist society.

We were pushed to develop our analysis further by women in the study whom we asked to read the manuscript. They were hesitant about being negative, but were clearly critical.

This attempt to make sense out of our information by placing the women into categories of ‘changers’ and ‘non-chang

However, we recognized a usually unarticulated tension between friendships and the goal of research.3 The researcher’s goal is always to gather information; thus the danger always exists of manipulating friendships to that end.

is As we pointed out, our commitment to minimizing the power differentials of the relationship in the research was further confounded when it came to the analysis. We found that we had to assume the role of the people with the power to define. The act of look- ing at interviews, summarizing another’s life, and placing it within a context is an act of objectification.

er part of the attempt to deal with the subject-object problem was to try to establish some reciprocity by offering, at the end of the first inter- view, to tell the women something about ourselves if we had not done so earlier. Often we didn’t have to offer - it was a request made to us. We always responded as honestly as we could, talking about aspects of our lives that were similar to the things we had been discussing about the experience of the inter- viewee - our marriages, our children, our jobs, our parents. Often this meant also that our relationship was defined as something which existed beyond the limits of the interview situation. We formed friend- ships with many of the women in the study.

Re- jecting the notion that such a separation is possible, Smith (1977) argues that the illusion of this separa- tion can be maintained so long as the knower can be posited as an abstract being and the object can be posited as the ‘other’ who cannot reflect back on and affect the knower.

The initial interviews and many of the second in- terviews were taped and transcribed. Later interviews were treated differently - we took notes during the interview and then wrote, immediately afterward, to the b

The women were interviewed in their own homes by one of the three of us as investigators. We had in- terviews with 65 women and followed a sub-group of 30 women for four to five years. We tried not to im- pose our ideas about what was important; our inten- tion was to let the concepts, explanations and inter- pretations of those participating in the study become the data we would analyse (Glazer and Strauss, 1973). While we tried to avoid determining what was to be considered in the content of consciousness, we were still aware of our own theoretical ideas. In our continual process of analysis we had to confront discrepancies between our ideas and interpretations and those of the women we interviewed. As the inter- view process proceeded, we decided to bring up cer- tain questions if they did not emerge in the inter- views.

At the time of the beginning of the research, very little had been written on middle- aged women; collectively as social scientists we knew next to nothing about the middle years of adult life. We were critical of what little literature existed and were skeptical of widely held assumptions about women of this age.

Consciousness is important in a framework that views people as actors who in- tentionally try to affect their own situations.

We believed that these women, involved in a process of changing life circumstances, would come to see themselves differently as women and would reinter- pret their problems, particularly in a social context that includes a widely-discussed feminist movement.

e decided to look at the experiences of women who had been primarily mothers and wives and were attempting to move into the labor market.

We chose repeated, unstructured, individual interviews as well as some group interviews.

The choice of the prob- lem, together with the critiqu

The following is an account of our research process and the problems we encountered. The feminist critique of social

We, the authors of this paper, started a research project in 1976 with the intention of doing a study that might contribute to the liberation of women.

right suggests that researchers must take care not to make the research relationship an ex- ploitative one.

emancipatory aim of a women’s sociology derive from its close connections with the con- temporary women’s movement as well as from our particular position as women researchers

he assumption that the researcher must and can strive to be a neutral observer standing out- side the social realities being studied is made by many who use quantitative and qualitative methods in a natural science model. This assumption is challenged by the feminist critique of social science that documents the male bias of theory and research which has previously been taken as a neutral account of human society. A feminist methodology must, therefore, deal with the issues of objectivity in social science and, in the process, deal also with the issue of the relationship between the researcher and the

understandings that may contribute to the goals of liberation. Explo

n this analysis, we use a dialectical method, in order to arrive . . . ‘at adequate descrip- tion and analysis of how it actually works. Our methods cannot rest in procedures for deciding among different formalized “opinions” about the world’ (Smith, 1977). Rather, this is a method of ex- ploration and discovery, a way to begin to search for understandings that may contribute to the goals of liberation. E

Having accepted the above critique of traditional social science, and recognizing that in all social science, women have been peripheral and their lives misrepresented, it is clear that a radical rebeginning is needed in feminist research.

ent provided the necessary social basis for legitimation and pol

nexamined the social processes lying behind the correlations

thus just this, how can research help the p

he term 'partic

leader of a community project, sponsored by a voluntary society, on a c

Dampness and mould growth were also a feature of some houses on the Whiteway and Twerton council

s. This study originated from the desire of tenants to obtain reliable data which they could use for their cause. They did not carry out the study but they were consulted so that its form would serve their needs. They subsequently made use of the findings to argue their case both to the media and to the local authori

Damp ho

Brighton where the SSD had created o

s. However, in regard to outcomes, I would add two more bench-marks, namely whether (v) the research enables both researchers and respondents to be more fully aware of the issues being investigated; (vi) the poor use the research findings for their own purpose

i) they (the poor) define the issues to be researched; (ii) they contribute to deciding how the topic should be researched; (iii) they participate in collecting the research material; (iv) they interpr

me examples. But h

s that such involvement is usually considered as lacking in research objectivity (Oakl

In the same way, although research may have done something for the poor, it also reflects their unequal position. Firstly, the decisions to undertake studies are made not by the socially deprived but generally by statutory departments, by research units, by people like you and me. Secondly, the processes used to collect material also reinforce notions of superiority and inferiority. Ann Oakley, from a feminist perspective, explains that traditional social research interviewing is based on the following assumption

Under the no-harmprinciple, we owe it to our communities to undertake respon-sible scholarship that minimizes the possibilities of harm.

