f organizationscontinuously need to go hat-in-hand to funding agencies—be theypublic, private, or not-for-profit—then the ability of the organizationsto control their development and organizing projects will beconstrained by those funders. Accordingly, fiscal self-sufficiency is agoal of all MHAs (and CLTs), but it has thus far been unrealized bythose organizations. Mutual housing in Stamford seems unlikely to doso anytime soon.

they exert little control overeither investment capital or their homes, they are facing the “choices”of either continued disinvestment and decline in the quality of thehomes they live in, or reinvestment that results in their displacement

From the viewpoint of the formal theory of sto- chastic processes, what we are looking at now is equivalent to a generalized "Polya urn scheme.

The advent of "touch" typing, a distinct advance over the four-finger hunt-and-peck method, came late in the 1880's and was critical, because this innovation was from its inception adapted to the Remington's QWERTY keyboard. Touch typing gave rise to three features of the evolving production system which were crucially important in causing QWERTY to become "locked in" as the dominant keyboard arrangement. These features were technical interrelatedness, econ- omies of scale, and quasi-irreversibility of investment. They constitute the basic in- gredients of what might be called QWERTY- nomics.

Thomas Edison had done in his 1872 patent for an electric print-wheel device which later became the basis for teletype machines. Lucien Stephen Crandall, the inventor of the second type- writer to reach the American market (in 1879) arranged the type on a cylindrical sleeve: the sleeve was made to revolve to the required letter and come down onto the printing-point, locking in place for correct alignment. (So much for the "revolutionary" character of the IBM 72/82's "golf ball" design.

an effort to reduce the frequency of typebar clashes, there emerged a four-row, upper case keyboard approaching the mod- ern QWERTY standard

Since married women do work much less than single women and married men work more than single men, an increase in the wage rate of women relative to men would decrease the incentive to marry.2

t utility depends directly not on the goods and services purchased in the market place, but on the commodities produced "by" each househ

marriage is no exception and can be successfully analyzed within the framework provided by modern economic

Yet, one type of behavior has been almost completely ignored by economists,1 although scarce resources are used and it has been followed in some form by practically all adults in every recorded society. I refer to marriage

An important step in extending the traditional analysis of individual rational choice is to incorporate into the theory a much richer class of attitudes, preferences, and calculations.

ut what parents try to do can be greatly affected by public policies and changes in economic and social conditions.

Many economists, including me, have excessively relied on altruism to tie together the interests of family members. Recognition of the connection between childhood experiences and future behavior re- duces the need to rely on altruism in families. But it does not return the analysis to a narrow focus on self-interest, for it partially replaces altruism by feelings of obligation, anger, and other attitudes usually neglected by models of rational behavior.

Again, I am trying to model a commonsense idea, namely, that the attitudes and values of adults are enormously influenced by their childhood experience

Part of my current research considers an indirect way to generate commitments when promises and written agreements are not bind- ing. I shall describe briefly some of this new work because it carries the economic approach to the family onto uncharted ground related to the rational formation of preferences within families

the assumption that when men and women decide to marry, or have children, or divorce, they attempt to raise their welfare by comparing benefits and costs. So they marry when they expect to be better offThis content downloaded from 128.6.45.205 on Thu, 05 Nov 2020 14:33:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

they have higher IQs and score better on other aptitude tests.

effort to calculate both private and social rates of return to men, women, blacks, and other groups from investments in different levels of education. After aThis content downloaded from 128.6.45.205 on Thu, 05 Nov 2020 14:33:48 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

preferences of would-be criminals but also by the economic and social environment created by public policies, including expenditures on police, punishments for different crimes, and opportunities for em- ployment, schooling, and training program

Rationality implied that some individuals become criminals because of the financial and other rewards from crime com- pared to legal work, taking account of the likelihood of apprehension and conviction, and the severity of punishment.

theo- retical and empirical implications of the assumption that criminal behavior is rationa

A novel theoretical development in recent years is the analysis of the consequences of stereotyped reasoning or statistical discrimina- tion (see Phelps 1972; Arrow 1973). This analysis suggests that the beliefs of employers, teachers, and other influential groups that minor- ity members are less productive can be self-fulfilling, for these beliefs may cause minorities to underinvest in education, training, and work skills, such as punctuality. The underinvestment does make them less productive (see a good recent analysis by Loury [1992])

actual discrimination in earnings and employment is deter- mined by tastes for discrimination, along with the degree of competi- tion in labor and product markets, the distribution of discrimination coefficients among members of the majority group, the access of mi- norities to education and training, the outcome of median voter and other voting mechanisms that determine whether legislation favors or is hostile to minorities, and other considerations

Actual discrimination in the marketplace against a minority group depends on the combined discrimination of employers, workers, con- sumers, schools, and governmen

Unlike Marxian analysis, the economic approach I refer to does not assume that individuals are motivated solely by selfishness or ma- terial gain.

theory of individual rational choice to analyze social issues beyond those usually consid- ered by economists is to incorporate into the theory a much richer class of attitudes, preferences, and calculations. While this approach to behavior builds on an expanded theory of individual choice, it is not mainly concerned with individuals. It uses theory at the micro level as a powerful tool to derive implications at the group or macro level.

