398 Matching Annotations
  1. Jan 2019
    1. Based on a practice view, we suggest the followingdefinition ofcoordination: a temporally unfolding andcontextualized process of input regulation and inter-action articulation to realize a collective performance.

      Faraj and Xiao offer two important points: Context and trajectories "First, the definition emphasizes the temporal unfolding and contextually situated nature of work processes. It recognizes that coordinated actions are enacted within a specific context, among a specific set of actors, and following a history of previous actions and interactions that necessarily constrain future action."

      "Second, following Strauss (1993), we emphasize trajectories to describe sequences of actions toward a goal with an emphasis on contingencies and interactions among actors. Trajectories differ from routines in their emphasis on progression toward a goal and attention to deviation from that goal. Routines merely emphasize sequences of steps and, thus, are difficult to specify in work situations characterized by novelty, unpredictability, and ever-changing combinations of tasks, actors, and resources. Trajectories emphasize both the unfolding of action as well as the interactions that shape it. A trajectory-centric view of coordination recognizes the stochastic aspect of unfolding events and the possibility that combinations of inputs or interactions can lead to trajectories with dreadful outcomes—the Apollo 13 “Houston, we have a problem” scenario. In such moments, coordination is more about dealing with the “situation” than about formal organizational arrangements."

    2. Theprimarygoalispatientstabilizationandini-tiating atreatment trajectory—a temporally unfolding

      Full quote (page break)

      "The primary goal is patient stabilization and initiating a treatment trajectory—a temporally unfolding sequence of events, actions, and interactions—aimed at ensuring patient medical recovery"

      Knowledge trajectory is a good description of SBTF's work product/goal

    1. . Previously, scholars have generally ignored any notion of time. Now, we need to make explicit our use of time in understanding disaster. Such an application, I believe, will give us a much deeper understanding on defining disaster, how and why such events unfold, and how various social entities attempt to return to normal after the event. Finally, the use of social time in disaster can provide sociologists a deeper look into understanding key theoretical issues related to social order, social change and social emergence, along with voluntaristic versus deterministic patterns of behavior among various units of analysis.

      Scarcity of temporal considerations in previous work.

      Connects sociotemporal experiences and enactment of time to social order, social change, volunteer behavior and new units of analysis.

      Here's my central thesis.

    2. the field. Such a fresh approach possibly improves a wide range of conceptual issues in disasters and hazards. In addition, such an approach would give us insights on how disaster managers, emergency responders, and disaster victims (recognizing that these “roles” may overlap in some cases) see, use and experience time. This, in turn, could assist with a number of applied issues (e.g., warning, effective “response,” priorities in “recovery”) throughout the process of disaster.

      Neal cites his 1997 paper about the need to develop better categories to describe disaster phases. Here, her attempts to work through those classifications with a sociotemporal bent.

      Evokes Bowker and Star's work on classification and boundary objects/infrastructures but also Yakura (2002) on temporal boundary objects.

    3. Second, I believe that the concept of entrainment could open new doors for understanding post-impact behavior, or the transition from post-impact to pre-impact (or everyday) behavi

      Neal argues that the temporal concept of entrainment (two things synchronizng their pace) can help to differentiate another long-standing critique of disaster research -- the different disaster phase impacts on individuals and sub-groups over time. This gets at his concern (see also Brenda Phillips' work) for feminist, post-colonial and critical theory perspectives on the study of disaster and social change.

      Here, Neal posits that returning to pre-impact social rhythms could be a better measure of social change catalyzed by a disaster.

      "Rather than using economic, demographic, familial or other measures of social change, entrainment could be a key measure in understanding social change and disaster."

    4. The use of social time may also give us a unique view on understanding slow moving disasters (e.g., environmental events, famines and droughts) when compared to sudden impact events. Social time and social disruption provides tools to define disaster without making assessments (i.e., good/bad) of the event.

      Neal also contends that time embedded in the disaster onset (sudden vs slow) is a better heuristic for studying these events.

    5. In this paper I have shown that the application of social time and social disruption to disaster settings (i.e., pre-impact, impact, post-impact) along can provide a unique way to understand disasters. First, by integrating the ideas of event time, social time, and social disruption, we can develop a foundation for creating an empirically based continuum of everyday life/emergency, disaster, and catastrophe. An implication of this approach is that we use specific social criteria (based upon social disruption via the various time concepts) to define the event. As a result, drawing upon social time and social disruption casts a rather wide net in understanding events what we call disa

      Principally, Neal's argument is embedded in his long-standing critique that the language of disaster research and emergency response practice is not precise enough and thus the disaster phases framework is flawed.

      Here, he attempts to re-characterize the disaster phases as sociotemporal constructions about events (pre-impact, impact, and post-impact).

    1. Disasters might be one of the few natural events that override the socio-temporal order; indeed, damage to the routines of social life is a defining characteristic that separates disasters from local emergencies and other disruption

      Evokes Zerubavel and temporal ordering

    1. n particular, we note how recent extensions to Activity Theory have addressed theoretical shortcomings similar to our five challenges and suggest directions for bridging the gap between everyday practice and systems support

      theoretical base for the case study.

      Tie this back to HCC readings/critiques by Halverson and Hutchins on distributed cognition.

    2. These extensions increase the complexity of the Activity Theory model but also help to explain tensions present in real-world systems such as when one agent plays different roles in two systems that have divergent goals. Furthermore, this approach provides Activity Theory with a similar degree of agility in representing complex, distributed cognition as competing theoretical approaches, such as Distributed Cognition (Hutchins, 1995).

      flexibility of Activity Theory over DCog

    1. The manner in which we isolate supposedly discrete "figures" from their surrounding "ground" is also manifested in the way we come to experience ourselves. 52 It involves a form of mental differ­entiation that entails a fundamental distinction between us and the rest of the world. It is known as our sense of identity.

      Evokes Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton on developing a sense of self.

    2. It is boundaries that help us separate one entity from another: "To classify things is to arrange them in groups ... separated by clearly determined lines of demarcation .... At the bottom of our conception of class there is the idea of a circumscription with fixed and definite outlines. "7 Indeed, the word define derives from the Latin word for boundary, which is finis. To define something is to mark its boundaries, 8 to surround it with a mental fence that sepa­rates it from everything else. As evidenced by our failure to notice objects that are not clearly differentiated from their surroundings, it is their boundaries that allow us to perceive "things" at all.

      Social reality is constructed by defining boundaries and visibility to objects. Evokes Bowker and Star's classification and boundary object framework.

    3. es an entity with a distinctive meaning5 as well as with a distinctive identity that sets it apart from everything else. The way we cut up the world clearly affects the way we organ

      Zerubavel posits that meaning is made by distinguishing objects/events from one another. These contrasts are further delineated by classification and/or making things invisible.

    4. The need to substantiate the way we segment time into discrete blocks also ac­counts for the holidays we create to commemorate critical transition points between historical epochs 112 as well as for the rituals we de­sign to articulate significant changes in our relative access to one another-greetings, first kisses, farewell parties, bedtime stories. 113

      Rituals also have temporal qualities that help to make sense of socially constructed times/events.

    5. Most of the fine lines that separate mental entities from one another are drawn only in our own head and, therefore, totally in­visible. And yet, by playing up the act of "crossing" them, we can make mental discontinuities more "tangible." Many rituals, indeed, are designed specifically to substantiate the mental segmentation of reality into discrete chunks. In articulating our "passage" through the mental partitions separating these chunks from one another, such rituals, originally identified by Arnold Van Gennep as "rites of passage,"107 certainly enhance our experience of discontinuity.

      Rituals help connect the frame to the spatial qualities of the mental models we create to understand complex ideas.

    6. Nonetheless, without some lumping, it would be impossible ever to experience any collectivity, or mental entity for that matter. The ability to ignore the uniqueness of items and regard them as typical members of categories is a prerequisite for classifying any group of phenomena. Such ability to "typify"106 our experience is therefore one of the cornerstones of social reality

      Classification is the mechanism for making sense of disparate objects through the process of lumping and making differences invisible.

    7. A mental field is basically a cluster of items that are more similar to one another than to any other item. Generating such fields, therefore, usually involves some lumping.

      Evokes Bowker and Star's boundary object work re: the mental models of lumping and splitting

    8. Such mental geography has no physical basis but we experience it as if it did

      Evokes Moser's cognitive mental models and Borditsky's spatial metaphor work on how we use the language of physical space to carve out understanding about self and the social/cultural concepts.

    9. Like them, all frames basically define parts of our percep­tual environment as irrelevant, thus separating that which we attend in a focused manner from all the out-of-frame experience44 that we leave "in the background" and ignore.

      Evokes Geertz' advice in ethnographic thick description to focus on the details in order to make sense of the situational context and place people/events in an interpretative frame.

    10. A frame is characterized not by its contents but rather by the distinctive way in which it transforms the contents' meaning.

      How does this square with the definition of "boundary objects"?

    11. Framing is the act of surrounding situations, acts, or objects with mental brackets35 that basically transform their meaning by defining them as a game, a joke, a symbol, or a fantasy

      Definition of framing.

    12. Crossing the fine lines separating such experiential realms from one another involves a considerable mental switch from one "style" or mode of experiencing to another, as each realm has a distinctive "accent of reality. "30

      Evokes the notion of pluritemporal time.

      Lookup this citation.

    13. Temporal differentiation often entails an experience of disconti­nuity among different sorts of reality as well.

      This sense of discontinuity is problematic in determining situational awareness during crisis/emergency information work when it's not always evident what is live, what is recorded, and what is algorithmically delayed.

    14. Temporal differentiation helps substantiate elusive mental dis­tinctions. Like their spatial counterparts, temporal boundaries often represent mental partitions and thus serve to divide more than just time.

      Temporal boundaries (and the objects inherent in them) are used to convey additional meaning and context. These partitions are used to describe historical distinctions ("The Great Depression", "Vietnam Era"), life distinctions (work vs private time vs religious observance).

      Examples above are from the chapter.