While itis important to recognize the value of respondents’ time andcontributions to our research, inappropriate levels of remunera-tion can be either coercive or extractive (Paradis, 2000).

acknowledge the value of the knowledge thatis held by research communities in the data collection process

requested consent to quote brief,anonymized portions of conversations to provide anecdotalcontext.

acheco-Vega was thus both an insider and an outsider: Hewas fluent in the waste pickers’ language and of the sameethnicity so he could hold fluid conversations with them.

ffluence, linguistic and cross-cultural misunderstandings canoccur when conducting foreign research, necessitating a carefuland well-researched process of translation and cultural inter-pretation

ethical frameworkswithin different cultural contexts

large investment in resources needed to embedoneself in many different contexts.

remuneration. Weargue that it can be unethical to ask low-income workers tointerrupt their work to participate in research activities withoutcompensating them for their time.

en exploitative in terms of the time andenergy requested of low-i

doubly engaged ethnography doesso by developing and maintaining authentic rapport with com-munity members and by considering the ways in which vulner-able communities are most susceptible to exploitation.

it is profound, engaged, andimmersive ethnographic research that facilitates a deeper under-standing of how communities work; how social relations arecreated, maintained, restored, and eroded; and how institutionsevolve3 (Billo & Mountz, 2015; McCauley, 2014; Meuleman &Boushel, 2013)

Ethnography as a method2 is suitable for use in doublyengaged social science research because of one important fea-ture: Researchers must embed themselves in the communitiesthey study, and this immersive approach gives scholars a better,clearer, and more in-depth view of the particular policy chal-lenges facing those populations.

Doubly engaged social science is the underlying epistemo-logical paradigm of several methodological approaches; aresearcher may be able to provide robust analyses and establishmultiple causal pathways for urban poverty using quantitativemethodologies, panel data or cross-sectional large-N studies,and field experiments. Another scholar may opt for qualitativeapproaches including participant observation, focus groups,ethnographic immersion, and one-on-one structured inter-views.

Our approachto fieldwork has been largely driven by Canadian research’sminimal harm principle.1

Ethnography: A Doubly Engaged SocialScience Research Method Suited toVulnerable Populations?

ngaged and socially responsiblesocial science method, suggesting that such approaches can be“doubly engaged”

building an analytical frame-work (that we name “doubly-engaged ethnography”

scholar-activists

ethics

Ethnography is a powerful qualitative method that helps usunderstand individual and community behaviour.

how can weengage in ethnographies of vulnerable communities while maintaining a sense of objectivity and protecting our informants?

research on the behavioral patterns, socialization strategies, and garbage processing methods of informal waste pickers inArgentina and Mexico

But if a paradigm is ever to triumph it must gain some first supporters, men who will develop it to the point where hardheaded arguments can be produced and multiplied.

Table 3 also displays the results for the property crime rate as a depen-

Our analysis strategy is to test whether suburbanization predicts crimerates at the metropolitan level.

This situation is depicted in the top panel of Figure 1. From thisbase, we examine three different possible patterns of suburbanization. Thefirst, shown in the middle panel of Figure 1

The next section reviews the prior literature on the relationship betweencrime and suburbanization, highlighting methodological difficulties encoun-tered in previous research. The section after that discusses a framework forthinking about the relationship between suburbanization and crime thatpoints to an empirical strategy with the potential to isolate the causal effectof suburbanization on crime. Succeeding sections present the data and vari-ables used in our analysis, the regression models employed, the findings ofour analysis, and concluding remarks.

Our findings suggest that the rapid sub-urbanization of U.S. metropolitan areas does not merely redistribute crimes andvictims but also contributes to higher overall levels of criminal activity.

metropolitan-level crime rates

pastresearch has failed to demonstrate this relationship and propose a method thatdoes have the potential to identify this relationship.

whether there is evidence thatsuburbanization leads in a causal way to increases in crime

Using themetropolitan area as the unit of analysis

article addresses the potential causal effect of suburbanization on crimeusing data from the U.S. Census Bureau and Uniform Crime Reports

Crime Reports and census data from 2000

ssumptions implicit within discussing‘trapped’ popula

we apply a Critical DiscourseAnalysis to the academic literature on the subject to revealsome of the assumptions implicit within discussing‘trapped’ populations.

he time and efforts needed to organize detracts from theability of collectives to focus on the goals of new development (and thisis one of the ways in CLTs and MHAs differ from co-ops, that is,expansion is an inherent goal of the former and not of the latter).

ree of long-termdebt servicing and can be maintained much more cheaply.

for-profit real-estatemarket is unable to produce enough adequate, affordable housing,

ommunity involvemen