The goal Rational Choice Institutionalism is different. For Rationalist scholars, the central goal is to uncover the Laws of political behavior and action.

In either case, the Historical Institutionalist is interested in developing a deep and contextualized understanding of the politics.

Historical Institutionalists are first interested in explaining an outcome (say, for example, why France and Britain have pursued such different styles of industrial Policy (Hall 1986) or why some welfare states generate more popular support than others (Rothstein 1998) ) they THEN proceed to explore alternative explanations for the outcomes they observe.

In both schools, institutions are important for politics because they structure political behavior.

Hobbesian

Over a 10-month period, background information on the commu-nity structure, governance and use of natural resources was collectedfrom interviews with all relevant groups within the two communities(including decision-makers, men and women, elders and youth).

semi-quantitative assessment

Case study analysis of the communities of Shishmaref, Newtok,Kivalina, and Quinhagak, Alaska, USA, was the primary methodused to understand the environmental impacts

new models of risk assessment, planning and co-productionare required to address these limitations

land-use planningwill be increasingly required to manage climigration events over the coming decades and willrely on input and guidance from other disciplines to do so effectively

rms of Global Systems, but we do need an earth- wide network of connections, including the ability partially to translate knowledges among very different-and power-differenti- ated - communities. We need the power of modern critical theories of how meanings and bodies get made, not in order to deny meanings and bodies, but in order to build meanings and bodies that have a chance for life.

ntific truth. History is a story Western culture buffs tell each other; science is a contestable text and a power field; the content is the fo

es.' According to these tempt- ing views, no insider's perspective is privileged, because all draw- ings of inside-outside boundaries in knowledge are theorized as power moves, not moves toward truth. So, from the strong social constructionist perspective, why should we be cowed by scien- tists' descriptions of their activity and accomplishments; they and their patrons have stakes in throwing sand in our eyes. They tell parables about objectivity and scientific method to students in the first years of their initiation, but no practitioner of the high scien- tific arts would be caught dead acting on the textbook versions. Social constructionists make clear that official ideologies about ob- jectivity and scientific method are particularly bad guides to how scientific knowledge is actually made. Just as for the rest of us, what scientists believe or say they do and what they really do have a very loose fi

e vision. All Western cultural narratives about objectivity are allegories of the ideologies governing the relations of what we call mind and body, distance and responsibility. Feminist objectivity is about limited location and situated knowledge, not about trans- cendence and splitting of subject and object. It allows us to become answerable for what we learn how to see.

w to have simul- taneously an account of radical historical contingency for all knowledge claims and knowing subjects, a critical practice for recognizing our own "semiotic technologies" for making meanings, and a no-nonsense commitment to faithful accounts of a "real" world, one that can be partially shared and that is friendly to earthwide projects of finite freedom, adequate material abun- dance, modest meaning in suffering, and limited hap

iences. From this point of view, science -the real game in town - is rhetoric, a series of efforts to persuade relevant social actors that one's manufactured knowledge is a route to a desired form of very obje

any ca

e the law of the fath

ra's "special-interest groups" in the rarified realm of epistemology, where traditionally what can count as knowledge is policed by philosophers codifying cognitive

it may be necessary for researchers to considerdangers seen, unseen, and unforeseen in conducting research

when they do not pay careful attention to their ownand others’ racialized and cultural systems of coming to know, know-ing, and experiencing the world.

Law professors of color such as Derrick Bellwere among the ªrst to notice this trend.

critical race theorists had as their objective, ending ex-clusive reliance upon civil rights litigation, storytelling to broaden public con-sciousness of racism and discrimination under the law

eoliberalism can beframed as a productive power which has created new competencies in thefield and a new professionalism shaped by the strategic priorities of themarket-led state.

neoliberalism, can be seen not only as destructive of trad-itional versions of Professionalism, but as Foucault argued, is also product-ive of new practices shaped by the market.