    15. In order to endow the things we perceive with meaning, we normally ignore their uniqueness and regard them as typical mem­bers of a particular class of objects (a relative, a present), acts (an apology, a crime), or events (a game, a conference).2 After all, "If each of the many things in the world were taken as distinct, unique, a thing in itself unrelated to any other thing, perception of the world would disintegrate into complete meaninglessness. "3 Indeed, things become meaningful only when placed in some category.

      Connect this to Bowker and Star (2000) Sorting Things Out.

    16. The perception of supposedly insular chunks of space is probably the most fundamental manifestation of how we divide reality into islands of meaning. Examining how we partition space, therefore, is an ideal way to start exploring how we partition our social world

      Zerubavel describes how we use space to partition meaning from large, complex or unfamiliar objects.

      Evokes the notion of a boundary object.

  2. Aug 2018
    1. create the effect of temporal symmetry, of the group sharing a moment, even though individual members clearly read the message at different moments.

      description of temporal symmetry

    2. The notion of temporal structuring views "real time" not as an inherent property of Internet­based activities, or an inevitable consequence of technol­ogy use, but as an enacted temporal structure, reflecting the decisions people have made about how they wish to structure their activities, both on or off the Internet. As an alternative to the idea of '·real time," Bennett and Wei II ( 1997) have suggested the notion of "real-enough time," proposing that people design their process and technology infrastructures to accommodate variable timing demands, which are contingent on task and context. We believe such "real-enough" temporal structures are important ar­eas of further empirical investigation, allowing us to move beyond the fixation on a singular, objective "real time" to recognize the opportunities people have to (re)shape the range of temporal structures that shape their lives.

      real time vs real-enough time

    3. The notion of temporal structuring we have de­veloped here suggests instead that people enact multiple, heterogeneous, and shifting temporal structures in all as­pects of their lives.

      people experience temporal structures as dynamic

    4. Our empirical example also highlighted the value of achieving virtual temporal symmetry for members of a geographically dispersed community. As electronic me­dia become increasingly central to organizational life, in­dividuals may use asynchronous media in various ways to shape devices of virtual symmetry that help them co­ordinate across geographical distance and across multiple temporal structures. This suggests that when studying the use of electronic media, researchers should pay attention to the conditions in which virtual temporal symmetry may be enacted to coordinate distributed activities, and with what consequences. Interesting questions for empirical research include the following. As work groups in orga­nizations become more geographically dispersed and/or more dependent on electronic media, do members enact virtual temporal symmetry for certain purposes? If so, for which types of purposes? And how? If not, how do such work groups achieve temporal coordination?

      virtual coordination across geographic distance via electronic media and how it shapes/is shaped by temporal structures

    5. By examining a community's repertoire of temporal struc­tures, we can understand the variety of ways in which community members' actions (re)produce the different temporal structures they constitute through their ongoing practices

      A good justification for the SBTF study.

    6. The notion of temporal structuring focuses attention on what people actually do temporally in their practices, and how in such ongoing and situated activity they shape and are shaped by particular temporal structures. By exam­ining when people do what they do in their practices, we can identify what temporal structures shape and are shaped (often concurrently) by members of a community; how these interact; whether they are interrelated, over­lapping, and nested, or separate and distinct; and the ex­tent to which they are compatible, complementary, or contradictory.

      Different interaction patterns of temporal structures that are shaped by people and shape people's activities.

    7. In all these cases, the notion of temporal structuring through ongoing practices helps us understand and bridge the temporal oppositions underlying the research litera­ture. We tum now to an empirical example to demonstrate how this perspective can offer a new understanding of the temporal conditions and consequences of organizational life.

      Succint summation of previous section and transition.

    8. In practice, however. an open-ended or closed temporal orientation is not a stable property of occupational groups, but an emergent property of the temporal structures being enacted at a given moment by the groups' members.

      describes how a group orients around an emergent property of temporal structures depending on context.

      Orlikowski and Yates write later in this passage:

      "Moreover, point of view and moment of observation may also affect the type of structuring observed."

    9. Viewed from a practice perspective, the distinction be­tween cyclic and linear time blurs because it depends on the observer's point of view and moment of observation. In particular cases, simply shifting the observer's vantage point (e.g., from the corporate suite to the factory floor) or changing the period of observation (e.g., from a week to a year) may make either the cyclic or the linear aspect of ongoing practices more salient.

      Could it be that SBTF volunteers are situating themselves in time as a way to respond to a cyclic/linear tension? or a spatial tension?

    10. An emphasis on the cyclic temporality of organizational life also underpins the work on entrain­ment, developed in the natural sciences and gaining cur­rency in organization studies. Defined as "the adjustment of the pace or cycle of one activity to match or synchro­nize with that of another" (Ancona and Chong 1996, p. 251 ), entrainment has been used to account for a variety of organizational phenomena displaying coordinated or synchronized temporal cycles (Ancona and Chong 1996, Clark 1990, Gersick 1994, McGrath 1990).

      Entrainment definition.

    11. In spite of the general movement from particular to­wards universal notions of time (Castells 1996, Giddens 1990, Zerubavel 1981 ), we can see that in use, all uni versa! temporal structures must be particularized to local contexts because they are enacted through the situated practices of specific community members in specific locations and time zones.

      Cites Castells (networks), Giddens (structuration) and Zerubavel (semiotics) as moving away from particular time to more universal notions of real-time, 24-hour clock, and calendars, respectively.

      Orlikowski and Yates argue that even universal notions need situated and contextual practices to make sense of time.

    12. One such op­position is that between universal (global, standardized, acontextual) and particular (local, situated, context­specific) time.

      Orlikowski and Yates describe situated, contextual time as particular.

    13. Table 1 Different Perspectives on Time in Organizations

      Objective vs Subjective vs Practice-based perspectives in time

    14. That is, people are purposive, knowledgeable, adaptive, and inventive ac­tors who, while they are shaped by established temporal structures, can also choose (whether explicitly or implic­itly) to (re)shape those temporal structures to accomplish their situated and dynamic ends.

      People can enact their agency through practices, habits or planned intentions to change temporal structures against what frequently feels like an external time that operates independently.

    15. scholars have begun to recognize the importance of what Nowotny (1992, p. 424) has termed pluritemporalism­"the existence of a plurality of different modes of social time(s) which may exist side by side." Our structuring lens sees this not so much as the existence of multiple times, but as the ongoing constitution of multiple tem­poral structures in people"s everyday practices.

      Cites Nowotny's pluritemporalism.

      Orlikowski and Yates interpret this as enacting multiple temporal structures that are often interdependent and can also be in conflict. Raises the example of tensions between work and family temporal structures.

    16. Like social structures in general (Giddens 1984 ), tem­poral structures simultaneously constrain and enable.

      The paper provides an example of how work vacations and office schedules are restricted during certain seasons, and more open in other seasons.

    17. While adopting one side or the other of this dichotomy may offer re­searchers analytic advantages in their temporal studies of organizations, difficulties arise when these positions are treated-not as conceptual tools-but as inherent prop­erties of time. Focusing on one side or the other misses seeing how temporal structures emerge from and are em­bedded in the varied and ongoing social practices of peo­ple in different communities and historical periods, and at the same time how such temporal structures powerfully shape those practices in turn. By focusing on what or­ganizational members actually do, our practice-based per­spective on temporal structuring may offer new insights into how people construct and reconstruct the temporal conditions that shape their lives.

      Nice summation of how practice-based experiences of time are not well-served by treating the objective-subjective dichotomy as properties of time.

      Need for a different perspective to explore other emergent ways people engage with or experience time.

    18. Event time, in contrast, is conceived as "qualitative time-heterogeneous, discontinuous, and unequivalent when different time periods are compared" (Starkey

      Event time definition -- as qualitative.

      How does this help describe friction of SBTF social coordination attempting to handle mechanical clocktime (timestamps, urgency, timelines, etc.) and dynamic event time (disaster unfolds, rhythms, horizons, etc.)

    19. Thus temporal structures, like all social structures (Giddens 1984), are both the medium and the outcome of people's recurrent practices.

      Wrapping Giddens' structuration theory into the concept of temporal structures.

    20. Our purpose in this paper is to develop the basic out­lines of an alternative perspective on time in organiza­tions that is centered on people's recurrent practices that shape (and are shaped by) a set of temporal structures. We see this emphasis on human practices (as distinct from external force or subjective construction) as bridg­ing the current opposition between objective and subjec­tive conceptualizations of time, and thus as making pos­sible a new understanding of the temporal conditions and consequences of organizational life. By grounding our perspective in the dynamic capacities of human agency we believe we gain unique insights into the creation, use, and influence of time in organizations.

      Strong why does this matter section -- 3 sentences.

    21. This in­tegration suggests that time is instantiated in organiza­tional life through a process of temporal structuring,1 where people (re)produce (and occasionally change) tem­poral structures to orient their ongoing activities.

      Succinct definition of temporal structures.

    22. In this paper we explicitly integrate the notion of social practices from this literature with that of enacted struc­tures drawn from the theory of structuration (Giddens 1984 ), arguing that the combination can be valuable for the study of organizations in general and of time in or­ganizations in particular. With respect to the latter, we have obtained important insights into how temporality is both produced in situated practices and reproduced through the influence of institutionalized norms.

      Turns of phrase:

      "We explicitly integrate the notion of social practices from this literature ..."

      "We have obtained important insights ..."

    23. We contribute to this discussion within organizational re­search by offering an alternative third view-that time is experienced in organizational life through a process of temporal structuring that characterizes people's everyday engagement in the world. As part of this engagement, people produce and reproduce what can be seen to be temporal structures to guide, orient, and coordinate their ongoing activities.

      How the concept of temporal structures fits in the literature.

    24. researchers explore the embodied. embedded. and mate­rial aspects of human agency in constituting particular social orders (Hutchins 1995, Lave 1988, Suchman 1987).

      Nice succinct high-level summary of DCog, LPP, and situated learning.

    25. emporal structures here are under­stood as both shaping and being shaped by ongoing hu­man action, and thus as neither independent of human action (because shaped in action), nor fully determined by human action (because shaping that action). Such a view allows us to bridge the gap between objective and subjective understandings of time by recognizing the ac­tive role of people in shaping the temporal contours of their lives, while also acknowledging the way in which people's actions are shaped by structural conditions out­side their immediate control.

      Temporal structures definition

    1. People are often thrown into pre-existing, organized action patterns. They experience the middle of a narrative but only the vaguest beginnings or ends. Without those boundaries people dwell in antenarrative. But that is where sense-making, organizing, and discursive devices make a difference. ‘People who are thrown establish their own temporality’ (Hernes and Maitlis, 2010: 31)

      This is the sociotemporal hook for the SBTF study.

      Read the Hernes and Maitlis paper

      "People who are thrown establish their own temporality" << what does this mean?

    2. ‘Antenarrative is the fragmented, non-linear, incoherent, collective, unplotted and pre-narrative speculation, a bet’ (Boje, 2001: 1). Organizing, in the context of antenarrative, is a bet that these fragments will have become orderly and that efforts to impose temporality

      This is the sociotemporal hook for the SBTF study.

      Antenarrative definition from Boje (2001).

      See: Dawson and Sykes (2018) https://via.hypothes.is/http://wendynorris.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/Dawson-and-Sykes-2018-Concepts-of-Time-and-Temporality-in-the-Storytelling-and-Sensemaking-Literatures-A-Review-and-Critique.pdf

      This runs counter to the more frequent linear time structure of narratives.

      The wikipedia article makes a bit more sense:

      https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Antenarrative

      "Antenarratives serve a similar purpose. The process of moving from the nebulous and chaotic story to a narrative with a beginning middle and end is the antenarrative faith that story fragments will make retrospective sense some time in the future."

      More info on antenarrative here:

      "The antenarrative is pre-narrative, a bet that a fragmented polyphonic story will make retrospective, narrative, sense in the future. In a recent description of the bet aspect of antenarrative Karl Weick has said "To talk about antenarrative as a bet is also to invoke an important structure in sense-making; namely, the presumption of logic (Meyer, 1956)."

      https://encyclopedia.thefreedictionary.com/antenarrative

    1. ‘Antenarrative is the fragmented,non-linear, incoherent, collective, unplotted, and pre-narrative speculation, a bet. To traditional narrativemethods antenarrative is an improper storytelling awager that a proper narrative can be constituted’(Boje 2001, p. 1).

      Antenarrative definition.

      This runs counter to the more frequent linear time structure of narratives.

      The wikipedia article makes a bit more sense:

      https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Antenarrative

      "Antenarratives serve a similar purpose. The process of moving from the nebulous and chaotic story to a narrative with a beginning middle and end is the antenarrative faith that story fragments will make retrospective sense some time in the future."

      More info on antenarrative here:

      "The antenarrative is pre-narrative, a bet that a fragmented polyphonic story will make retrospective, narrative, sense in the future. In a recent description of the bet aspect of antenarrative Karl Weick has said "To talk about antenarrative as a bet is also to invoke an important structure in sense-making; namely, the presumption of logic (Meyer, 1956)."

      https://encyclopedia.thefreedictionary.com/antenarrative

    2. Sixth, investi-gating the use of temporal modalities in making andgiving sense in the storytelling of management andother occupational groups, for example, in processesof story-weaving in the assembly of smaller storiesthat variously draw from the past, present and future(see Maitlis 2005, p. 45; Reissner and Pagan 2013,pp. 52, 83)

      Future research direction: ??

      Look at the citations

    3. Fifth, the importance of shifting contextualconditions over chronological time in the rewritingof histories and the reconstruction of narratives thatreposition individuals and groups, in, for example,a movement from hero to villain (see Cunliffe andCoupland 2012; Godfreyet al. 2016).

      Future research direction: ??

      Read the Cunliffe and Coupland paper

    4. Fourth, the com-pression and expansion of time structures in storiesthat compete, and the different techniques for draw-ing on temporal modalities for sensemaking in theconstruction of compelling power-political narrativesthat seek to influence the sense giving of others (seeBuchanan and Dawson 2007; Dawson and Buchanan2012)

      Future research direction: Timescapes // Time compression // Post-Colonial and Feminist Time

      See: Adam 1990 and 2004 See: Giddens' structuration theory

    5. Third, the use of time and temporality for mak-ing and giving sense to unfinalized stories, antenar-ratives and future scenarios (see Boje 2011), includ-ing attention to issues, such as temporal depth, timeurgency and temporal orientation in promoting theneed for short or long-term strategies (see Jabri 2016,p. 97; Kunischet al. 2017, p. 1043)

      Future research direction: Temporal depth // Tempo

      See: Bluedorn 2002

    6. Second, howtime is variously used in past constructions that givesense to what has occurred, in for example, nostal-gic tales that seek to sustain identity-relevant valuesand beliefs, or using time to leverage reformulationsin repositioning these tales, for example, with theaim of undermining nostalgia as a platform for resis-tance (see Brown and Humphreys 2002; Strangleman1999).

      Future research direction: Importance of reflexivity // Effects of Time Perspectives on sensemaking

      See: Zimbardo & Boyd's Time Perspectives

    7. First, exam-ination of time representations in the more finalizedand structured stories in organizations (see Gabriel2000): for example, how time and temporality areused to convey a particular message, moral lesson orpresent a causal explanation that is both compellingand plausible.

      Future research direction: Language of time

      See: Zerubavel and semiotics

    8. Our discussion commences with a fourfold charac-terization of underlying temporal modalities fromwhich we extend six pathways in mapping out fu-ture research opportunities.

      1) "finalized retrospective stories’ that seek to reconstruct from the past, key events, characters and plots that provide causal explanations for making sense of current disruptions and ambiguities (these stories take on the Aristotelean convention of being characterized by a beginning, middle and end)"

      2) "‘unfinalized prospective stories’ that are forward looking: time is no longer set, but non-linear and indeterminate. These stories of the future are unfinalized (like Boje’s concept of antenarrative), subjective and open to re-storying in seeking to make sense of ongoing and newly emerging occurrences as well as the uncertainties, threats and opportunities of a future that has yet to be."

      3) "‘present continuity-based stories’ that attempt to provide some reassurances about sustaining relations and values: to reassert a collective sense of belonging, sense of stability and membership, as in the heightened sense of belongingness through nostalgia (Strangleman 1999) that enables a sense of continuity between what is happening, what happened in the past and what may happen in the future."

      4) "‘present change-based stories’ often comprising a mixture of optimism in promoting the benefits of changing for the future, and pessimism in constructing stories on the potential threats and negative implications of future change (aligning with Ybema’s (2004) notion of postalgia)."

    9. Boudes and Laroche (2009) attend to narra-tive sensemaking in post-crisis inquiry reports inanalysing the foreseeability of the deaths that oc-curred following the heat wave in France in 2003.They identify a tendency towards simplification andreductionism, but suggest that, rather than represent-ing a linear temporal sequence in which recommen-dations follow explanation, ‘the story is built at leastpartially around preferred lessons and the desiredrecommendations for action’ (Boudes and Laroche2009, p. 392).

      Read this paper.

      The paper focuses on post-crisis sensemaking. Do they discuss sensemaking in the moment?

    10. This returns us to Weick’s (2012) claimthat the unfinalized uncertainties of life experiences ismade sense of and temporally fixed in narrative ratio-nality, but with the added notion that these temporalconstructions build on prospective ideas (a non-lineartemporality in story construction, but not in the struc-ture of the final narrative).

      This seems to fit with the Cunliffe and Coupland paper that in the moment actions are non-linear but the narrative is plotted across time (linear).

    11. As the authors note: ‘Sensemaking is tempo-ral in at least two ways: in the moment of performancewe draw on past experiences, present interactions andfuture anticipations, and second, we plot narrative co-herence across time’ (Cunliffe and Coupland 2012,p. 83).

      This is a helpful frame for thinking about how SBTF volunteers are simultaneously trying to evaluate granular bits of information and add it to a larger emerging story about the event.

      This paper also cites Goffman's Presentation of Self

    12. However, in their study focusing on theimportance of time to sensemaking in crisis situa-tions, Combe and Carrington (2015) point out thatmost studies still remain focused on objective clocktime with little attempt to examine the influence ofthe subjective experience of the past or how leadersimagine the future may affect how they interpret andmake sense of the present

      studies of time and sensemaking in a crisis.

    13. Al-though both scholars usefully illustrate the powerof narratives to make and give sense to experiencesin organizations, Gabriel (2000) adopts a folkloristposition with a reliance on conventional temporal-ity and sequenced event time, in which causality isbuilt into the narrative construction with a progres-sive temporality (beginning, middle and end). In con-trast, Boje (2011) is interested in the more fragmentedand terse stories and the ways in which these un-resolved narratives open up possibilities for poten-tial futures (prospective sensemaking).

      Contrast of Gabriel and Boje's approaches in a nutshell.

    14. As Bojeet al. (2016a, p. 395)indicate, through situating antenarratives in subjec-tive time, they are able to show ‘how diverse voicesinterconnect, embed and entangle in organizationalstrategies’.

      Need to unpack this a bit. Is this how to scaffold the SBTF situated time instances into a sensemaking process?

      Subjective time (per the philosopher's term) is referred to as socially-constructed time (by the sociologists).

      In Brunelle (2017):

      *"temporal construals

      The way organizational members interpret or situate themselves in time and embrace time-related concepts such as of time scarcity, urgency, orientation. ‘temporal construals inform and are informed by intersubjective, subjective and objective times.’ (R. A. Roe et al., 2009)"*

    15. Boje seeks to elevate the place ofstories in organization studies in examining the inter-play between the control of narrative (order) and theunfinalized nature of emergent story (disorder)

      How does this manifest (if at all) in crisis social media?

      What is represented by the order? What is represented by the disorder?

      If crisis social media is performative storytelling, then what does Goffman say about sensemaking?