‘old professionalism’included therelative autonomy of the profession to control the‘field of judgement’(Ball, 2003, p. 216) and determine its own professional remit (seeTett, 2010;Ledwith, 2011). In contrast, the main features of this new version of profes-sionalism are centred on the ways in which the profession has been trans-formed into an instrument of economic policy and, in particular, thechanges in competencies which have accompanied this development.

‘organisational’professional-ism (seeEvetts, 2009) - that is—a profession whose remit is controlled byemployers—in this instance the local state.Evetts (2009)argues that‘organisational professionalism’has displaced an older model of profes-sionalism -‘occupational’professionalism, whereby professions were sub-ject to internal regulation and control by ethical standards that wereoccupationally defined

managers and practitioners regularly discuss their‘work’in terms of‘measuring outcomes’,‘improving outputs’,‘promotingbest practice’,‘promoting sector leading practices’,‘benchmarking’,‘qual-ity assurance’,‘better outputs’,‘continual improvement’and being‘BOLD’(better outcomes leaner delivery).

The perform-ance targets for community development should be based on a strategicanalysis of performance. The data should tell us about how we prioritiseour work and where it is we should be working

performance targets’of practitioners, for example, I noted that many targets are related to themanagement of austerity in one way or another. Typical‘performance tar-gets’include such objectives as‘increase the number of DevelopmentTrusts and Social Enterprises providing services’,‘increase the number ofasset transfers’;‘increase the number of volunteers engaged in servicedesign and delivery’

omputerised management information systems,workplans and team plans with quantifiable targets and measurable out-comes, audits and appraisals whose introduction largely correlates withthe advent of fiscal austerity around 2010. Whilst on the surface, new man-agerial techniques appear to be concerned with administration, bureau-cracy and‘good housekeeping’and are justified in terms of holdingprofessionals accountable, I would suggest that they also constitute‘tech-nologies of performativity’

Moreover, in contrast with claims that neo-liberalism dilutes or undermines professional values associated withcommunity development, I noted that practitioners regularly drew uponthe‘official values’of the profession in Scotland such as‘self-help’,‘self-determination’,‘empowerment’and‘collaborative working’(seeCLDStandards Council, 2009)–in order to describe and provide an ethicalrationale for outsourcing services to communities and Third Sector organi-sations. This highlights how professional values are subject to multipleinterpretations, and how their inherent ambiguity all too easily becomescompatible with neoliberalisation.

‘entrepreneurial citizenship’(Newman, 2014).Entrepreneurial citizenship is framed around communities‘learning’theentrepreneurial skills required for self-government in order for them to sur-vive (and thrive) in a world where the welfare state is in retreat.

communitygroups and management committees had the potential to be transformedinto Registered Charities, Social Enterprises, Development Trusts or com-munity businesses to be tasked with‘co-producing’services and acquiringassets

These expectationsinclude the ability to write business plans and present business cases,alongside a functional knowledge of procurement law, local governmenttendering processes and governance issues for community based organisa-tions.

‘contracting out’is driven by a political desire to‘rollback’the social state, and forms part of a government strategy to imple-ment austerity-related reforms

Foucault’s ideas influenced the research design and method-ology as well as the wider theoretical perspective; for example in relationto the methodology which informed governmentality theory, he wrote that‘the target of analysis wasn’t institutions, theories or ideology, but prac-tices, with the aim of grasping the conditions which make these acceptableat any given moment’

My research suggests that a model of prac-tice which can broadly be characterised as‘neoliberal community develop-ment’has now become normalised in the field.

‘if power were never anything but repressive, if it never did any-thing but to say no, do you really think one would be brought to obey it?

Foucault’s proposition that neoliberalism‘penetrates more deeply intopeople’s psyches’

I wantto argue that its methodology provides rich theoretical insights into contem-porary practices in community development.

neoliberalism is productive of a new form of profes-sionalism is theoretically indebted to Foucaul

an increased role for community development in facilitating thecommissioning, outsourcing, and transferring of public assets and man-agerial responsibilities to communities and voluntary groups in a contextshaped by fiscal austerity

It is these‘regressivepossibilities’which interest me in this article. As my research shows theypotentially involve an increasing role for community development infurthering the political project of neoliberalisation, austerity and themarketisation of public services.