    16. For Boje (2008,p. 1) narrative has served to present reality in an or-dered fashion (the arrow of time), whereas storiesare at times able to break out of this narrative orderand offer a more diverse, fragmented and muddledview of reality (non-linear temporality). He refers toa storytelling organization as a ‘collective storytellingsystem in which the performance of stories is a keypart of members’ sensemaking and a means to allowthem to supplement individual memories with insti-tutional memory’ (Boje 1991, p. 106).

      Narrative is linear (arrow of time) Story "in the here and now" is non-linear

    17. From Boje’s perspective, coherent narrativesbuilt on retrospective sensemaking serve to controland regulate, while living stories in the present (asin simultaneous storytelling) disperse and challenge,providing alternative interpretations, with antenarra-tives offering future possibilities through prospectivesensemaking

      Boje's approach.

    18. From thisfolklorist perspective, sequenced event time predom-inates, and conventional temporality is not called intoquestion, and yet there remain subtle and differentconceptions of time, sometimes continuous, some-times discontinuous, sometimes linear and sometimestimeless, that extend beyond a simple characterizationof Newtonian linear-time.

      Different types of time are incorporated into stories but the through-line remains linear.

    19. Coherent, finalized stories are embedded with alinear structure that aligns with clock time and theGregorian calendar (Gabriel 2000, p. 239). Chronol-ogy and objective time implant these stories withan identifiable past, present and future and a linearcausality that provides a temporal structure (a be-ginning, middle and end with plot and characters).This linearity is tied to the inviolability of sequencedevents that occur within a tensed notion of time where,for example, you cannot have a character seeking re-venge before an original insult has occurred, nor canyou have a punishment for a crime that will be com-mitted later.

      For Gabriel, stories have a linear temporal structure (beginning, middle, end) driven by past, present and future events.

    20. For Gabriel, stories are a subset of narratives (whileall stories are narratives, not all narratives are stories),arguing that theories, statistics, reports or documentsthat describe events and seek to present objective factsshould not be treated as stories (nor for that mattershould clich ́es), as stories interpret events often dis-torting, omitting and embellishing to engage audienceemotions, they generate, sustain, destroy and under-mine meaning, and while they are crafted along par-ticular lines they do not obliterate the facts (Gabriel2000, pp. 3–4).

      Story definition per Gabriel.

      SBTF data collection/sensemaking would not be a story, per Gabriel's definition.

      But is it sensemaking?

    21. A key comparative difference centreson their definition and approach to stories. Gabrielis concerned with completed coherent stories with abeginning, middle and end, whereas Boje examinesunfinalized stories and future-oriented sensemaking.Temporality is central to both and yet, as we willillustrate, concepts of time remain implicit and inad-equately theorized.

      Differences between Gabriel's approach and Boje.

    22. Thissupported the common claim that, in organizationalresearch, time usually remains hidden or implicit andis seldom discussed explicitly (Roeet al. 2009).

      Similar to Nowotny's argument that theory doesn't break through in empirical work.

    23. From these readings, a com-mon and persistent claim centred on the general ab-sence of conceptual thinking about time and tempo-rality (Berends and Antonacopoulou 2014; Dawsonand Sykes 2016)

      Argues that there is a research gap about conceptual thinking about time and storytelling in the organizational studies literature.

      More broadly in other disciplines, Nowotny counters that there is plenty of time/temporal theory but a lack of empirical work that engages it.

    24. This dominant linear view of temporality drawnfrom conventional representations of clock time (dig-itally embedded in a range of everyday devices) hasbeen widely criticized (Adam 1990, 2004; Glennieand Thrift 1996; Thrift 2004; Wajcman 2015), witha growing recognition of the need to bring differen-tiated concepts of time to the fore (see Christens-sonet al. 2014). There is a small but expandingcall to move beyond objective time (Allmanet al.2014) and time-free research (Hassard 1990b, p. 1)or timeless knowledge (Roeet al. 2009) to a moreconceptually informed theorization in which conceptsof time are made more explicit and openly discussed(Anconaet al. 2001b; Bluedorn 2002; Dawson andSykes 2016; Goodmanet al. 2001).

      Cites the need for more concrete examples and more direct engagement with time in theory.

      See: Bluedorn 2002 See: Nowotny

    25. This review highlights how conventional explanations in these related fields of studyare underpinned by linear conceptions of temporality (with an associated causality)and how there is growing recognition of fluidity in the way pasts and futures cometogether in temporal sensemaking of an emergent present.

      how is "emergent present" defined? Is there a predictive element based on past experience and future expectations?

      Is "emergent present" a near-future but not quite real-time dimension of time?

    26. ClassicAristotelian narratives with a linear time structure (stories with a beginning, middle andend) are prominent in the storytelling literature, whereas retrospection, in drawing onthe past in making sense of the present, is a temporal modality central to foundationalconcepts of sensemaking. In examining time and temporality in these related fields,the authors show how the conventional temporal sequence of a past, present and futuredominates, with little consideration being given to time as a multiple rather than singularconcept

      Is the process of retrospection present as a multitemporal or pluritemporal dimension in SBTF crowdwork that is attempting to build knowledge (situational awareness)?

    1. These possibili- ties are more likely to be seen if we think of large crises as the outcome of smaller scale enactments. When the enactment perspective is applied to crisis situations, several aspects stand out that are normally overlooked. To look for enactment themes in crises, for example, is to listen for verbs of enactment, words like manual control, intervene, cope, probe, alter, design, solve, decouple, try, peek and poke (Perrow, 1984, p. 333), talk, disregard, and improvise. These verbs may signify actions that have the potential to construct or limit later stages in an unfolding crisis

      Curious why temporality is never mentioned as a dynamic of enactment. It's somewhat implied in the idea of acting in the moment or responding after the fact, but sensemaking and social construction is inherently temporal.

    1. Theway organizational membersinterpret or situate themselves in time and embrace time-related concepts such as of time scarcity, urgency, orientation. ‘temporal construals inform and are informed by intersubjective, subjective and objective times.’ (R. A. Roe et al., 2009

      Get Roe's paper. This helps to bridge the ideas of "situated time" and "subjective time" -- or socially constructed ways of experiencing, thinking about and perceiving time.

      See: Dawson and Sykes 2018 See: Pöppel 1978 - https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-642-46354-9_23

    2. mporal features. We have then to consider how organizational participants are affected by situations containing temporal features, but also how these actors shape, by their behavior and beliefs, local context according to their needs.

      This provides a good framework for the SBTF study that social coordination practices can sometimes be at odds with the "structures that bear significant temporal features."

      Could this mean data as well as events?

      Is this passage invoking activity theory, if it were an HCI study?

    3. To this extent, we have made tremendous advancements but we are still lacking reliable findings of the consistency and magnitude of the time effects at each level of an organization and on individuals. Perhaps, the last progresses that drawn upon the sructuration theory (Gomez, 2009; Kaplan & Orlikowski, 2013; Wanda J. Orlikowski & Yates, 2002; Reinecke & Ansari, 2015; Rowell, Gustafsson, & Clemente, 2016) has suffered the same faith of being judged as too notional and not providing enough guidance on how to conduct empirical studies based on this conception.

      Brunelle identified same gap as Nowotny, some 30 years later that theory is not serving empirical research.

    4. empirical literature on organizational time has extended research on time as a control variable of boundary condition (George & Jones, 2000; Langley, Smallman, Tsoukas, & Van de Ven, 2013)

      How is boundary condition being used here? As a boundary object or something else?

      See: Busse 2017 (in Mendeley)

    5. Events have a time span; actions have a time frame that highlights the urgency of (continuously) deepening our knowledge of time as a key component of organizations (Bleijenbergh, Gremmen, & Peters, 2016). In

      Interesting way to temporally frame events as a span vs activity as a time frame/tempo.

    6. But time is a complex and a sensitive topic in reason to the different vantage points; and its meaning often tends to be taken for granted and given commonsense or self-evident attributions (Sahay, 1997).

      Read this paper.

      Sahay, S. (1997). Implementation of information technology: a time-space perspective. Organization Studies, 18, 229–260

    1. A promising approach that addresses some worker output issues examines the way that workers do their work rather than the output itself, using machine learning and/or visualization to predict the quality of a worker’s output from their behavior [119,120]

      This process improvement idea has some interesting design implications for improving temporal qualities of SBTF data: • How is the volunteer thinking about time? • Where does temporality enter into the data collection workflow? • What metadata do they rely on? • What is their temporal sensemaking approach?

    2. Many tasks worth completing require cooperation –yet crowdsourcing has largely focused on independent work. Distributed teams have always facedchallenges in cultural differences and coordination[60], but crowd collaboration now must createrapport over much shorter timescales(e.g., one hour) and possibly wider culturalor socioeconomic gaps

      In Kittur's example, synchronous collaboration describes a temporal aspect (timescale and tempo of the work) related to how the collaboration is structured or not.

      "Short periods of intense crowd collaboration call for fast teambuilding and may require the automatic assignment of group members to maximize collective intelligence."

    3. The two core challenges for realtime crowdsourcing will be 1) scaling upto increased demand for realtime workers, and 2) making workers efficient enough to collectively generateresultsahead of time deadlines.

      One aspect of temporality in Kittur's study is related to "realtime" which they describe as the time need to scale up workers and efficiency speed of workers.

      The other temporal aspect is synchronicity of workers.

    1. There is also a need for mechanisms to support transformations and processesover time, both for scientific data and scientific ideas. These mechanisms should not only help the user visualize but also express time and change.

      This is still true today. Is the problem truly a technical one or an opportunity to re-imagine the human process of representing time as an attribute and time as a function of evolving data?

    2. Compared to paper artifacts such as laboratory notebooks, computer files do not offer a proper structure to manage temporal and evolutive data.

      Don't agree with this statement at all. Blogs are nothing but linear chronological structures.

    3. Paper holds temporal properties which are not yet integrated in computer.

      Also, weirdly overstated. There were plenty of products and meta data even in 2009 that was available to determine provenance and iteration.

    4. Contrary to paper notes, computer files do not display the traces or versions that led to their final state.

      This seems weirdly overstated. How do paper notes maintain versions and traces? Electronic documents contain rich sources of meta data for trace analysis, as well as various options to explicitly demonstrate temporal order and change through formatting.

    5. Blog tools are designed as publishing tools; they do not support iterative thinking the way paper notebooks do.

      This statement seems to be fixed in traditional, old-school blogging (one idea = one post) and doesn't consider other forms that adapt/extend other ways to represent temporality/change/iteration.

      As one example, live-blogging techniques which incorporate rapid updating of new information through chronological mini-posts, manual time-stamping of new material, etc. Also. plug-ins that allow annotation, image uploads, Google Docs with version control, etc.

      Also, WP post/page formatting options with HTML, typography, etc., can augment re-ordering of information to designate change.

    6. As researchers explore different projects, it is difficult to put order in their ideas, their framing changes andtransitions or regrouping occur [figure 1] (time as change). When the projects are over, defined, researchers can refer to them as a whole and situate them in time (time as order).

      I don't understand this section.

    7. At a higher level, with their roadmaps and deadlines, projects also hold a temporal dimension.

      The DHN analog to projects could be the deployment and/or the humanitarian event temporality (slow-onset, rapid-onset and chronic).

    8. This is related to the fact that biology researchers are in a creative process and reflect on their decisions in order to explore new leads or justify their decisions. Paper laboratory notebooks show this temporality ofthoughts.

      The iterative self-reflection process described in biology research seems relatively undeveloped in DHN work. I don't know that I've seen much negotiation/reflection/critical analysis take place between the moment the data is collected by volunteers and the maps/viz/data/after-action reports created after the fact by the Core Team.

      Perhaps that's a missing element that should be more deeply explored in thinking about data having both a time attribute and being in a state of change? Is there a needed intermediate validation step between data cleaning and creating a data analysis product.

    9. We illustrate how the time as change paradigm helps to better capture the dynamic aspects of their data through three types of data temporality: TODO lists, reflective activity (biology research) and project management.

      One idea as an analog to the biologist example for DHN work is: data sheet (3W or other configuration depending on the deployment type), volunteers' sensemaking activity, and coordination work.

    10. Temporal data can thus be described either as data having time attributes, or data needing a dynamic description, acknowledging data temporal dimension - what we call temporality.

      Re-defining temporality seems less helpful here. It's already a confusing and contested concept. No need to further complicate it.

    11. This corresponds to a classical and quite well-established distinction in the history of ideas: time as order, and time as change [Wolff 2004].

      Get this paper.

    12. Time as order considers temporal data as data that can be described by a time attribute, which can improve navigation or organization. Time as change considers temporal data as data that evolve over time.

      The contrast of time as representing either order or change could be a very helpful way to categorize messy, dynamic humanitarian crisis data.

      We need ways to capture data as an event timeline (X happened, then Y which demands response Z) as well acknowledge that X and Y may be in flux in an evolving crisis zone.

    13. Temporal Data and Data Temporality: Time is change, not only ord

      Synthesis:

    1. While Activity Theory provides a useful lens for understanding users’ work practices and a language for communicating models of users’ behavior, there are some aspects of work practice that have been shown to be critical for knowledge work but are not captured in the Activity Theory framework. For example, knowledge workers have been shown to rely on the organization of information used in ongoing activities to accomplish their work, particularly when the value or role of that information has not yet been fully determined (Kidd, 1994; Malone, 1983; Mynatt, 1999). Activity Theory alludes to the fact that tools reflect the history of their use, but does not place a strong emphasis on this critical component of knowledge work.

      limit of activity theory

    2. s a means for coordinating action among groups of users (e.g., Bardram, 2005, this volume)

      social coordination and activity theory

      get this paper

      Bardram, J.E. (2005, September). Activity-based computing: Support for mobility and collaboration in ubiquitous computing. Personal and Ubiquitous Computing, 9(5), 312–322.

    3. The hierarchical structure of the Boer et al. adaptation of the Activity Theory model can help to reconcile the differences in granularity and the difficulties of supporting collaboration identified in our work; future activity-centered user interfaces might take advantage of the zoomable user interface paradigm or feature control over the level of detail (LOD) represented in the interface to more accurately reflect the depth at which a given user conceptualizes their own tasks or the tasks of their colleagues.

      Boer extension attends to some of the challenges which began this paper

    4. Activity Theory casts a wide but well-defined net around the multifaceted nature of activity, suggesting that the user’s colleagues and the object of the activity are of the utmost importance, but that the tools, social rules, and roles of collaborators within the community must also be reflected back to the user as critical components of that activity. The idea that components of activity reflect their history of use through time suggest several ways for activity-centered systems to support a dynamic working landscape; for example, they might capture past activities in an archive for quick—and potentially automated—reference during related tasks in the future, and that the tools used in previous and ongoing activities (e.g., documents and information resources) both be available at all times and tagged with meta-information about how they have been used in the past

      Further description of how activity theory could incorporate temporality through history (past), dynamic (tempo), automated references (future), and toolsets (past, previous).

    5. Engeström (1987) provides a classic visualization summarizing the structure of an activity (figure 3). This model is based around three mutual relationships: that between the actor (subject) and the community (other actors involved), that between subject and the object (in the sense of objective) of the activity, and that between the object and the community. These mutual relationships are mediated by the other components of activity.

      Engeström definition of Activity Theory

    6. Activity Theory is described both as a guiding framework for analyzing observations of work practice and a language for communicating those findings within the community of practitioners (Halverson, 2001).

      description of Activity Theory

    7. Nardi (1996) argues that one of the inherent strengths of Activity Theory is in its ability to capture the idea of context in user models for HCI, a notion that is gaining momentum particularly with respect to the ubiquitous computing paradigm and as its own design movement, so-called activity-centered design (Gay & Hembrooke, 2003). The world that Gay and Hembrooke envision relies upon design that is not user-centered (which is currently the dominant view in the HCI community) but activity-centered, since Activity Theory provides the right “orientation” for future classes of interactions mediated by ubiquitous computing devices.

      activity-based design -- a companion to user-centered design

    8. Besides the fact that an activity is situated in a network of influencing activity systems, it is also situated in time....In order to understand the activity system under investigation, one therefore has to reveal its temporal interconnectedness....Rather than analyzing an activity system as a static picture of reality, the developments and tensions within the activity system need to be

      extension of Activity Theory with a temporal dimension

      Boer et al quote continues on next page but not picked up in annotation.

      Cites Giddens' structuration theory

    9. However, Gay and Hembrooke point out a weakness in the original formulation of Activity Theory: “The model of activity theory...has traditionally been understood as a synchronic, point-in-time depiction of an activity. It does not depict the transformational and developmental processes that provide the focus of much recent activity theory research” (Gay & Hembrooke, 2003).

      criticism of Activity Theory -- as point-in-time and missing transformational/developmental processes.

      Not discussed here but those deveopmental processes have temporal qualities and attributes

    10. In their well-known “activity checklist,” Kaptelinin, Nardi, and Macaulay (1999) identified five basic principles of Activity Theory: 1.Hierarchical structure of activity In Activity Theory, the unit of analysis is an activity which is directed at an objectthat motivates the activity. Activities are composed of conscious, goal-directed actions; different actions may be taken to complete any given goal. Actions are implemented through automatic operations, which do not have goals of their own. This hierarchical structure is dynamic and can change throughout the life of an activity. 2.Object-orientedness Activity Theory holds that humans exist in an broadly-defined objective reality, that is, the things around us have properties that are objective both to the natural sciences and society and culture. 3.Internalization/externalization Activity Theory considers both internal and external actions and holds that the two are tightly interrelated. Internalization is the process of transforming an external process into an internal one for the purposes of planning or simulating an action without affecting the world. Externalization transforms internal actions into external ones and is often used to resolve failures of internal actions and to coordinate actions among independent agents. 4.Mediation A central tenet of Activity Theory is that activity is mediated by tools, and that these tools are created and transformed over the course of the activity so that the culture and history of the activity becomes embedded in the tools. Vygotsky’s definition of tool is very broad; one of the tools he was most interested in was language. 5.Development Activity Theory relies upon development as one of its primary research methodologies; that is, “experiments” often include consist of a subject’s participation in an activity and observation of developmental changes in the subject over the course of the activity. Ethnographic methods that identify the cultural and historical roots of activity are also frequently used.

      Nardi definition of Activity Theory

      Also: INFO 6101 paper

      https://docs.google.com/document/d/1uefIe_9c-ZLuTsMPGGV5iyKQsteeEA8vR405S7vYK_0/edit

    11. Activity Theory places a strong focus on the mediating role of tools and social practices in the service of accomplishing goals

      activity theory focus

    12. In particular, the fact that most users are only now beginning to experience the ubicomp vision and integrate this new, unique class of technology into their work practices suggests that another change in focus may be on the horizon: “[T]he shift from user-centered design to context-based design corresponds with recent developments in pervasive, ubiquitous computing networks and in the appliances that connect with them, which are radically changing our relationships with personal computing devices” (Gay & Hembrooke, 2003)

      Influence of ubiquitous computing on HCI

    13. Over the last decade, the focus of the HCI community began to shift away from the quantitative evaluation of user interfaces based on cognitive models and towards more ecologically informed techniques, including contextual and participatory design (Beyer & Holtzblatt, 1998; Kyng, 1994). This “user-centered design” movement foregrounded the social context of technology use and incorporated user feedback and participation throughout the design process.

      contemporary HCI focus

    14. Historically, HCI adopted and adapted knowledge, processes and techniques from artificial intelligence (AI), cognitive science, and cognitive psychology in service of understanding and modeling user behavior, and applied those findings to the creation of new interfaces and technologies through design practice. As a result of this lineage, many of the theories and techniques used in HCI to model users have exhibited a markedly cognitive, “agents as information processors” flavor. As a result, much of the research literature on user modeling in HCI has been based on the Model Human Processor (Card, Moran & Newell, 1983), which has its roots in the physical symbol system hypothesis.

      historic grounding of HCI basic and applied research.