Community development is also a problematic concept, subject to differ-ent meanings and multiple interpretations. In this work, community devel-opment is understood as a‘social profession’(seeBanks, 2004), situatedinside the welfare state—readers should note that my focus is not on formsof community development which takes place in other areas—for example,the Third Sector.

quantifiable outcomes and outputs

eoliberalism as‘the elevation of market-based principles andtechniques of evaluation to the level of state-sponsored norms’

community development emerges not so much as a social professionrooted in the needs and aspirations of communities as a technology ofgovernment which is deployed by local states to facilitate neoliberalisa-tion, austerity and the marketisation of public services

It is true that it is society that defines, in terms of its own interests

The age of sobriety in punishment had begun. By 1830-48, public executions, preceded by torture, had almost entirely disappeared.

By the en of the eighteent an the beginning of the nineteenth : ~(l.·4century, the gloomy festival of punishment was dying out, though . ~1; here and there it flickered momentarily into life. In this transforma-..:::::::;: J /tion, two processes were at work. They did not have quite the same · chronology or the same raison d' erre. The first was the disappearance of punishment as a sp~ctacle. The ceremonial of punishment tended to decline; it survived only as a new legal or administrative practice. The amende honorable was first abolished in France in 1791, then again in 1830 after a brief revival; the pillory was abolished in France in 1789 and in England in 1837.

And yet the fact remains that a few decades saw the disappearance of the tor-tured, dismembered, amputated body, symbolically branded on face : /J(j j or shoulder, exposed alive or dead to public view. Ihe body as th.~ lo ma"or tar et of enal re ression disa eared.

h · nee of ublic executions marks therefore the decline 1!~~ of the s ectacle; but it also mar s a s ackening o t e old on the ~j·-\.> ~I

Damiens the regicide

wer comes from below; that is, there is no binary and all-encompassing opposition between rulers and ruled at the root of power relations, and serving as a general matrix -no such duality extending from the top down and react-ing on more and more limited groups to the very depths of the social body.

The omnipresence of power: not because it has the privilege of consolidating everything under its invincible unity, but because it is produced from one moment to the next

The doubts I would like to oppose to the repressive hy-pothesis are aimed less at showing it to be mistaken than at putting it back within a general economy of discourses on sex in modern societies since the seventeenth century.

eeressive hypothesis

Why do we say, with so much passion and so much resentment against our most recent past, against our present, and against ·~ We "Other Victorians" 9 ourselves, that we are repressed? By what spiral did we come to affirm that sex is negated? What led us to show, ostenta-tiously, that sex is something we hide, to say it is something we silence?

To say that sex is not repressed, or rather that the relationship be-tween sex and power is not characterized by repression, is to risk falling into a sterile paradox. It not only runs counter to a well-accepted argument, it goes against the whole economy and all the discursive "interests" that underlie this argument.

knowledge of reality with respect to its culturalsignificance and its causal relationships, can be attained through the quest for recurrentsequences.

The type of social science in which we are interested is an empirical science of concrete reality.Our aim is the understanding of the characteristic uniqueness of the reality in which we move. Wewish to understand on the one hand the relationships and the cultural significance of individualevents in their contemporary manifestations and on the other the causes of their beinghistorically so and not otherwise.

To practice alternative media as critical media allows to question rulingideas and to contribute to the realization of suppressed societal alternatives. Such alternatives are based on the vision of atruly democratic society without oppression, in which grassroots participation is not restricted to interaction, but shapes allrealms of society.

or politically effectivealternative media that in order to advance transformative political can include certain elements of capitalist mass mediaas well as elements of the ideal type of alternative media.

An example for a dialectical alternative media strategy is the Canadian Adbusters magazine. It is financed by donationsand sales and has a paid circulation of about 120.000.

The notion of critique that underlies our concept of alternative media is the Marxian one as laid out in theIntroductionto the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right

The minimum requirement for speaking of an alternative medium is critical content and/orcomplex form.

Critical media are negative in so far as they relate phenomena to societal problems, to what societyhas failed to become and to tendencies that question and contradict the dominant and dominative mode of societal opera-tion and have the potential to become positive forces of change towards a better society. Critical media in one or the otherrespect take the standpoint of oppressed groups or exploited classes and make the judgement that structures of oppressionand exploitation benefit certain classes at the expense of others and hence should be radically transformed by social strug-gles. They aim at advancing social struggles that transform society towards the realization of co-operative and participatorypotentials.

by providing critical content alternative media canhelp advancing societal transformations and contribute to the realization of a truly participatory society, because criticalcontent expresses progressive political interests and tries to give attention to the realization of suppressed possibilities ofsocietal developmen

alternative media at some levels can also employ capitalist tech-niques of media production in order to advance their political aims.

Realizing an ideal model of alternative media presupposes different societal conditions. This means that itrequires that people have enough time and skills for not only consuming, but also producing media content and that thenecessary technologies for media production are freely available.

dialectical understanding

oppositionalmedia that provide critical content, but make use of professional organization structures.