    15. Activities also span place; that is, it is common for work to take place outside of the immediate office environment. However, current office technologies sometimes present a very different view of information across different physical and virtual settings.

      "Activities exist across places"

      Here the paper conceptualizes "place" as physical location as well as mobile environment.

    16. The idea that activities may exist at different levels of granularity is not a new one. Boer, van Baalen & Kumar (2002) provide a model explaining how an activity at one level of analysis may be modeled as an action—a component of an activity—at another. This holds true for individual users, as in the example provided above, but is even more pronounced when a single activity is viewed from multiple participants’ perspectives.

      "Activities exist at different levels of granularity"

      Hierarchical level of analysis; Action < Activity

      The idea of granularity also seems to have a temporal component. See examples before this passage.

    17. Additionally, activities need to be represented in such a way that their contents can be shared, with the caveats that individual participants in an activity may have very different perceptions of the activity, they may bring different resources to play over the course of the activity, and, particularly for large activities in which many individual users participate, users themselves may come and go over the life of the activity.

      Large group social coordination challenges are particularly salient to the SBTF studies.

    18. Recognizing the mediating role of the digital work environment in enabling users to meaningfully collaborate is a critical step to ensuring the success of these systems.

      "Activities are collaborative"

      Activity representations are also crucial here, as is the "mediating role of the digital work environment" for collaboration.

      Flag this to connect to the Goffman reading (Presentation of Self in Everyday Life) and crowdsourcing/collective intelligence readings.

    19. User studies and intuition both suggest that the activities that a knowledge worker engages in change—sometimes dramatically—over time. Projects and milestones come and go, and the tools and information resources used within an activity often change over time as well. Furthermore, activities completed in the past and their outcomes often impact activities in the present, and ongoing activities will, in turn, affect activities that will be undertaken in the future. Capturing activity over the course of time has long been a problem for desktop computing.

      "Activities are dynamic"

      This challenge features temporal relationships between work and worker, in the past/present sense, and work and goals, in the present/future sense.

      Evokes Reddy's T/R/H temporal organization of work and Bluedorn's work on polychronicity.

    20. Supporting the multifaceted aspects of activity in a ubicomp environment becomes a much more complex proposition. If activity is to be used as a unifying organizational structure across a wide variety of devices such as traditional desktop and laptop computers, PDAs, mobile telephones, personal-server style devices (Want et al., 2002), shared public displays, etc., then those devices must all be able to share a common set of activity representations and use those representations as the organizational cornerstone for the user experience they provide. Additionally, the activity representations must be versatile enough to encompass the kinds of work for which each of these kinds of devices are used

      "Activities are multifaceted"

      This challenge is premised on having a single unit of analysis -- activity -- and that representations of the activity are both valid (to the user) and versatile (to the work/task type)

    21. The challenges exist due in large part to the inherent complexity of human activity, the technical affordances of the computing tools used in work practice, and the nature of (and culture surrounding) knowledge work.

      Reasons behind the knowledge work challenges.

    22. knowledge workers—business professionals who interpret and transform information (Drucker, 1973).

      knowledge worker definition

    23. We describe five challenges for matching computation to activity. These are: •Activities are multifaceted, involving a heterogeneous collection of work artifacts; •Activities are dynamic, emphasizing the continuation and evolution of work artifacts in contrast to closure and archiving; •Activities are collaborative, in the creation, communication, and dissemination of work artifacts; •Activities exist at different levels of granularity, due to varying durations, complexity and ownership; and •Activities exist across places, including physical boundaries, virtual boundaries of information security and access, and fixed and mobile settings.

      These challenges also have temporal qualities, e.g., tempo/speed, duration, timeline, etc.

    1. In order to endow the things we perceive with meaning, we normally ignore their uniqueness and regard them as typical mem-bers of a particular class of objects (a relative, a present), acts (an apology, a crime), or events (a game, a conference).

      Connect this to HCC reading: Bowker and Star (2000) Sorting Things Out.

    1. Nature has been incorporated into social theorizing only in as far as it either has become an object to which meaning is attributed and which hence figures as part of human reflexivity, as object met with emotions or attitudes; or, it is seen as an object of transformation by those forces which act upon it: economic forces, but foremost forces emanating from science and technology. The natural environment, including the biosphere and a multitude of environmental risks which have come to the fore today, negate clear-cut boundaries between the effects of human intervention, and hence agency, and synergistic processes which are 'natural' but still a result of human interaction with the environment. Time, it has been emphasized, is not only embedded in symbolic meaning or intersubjective social relations but also in artifacts, in natural and in culturally made ones. Likewise, the ongoing transformation and endangering of the natural environment is performed by processes which are chemical and atmospheric, biological and physical. But they all interact with social processes tied to energy production and use, modes of food production and land utilization, demographic pressures and possible interferences through use of tech-nology.

      Nowotny seems to share Adam's concern about extracting nature and natural time from social constructions of time.

      Perhaps this is a good place to embed the study's disaster event temporality as a way to further make sense of DHN social coordination and actions/reactions of disaster-affected people?

    2. This means also that the predominantly linear time is comp-lemented by greater awareness of cyclical times and temporal routines which are overlapping each other.

      Evokes Adam's timescape concepts of other shapes/dimensions beyond linear/clock time experiences.

      This passage also seems to touch on Reddy et al's focus on temporal rhythms as an activity strategy

    3. Social identities have increasing difficulty in being construed in terms of stable social attributes in a highly mobile -both socially and geographically - society. They will have to rely on other, temporal dimensions, in what are becoming increasingly precari-ous, if not completely contingent, identities in constant need of redefi-nition. One's 'own', proper time situated in a momentous present which is extended on the societal level in order to accommodate the pressing overload of problems, choices and strategies, becomes a central value for the individual as well as a characteristic of the societal system (Nowotny, 1989a)

      I'm curious how this idea of mobility creates a precarious, contingent identity which forces people to use other temporal dimensions to situate themselves.

      This could be an interesting way to approach the situated time phenomena I'm seeing in the SBTF study.

    4. Major societal transformations are linked to information and communication technologies, giving rise to processes of growing global interdependence. They in turn generate the approxi-mation of coevalness, the illusion of simultaneity by being able to link instantly people and places around the globe. Many other processes are also accelerated. Speed and mobility are thus gaining in momentum, leading in turn to further speeding up processes that interlink the move-ment of people, information, ideas and goods.

      Evokes Virilio theories and social/political critiques on speed/compression, as cited by Adam (2004).

      Also Hassan's work, also cited by Adam (2004).

    5. ut it will also have to come to terms with confronting 'the Other' (Fabian, 1983), with 'the curious asymmetry' still prevailing as a result of advanced industrial societies receiving a mainly endogenous and synchronic analytic treatment, while 'developing' societies are often seen in exogenous, diachronic terms. Study of 'Time and the Other' presupposes, often implicitly, that the Other lives in another time, or at least on a different time-scale. And indeed, when looking at the integrative but also potentially divisive 'timing' facilitated by modern communication and information-processing technology, is it not correct to say that new divisions, on a temporal scale, are being created between those who have access to such devices and those who do not? Is not one part of humanity, despite globalization, in danger of being left behind, in a somewhat anachronistic age?

      Nowotny argues that "the Other" (non-western, developing countries, Global South -- my words, not hers) is presumed to be on a different time scale than industrial societies. Different "cultural variations and how societal experience shapes the construction of time and temporal reference..."

      This has implications for ICT devices.

    6. only structural functional theory, but all postfunctionalist 'successor' theories for their lack in taking up 'substantive' temporal issues, he was also pleading from the selective point of view of Third World countries for the exploration of theoretically possible alternatives or, to put it into other words, the delineation of what in the experience of western and non-western societies so far is universally valid and yet historically restric-ted. Such questions touch the very essence of the process of moderniz-ation. They evoke images of a closed past and an open or no longer so open future, of structures of collective memory as well as shifting collec-tive and individual identities of people who are increasingly drawn into the processes of world-wide integration and globalization. Anthropologi-cal accounts are extremely rich in different time reckoning modes and systems, in the pluritemporalism that prevailed in pre-industrialized societies. The theory of historical time - or times - both from a western and non-western point of view still has to be written. There exists already an impressive corpus of writings analysing the rise of the new dominant 'western' concept of time and especially its links with the process of industrialization. The temporal representations underlying the different disciplines in the social sciences allow not only for a reconceptualization of their division of intellectual labour, but also for a programmatic view forward towards a 'science of multiple times' (Grossin, 1989). However, any such endeavour has to come to terms also with non-western temporal experience.

      Evokes Adam's critique of colonialization of time, commodification/post-industrial views, and need for post-colonial temporal studies.

    7. Time' and time research is not ·an institutionalized subfield or subspeciality of any of the social sciences. By its very nature, it is recalcitrantly transdisciplinary and refuses to be placed under the intellectual monopoly of any discipline. Nor is time sufficiently recognized as forming an integral dimension of any of the more permanent structural domains of social life which have led to their institutionalization as research fields. Although research grants can be obtained for 'temporal topics', they are much more likely to be judged as relevant when they are presented as part of an established research field, such as studies of working time being considered a legit-imate part of studies of working life or industrial relations.

      Challenges of studying time and avoiding the false claim that is a neglected subject.

    8. The standardization of local times into standard world time is one of the prime examples for the push towards standardization and integration also on the temporal scale (Zerubavel, 1982).

      Get this paper.

      Zerubavel, E. (1982) 'The Standardization of Time: A Sociohistorical Perspective', American Journal of Sociology 1: 1-12.

    9. At present, information and communication technologies con-tinue to reshape temporal experience and collective time consciousness (Nowotny, 1989b)

      Get this paper.

      Nowotny, H. (1989b) 'Mind, Technologies, and Collective Time Consciousness', in J. T. Fraser (ed.) Time and Mind, The Study of Time VI, pp. 197-216. Madison, CT: International Universities Press.

    10. Despite the apparent diversity of themes, certain common patterns can be discerned in empirical studies dealing with time. They bear the imprint of the ups and downs of research fashions as well as the waxing and waning of influences from neighbouring disciplines. But they all acknowledge 'time as a problem' in 'time-compact' societies (Lenntorp, 1978), imbued with the pressures of time that come from time being a scarce resource.

      Overview of interdisciplinary, empirical time/temporality studies from late 70s to 80s. (contemporary to this book)

      Cites Carey "The Case of the Telegraph" -- "impact of the telegraph on the standardization of time"

      Cites Bluedorn -- "it is omnipresent indecision-making, deadlines andother aspects of organizational behaviour like various forms of group processes"

    11. Studies of time in organizations have long since recognized the importance of 'events' as a complex admixture which shapes social life inside an organiz-ation and its relationship to the outside world. 'Sociological analyses', we are told, 'require a theory of time which recognizes that time is a socially constructed, organizing device by which one set, or trajectory of events is used as a point of reference for understanding, anticipating and attempting to control other sets of events. Time is in the events and events are defined by organizational members' (Clark, 1985:36).

      Review how this idea about events in organizations as a way to study time is used by Bluedorn, Mazmanian, Orlikowski, and/or Lindley.

    12. The tension between action theory (or the theory of structuration) and sys-tems theory has not completely vanished, but at least the areas of dis-agreement have become clearer. The 'event' structure of time with its implicit legitimization through physics, but which is equally a central notion for historians (Grossin, 1989) holds a certain attraction for empiri-cal studies and for those who are interested in the definitional

      Nowotny revisits Elias' idea about the relationship between time and events as a framework that is multidisciplinary, complex, integral to sensemaking, and appeals to empirical research.

    13. The formation of time con epts and the making of time I measurements, i.e. the production of devices as well as their use and social function, become for him a problem of social knowledge and its formation. It is couched in the long-term perspective of evolution of human societies. Knowledge about time is not knowledge about an invariant part or object of nature. Time is not a quality inherent in things, nor invariant across human societies.

      Combine this with the notes on Norbert Elias above.

    14. As can be seen by these and other theor~tical formulations, the prob-lem of time in social theory, while gradu~ ly coming to new terms with social action, does not lend itself easily 'to providing bridges for the agents behind human agency, the social actors, nor to those who do empirical research in order to understand the world from an actor's perspective.

      Nowotny again raising the concern that social theory on time/temporality doesn't bridge well with the concreteness needed to apply it to empirical research.

    15. As Bergmann (1981), and more recently, Ltischer (1989) and Adam (1990) and before them Joas (1980, 1989) have shown, a radical change in perspective away from time as 'flow' or time as embedded in the intentionality of the actor, can already be found in the social philosophy of time by G. H. Mead (Mead, 1936, 1932/1959, 1964). His is also a theory in which it is not the actor and his/her motives, interests or the means-ends scheme which dominates, but where action is interpreted as event -moreover, an event which is both temporal and social in nature.

      Nowotny revisits the earlier mention of Mead's premise that "time is embedded in the intentionality of the actor."

      Come back to this.

      https://www.iep.utm.edu/mead/

    16. The gulf separating social theory from its concretization in specific empirically accessible situations is therefore still a wide one.

      Is this still true? Very relevant to the SBTF time study.

    17. Action is but the constant intervention of humans into the natural and social world of events. Giddens adds that he would also like to make clear the constitutive relation between time and action. 'I do not' he says, 'equate action with intentionality, but action starts always from an intentionally-oriented actor, who orients him/herself just as much in the past, as he/she tries to realize plans for the future. In this sense, I believe, action can only be analyzed, if one recognizes its embeddedness in the temporal dimension' (Kiessling, 1988:289).

      Giddens' structuration theory accounts for how social action/practices over time and space.

      Structuration theory = "the creation and reproduction of social systems that is based in the analysis of both structure and agents"

      https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Structuration_theory

      Both Adam and Nowotny engage quite a bit with Gidden's structuration theory/time-space distanciation concept, though sociologists are quite critical of the theory. Why?

    18. To show 'how the positioning of actors in contexts of interaction and the interlacing of those contexts themselves' relate to broader aspects of social systems, Giddens proposes that social theory should confront 'in a concrete rather than an abstractly philosophical way' the situatedness of interaction in time and space (Giddens, 1984:110)

      further description of time-space distanciation

    19. It may well be, as Edmond Wright has pointed out (personal communi-cation) that by leaving sui generis time to the physicists, i.e. by leaving it out of social theory altogether, there is the risk of losing sight of the 'real' temporal continuum which serves as standard reference for all other forms of times. It also impedes coming to terms with 'time embedded' in natural objects and technical artifacts, as Hagerstrand (1974, 1975, 1988) repeatedly emphasized.

      Nowotny argues that social theory is reduced to a narrow, dualistic society vs nature perspective by focusing on symbolism in social time and failing to consider other (sui generis) types of time.

      This is especially problematic when exploring how time is embedded in "natural objects and technical artifacts".

    20. The fundamen-tal question for Giddens then becomes how social systems 'come to be stretched across time and space' (i.e. how they constitute their tempor-ality (Giddens, 1984).

      Space-time distanciation theory.

      See also: Adam - 1990 - Time for Social Theory

    21. quite different and much more radical approach is followed by Niklas Luhmann, who proposes to replace the subject/ action scheme by a time/action scheme, thus eliminating the actors alto-gether and replacing them with expectations and attributions.

      Luhmann is a social systems theorist, whose work is not widely adopted in the US for being too complex. His work was also criticized by Habermas.

      Esoteric. Not worth mentioning in prelim response.

    22. To introduce time into present-day social theory means at its core to redefine its relation to social action and subsequently to human agency. It is there that the central questions arise, where differences begin to matter between action theory, structuration theory and system theory with regard to time.

      Nowotny outlines the basic friction points for updating the prevailing social theories.

    23. he third strategy is the unen-cumbered embracing of pluritemporalism. With or without awareness that the concept of an absolute (Newtonian) physical time broke down irrevocably at the turn of this century and that a different kind of plurit-emporalism has also been spreading in the physical sciences (Prigogine and Stengers, 1988; Hawking, 1988; Adam, 1990), social theory is free to posit the existence of a plurality of times, including a plurality of social times. In most cases this amounts to a kind of 'theoretical agnosti-cism' with regard to physical time. Pluritemporalism allows for asserting the existence of social time next to physical ( or biological) time without going into differences of emergence, constitution or epistemological

      Pluritemporalism (multiple types of time representations/symbols) recognizes that there is no hierarchy/order between different "modes" or "shapes" of time be they described as physical, social, etc.

    24. Another strategy in dealing with sui generis time consists in juxtaposing clock time to the various forms of 'social time' and considers the latter as the more 'natural' ones, i.e. closer to subjective perceptions of time, or to the temporality that results from adaptations to seasons or other kinds of natural (biological, environmental) rhythm. This strategy, often couched also in terms of an opposition between 'linear' clock time and 'cyclical' time of natural and social rhythms devalues, or at least ques-tions, the temporality of formal organizations which rely heavily on clock time in fulfilling their coordinative and integrative and controlling functions (Young, 1988; Elchardus, 1988).

      by contrasting social time (as a natural phenomenon) against clock time, allows for a more explicit perspective on linear time (clock) and social rhythms when examining social coordination.

    25. Searching to reconcile Darwinian evolutionary theory with Einsteinian relativity theory and, especially, its reconceptualization of simultaneity, Mead followed Whitehead's lead in locating the origins of all structuration of time in the notion of the 'event': without the interruption of the flow of time by events, no temporal experience would be possible (Joas, 1980, 1989)

      Mead used events as a unit of analysis in contrasting social time with sui generis time (all other unique times, natural, physical, etc.). This way, time can be still be viewed as a relationship between history/evolution (past) and events (past/present/future) and other temporal types.

      "Time therefore structures itself through interaction and common temporal perspectives are rooted in a world constituted through practice."

    26. Related to this encounter of the first kind, in which social theory meets the concept of time, is the question of the relationship between time in social systems with other forms of (physical, biological, 'natural') time or, as Elchardus calls it, 'sui generis time' (Elchardus, 1988).

      According to Elchardus, the idea of a relationship between social time and other forms ("sui generis time") is also studied by Giddens and Luhmann.

      Later in this passage, Nowotny writes: "Elchardus suggests defining the culturally induced temporality of systems when certain conditions (i.e. relative invariance and sequential order) are met. Time then becomes the concept used to interpret that temporality."

    27. By clarifying the concept of time as a conceptual symbol of evolving complex relationships between continua of changes of various kinds, Elias opens the way for grounding the concept of time again in social terms. The power of choosing the symbols, of selecting which continua are to be used, be it by priests or scientists, also beconies amenable to social analysis. The social matrix becomes ready once more to house the natural world or our conception of it in terms of its own, symbol-creating and continuously evolving capacity. The question of human agency is solved in Norbert Elias's case by referring to the process of human evolution through which men and women are enabled to devise symbols of increasing power of abstraction which are 'more adequate to reality'.

      Per Nowotny on Elias: thinking about time as a conceptual symbol it can more readily be described in social terms, it holds natural and social time together, and it accounts for human agency in creating symbols to understand time in practice and in the abstract.

    28. Unless one learns to perceive human societies, living in a world of symbols of their own making, as emerging and developing within the larger non-human universe, one is unable to attack one of the most crucial aspects of the problem of time. For Elias it consists, stated very briefly, in how to reconcile the highly abstract nature of the concept of time with the strong compulsion its social use as a regulatory device exerts upon us in daily life. His answer: time is not a thing, but a relationship. For him the word time is a symbol for a relationship which a group of beings endowed with the capacity for memory and synthesis establishes between two or more continua of changes, one of which is used by them as a frame of reference or standard of measurement for the other.

      Nowotny descrobes Norbert Elias' conception of social time not as a thing but a relationship between people and two more more continua of changes.

      continua = multiple ways to sequentially evaluate something that changes over past, present and future states.