‘Alternative med-ia” should be discussed in relation to the role they play in capitalism and therefore in the context of capitalism.

‘‘participatory culture” can easily turn into an ideology that affirms the capitalist economy

The category of the produser commodity

participatory production processes are often subsumed under capital interest.

But not only conservatives, also far right groups make use ofparticipatory tools on the internet. One example is the online forum of the National Democratic Party of Germany

participatory production processes can be used for producing conservative or even far right content

Participatory production processes need not necessarily be emancipatory, but can also be used for advancing repressivepurposes.

Giving ordinary peoplea voice by opening up access to media production is not enough for a truly democratic media system to emerge. Participationremains very limited if people can only talk but are not heard. Thus, the discussion on emancipatory media potentials alsohas to consider structural inequalities as a central feature of capitalism.

Public visibility is still stratified through powerrelations.

Also on theM. Sandoval, C. Fuchs/Telematics and Informatics 27 (2010) 141–150143

But at the same time with the internet another important problem foralternative media production becomes more evident: not every media content, which is produced and distributed receivespublic visibility and is consumed

it is often argued that with the internet new possibilities for a cheap, participatorymedia production

alternative media are not located outside the capitalist system and therefore are dependent on financial resources for theproduction and distribution of their products, which can hardly be obtained without making use of commercial mechanismsof financing.

alternative media as participatory media often also include non-commercial financing

reporting about topics, which capitalist mass media tend to neglect and by criticizing structures ofdomination and oppression. Such alternative media need to gain public attentio

Some representatives of the participatory media approach like

a statement that does not reachthe masses is not a significant statement at all, only an individual outcry that remains unheard and hence ineffective.

mar-ginalization or abandonment of radical content in order to reach broader audience

confronted with the antagonism between dominative structures and emancipatory goals. It isimpossible to act outside of these structures within a capitalist society.

alternativemedia should recognize that ‘‘capitalist skills as marketing and promotion can be used to further their political goals”

In the 1980s, the Comedia research group criticized approaches that define alternative media as participatory med-ia. According to Comedia, the public marginality of many alternative media projects stems from a lack of professionalorganization structures

lack of re-sources

remain margina

Nevertheless we doubt that alternative media can effectively challenge corporate media power

emancipatory societal effects of participatory production

Bertolt Brecht,Walter Benjamin and Hans Magnus Enzensberger, who imagined a media system in which media enable dialogue

We first discuss exam-ples of this model and then formulate a critique of it. Based on this discussion, we introdu

According to them

alternative media differ from mainstream media in re-gard to their organizational principles.

Does the term alternativemedia exclusively refer to politically progressive, left-wing media that aim at challenging capitalism and corporate (media)power, or does the term also include conservative, right-wing, and repressive media (Downing, 2001, p. 88)

theoretical conceptualization of the term alternative media is needed.

Indymedia. Indymedia uses a ‘‘democratic open-publishing system”,is‘‘collectively run”, and ‘‘a decentralized and autonomousnetwork”(Indymedia, 2009).

alternative to mainstream media, or if the term implies thatsuch media want to challenge all forms of domination and foster societal alternatives to capitalism

Rodriguez (2003) or Dagron (2004)stress that reachingbroad audiences is not an aim for alternative media projects: ‘‘Anyone asserting that alternative media are fine but their cov-erage is to limited geographically or in terms of users does not understand what alternative media really are”

large counter-public sphere that is accessible for allexploited, oppressed, and excluded groups and individuals as an important foundation for political change processes.

3. A critique of the participatory media approach

production processes are at the core of alternative media projects: ‘‘In my own view alternativecommunication is in essence participatory communication, and the alternative spirit remains as long as the participatorycomponent is not minimized and excluded”

serve a specific geographic community or a community of interest, and allow non-professionalsto actively engage in media production, organization and management (

Many current approaches on alternativemedia pick up this vision of a democratic media system. So for example Nick Couldr

Participatory media approaches stress that democratic media potentials

One examplefor a conservative participatory medium is the online communitywww.townhall.com,

not only progressive social movements and left-wing political activist employ ‘‘participa-tory” production principles

Social action, like all action, may be oriented in four ways

all reacting in the same way to the like need of protection from the rain-

Not every type of contact of human beings has a social character

Social action

sociological generalizations

Action

Processes and uniformities

A motive

judged in terms of its results

Understanding

treat all irrational, effectually determined elements of behavior as factors of deviation from a conceptually pure type of rational action

Meaning

Sociology

An introductory