      Requested the Elias book cited here.

    29. A definition of social time, like the one I attempted myself in the early 1970s, according to which the term social time 'refers to the experience of inter-subjective time created through social interaction, both on the behavioural and symbolic plane' now calls for a much more encompassing and dynamic definition, taking into account also the plurality of social times (Nowotny, 1975:326)

      Social time definition -- which incorporates notion of plural temporalities.

    30. Martins draws a distinction between two criteria of temporalism and/or historicism. One he calls 'thematic tem-poralism', indicated by the degree to which temporal aspects of social life, diachronicity, etc., are taken seriously as themes for reflection of meta theoretical inquiry. The other criterion is the degree or level of 'substantive temporalism', the degree to which becoming, process or diachrony are viewed as ontological grounds for socio-cultural life or as methodologically prior to structural synchronic analysis or explanations.

      Difference between "thematic temporalism" and "substantive temporalism."

      Thematic = "issues of time, change and history being taken seriously as objects of study" Substantive = "issues of becoming, process and change viewed as essential features of social life which help explain social phenomena"

      This book provides a better description:

      https://books.google.com/books?id=_kPswElSFRoC&lpg=PA165&ots=WgjNWOhNWk&dq=%22thematic%20temporalism%22%20&lr&pg=PA165#v=onepage&q=%22thematic%20temporalism%22&f=false

    31. There is also a widespread acknowledgement, especially in evidence in the empirical literature, of what I will call 'pluritemporalism'. This is an acknowledgement of the existence of a plurality of different modes of social time(s) which may exist side by side, and yet are to be distinguished from the time of physics or that of biology.

      Pluritemporalism defintion.

    32. The demise of structural-functionalism, he argues, has not brought about a substantial increment in the degree of temporalism and historicism in the theoretical constructs of general sociology, even though this was one of the major goals announced by the critics of functionalism, paramount to a meta-theoretical criterion of what an 'adequate' theory should con-sist of.

      Contested area for early social theorists -- suggested that "temporalism" should be a criterion for future social theory as a successor to structural-functionalism.

      Definition: Structural Functionalism is a sociological theory that attempts to explain why society functions the way it does by focusing on the relationships between the various macro-social institutions that make up society (e.g., government, law, education, religion, etc) and act as a complex system whose parts work together to promote solidarity and stability. Robert Merton was a proponent of structural-functionalism.

    33. The question is, rather, why the repeated complaint about the neglect of time in social theory or in the social sciences in general?

      Nowotny lists a number of possible reasons for inaccurate complaints that time has been neglected in social theory or it has not been taken seriously despite the large body of literature.

      I would offer a simpler reason: The prior work is incredible dense, very abstract, and hard to relate to lived/social experience.

    34. Sorokin and Merton in 1937, entitled 'Social Time: A Methodological and Functional Analysis' that some of the Durkheimian ideas were taken up again. This paper identified social time as qualitatively heterogeneous (e.g. holidays and market days), not quantitatively homogeneous as astronomical or physical time has it. Social time was seen as being divided into intervals that derive from collective social activities rather than being uniformly flowing. Local time systems, it was argued, function mainly in order to assure the coordination and synchronization of local activities which eventually become extended and integrated, thereby necessitating common time systems. The Durkheimian claim of the category of time being rooted in social activities, of time being socially constituted by virtue of the 'rhythm of social life' itself, buttressed by the analysis of the social functions it served, was a tacit rebuttal of Kant's a priori intuitions of time, space and causality.

      Sorokin and Merton extended Durkheim's work and staked the claim that social time was qualitative, varied, rhythmic and useful for social coordination in contrast to Kant's philosophy of time, space and causality.

      Kant in a nutshell: "In 1781, Immanuel Kant published the Critique of Pure Reason, one of the most influential works in the history of the philosophy of space and time. He describes time as an a priori notion that, together with other a priori notions such as space, allows us to comprehend sense experience. Kant denies that neither space or time are substance, entities in themselves, or learned by experience; he holds, rather, that both are elements of a systematic framework we use to structure our experience. Spatial measurements are used to quantify how far apart objects are, and temporal measurements are used to quantitatively compare the interval between (or duration of) events. Although space and time are held to be transcendentally ideal in this sense, they are also empirically real—that is, not mere illusions." via Wikipedia Philosophy of space and time

    35. The claim to the existence of a concept of 'social time', distinct from other forms of time, was thus made early in the history of social thought. It continues to focus upon the claims of the peculiar nature of the 'social constitution' or the 'social construction' of time. These claims evidently put the category of 'social time' into the wider realm of 'symbolic time', a cultural phenomenon, the constitution of which has remained the object of inquiry of more disciplines than sociology alone, but which separates it from time in nature, embedded in things and artifacts.

      Early work in social time focused on the social construction of time and symbolic/semiotic representations (see Zerubavel).

      Sociology and other disciplines see time as "embedded in things and artifacts" apart from what Adam refers to as natural time.

    36. In the then undeveloped sociology of knowledge, Durkheim held as the most general conclusion that it is the rhythm of social life which is the basis of the category of time itself (Durkheim, 1912:7). These obser-vations opened up important questions about the social origins and func-tions of the category of time and how social time can be distinguished and is distinct from astronomical time.

      Early history of "social time" via Durkheim.

    1. Using Twitter to detect rumoring activity allows us to measure rumoring at large spatial and temporal scales, but it placeslimits on the generalizability of our results. Activity on Twitter does not represent all rumoring activity or all online, informalcommunication. Pew Research Center’s Internet and American Life Project provides an in-depth examination of how Twitter’sdemographics compare to those of the United States (Duggan and Brenner, 2013). Twitter demographics skew (indepen-dently) young, urban, and minority, while there is no significant difference in participation across gender, educationalattainment, and income. These results may overrepresent rumoring activity from minority, urban, or young populations. It isnot immediately clear, however, how this would bias the results, as the existing literature does not clearly demonstrate thatthese particular groups engage in rumoring activity that differs in volume, content, or form from other populations. None-theless, it is worthwhile to recognize the biased population from which these data are drawn, as a number of electronicallymediated communication media will have similar biases that must be recognized when applyingfiltering techniques.

      Potential bias of younger, more urban Twitter users vs USA population

    2. Through spatio-temporalfiltering of messages we are able to observeevolution of topic signal that is consistent with rumor theory’s predictions. In the area immediately surrounding Moore wefind the strongest evidence that rumoring is an evolutionary process, as the topic and tone of messages shifts notably over thisthree-day span. Although these results may not necessarily generalize to all events, we dofind some initial support thatrumoring is a process marked by topical evolution over time. Once again, the spatio-temporalfiltering approach proves to berobust tool for measuring signal of hazard-related rumoring.

      Summary findings.

    3. Ahead of major storms such as the Moore tornado Twitterusers frequently retransmit alerts and warnings, or parts thereof, and this bin reflects a surge of this typical retransmissionactivity on the day prior to the Moore tornado

      if I'm reading this correctly, the original post and any subsequent retweet is counted in the bigram.

    4. While the counts of messages in the 100e200 and 700e800 mile bins are nearly identical, the latter binincludes the Atlanta metro area and much of the Chicago metro area, two of the top-ten largest metro areas in the country. Asillustrated inTable 1, the counts of messages vary by location based on the populations in those locations. Accordingly, rawcounts of“tornado”messages will be influenced by the population in each bin. In many contexts one would want to accountfor spatial heterogeneity in population by establishing a baseline measure of activity in each bin

      Explanation of the geographic bin filtering and some potential limitations.

    5. Using what is known about social responses to disaster events(impending or realized), we selectivelyfilter timestamped streams of geolocated, informal communication activity by timeand location in order to identify surges of rumoring activity in response to a disaster. Spatio-temporalfiltering enhances ourability to detect events by utilizing the signal produced by sources that are known (or expected) to produce reliable infor-mation, thereby enhancing our ability to detect distinct activity patterns above and beyond typical global signal (i.e. back-ground noise representing the array of signals irrelevant to our focus)

      Filtering technique relies on timestamp and geolocation.

      Per Sloan (2015), only 0.85% of tweets are geotagged (approx. 4M tweets per day)

      http://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0142209

    6. Likewise, such strategies also inform our approach tofiltering across time. In this case weobserve message volumes in 24-h intervals, which illustrates daily changes in activity. For cases with especially rich data (orrapidly changing signals),filtering data at an hourly resolution may be more appropriate, whilefiltering at a weekly ormonthly resolution would be more appropriate for very sparse or slowly changing activity signals.

      The temporal duration used in the time filtering criteria are fairly large (24-hours). With such a large unit of analysis in the tornado charts, I wonder if more subtle activity may be present?

      Also, I haven't yet read a recommendation by the authors about changing the temporal unit of analysis based on the type of disaster.

    7. Similarly, theories of informant accuracy posit that those with accurate domainknowledge provide more reliable responses with less error than those without such knowledge (Romney et al.,1986; Romneyand Weller,1984; Sudman et al.,1996; Weller and Romney,1988). Their observations will cluster around a single“truth”whileinaccurate observations (i.e. error) will be randomly scattered around the truth; that is, error is inhomogeneous and does nottypically converge around a small number of data points.

      Informant accuracy is also new to me.

      Get these papers. This framework might help strengthen the information quality/data validity as a broader notion of my sociotemporal representations research.

    8. Tobler’s First Law of Geography states that“Allthings are related, but nearby things are more related than distant things”(Tobler, 1970). Barring sudden, drastic changes tothe landscape, new information from a specific locale should be consistent with what we already know about that location aswell as what we know about nearby locations

      This is the first time I've seen this cited in crisis informatics research. Get this paper.

    9. Such news frequently is more timely than news from official sources andtherefore becomes the dominant mode of information transmission (Caplow, 1947; Kreps, 1984).

      This statement seems outdated (very old citations) and a bit of an overreach to make an argument I'm not convinced is still accurate. News organizations post stories on social media, live video feeds, etc.

    10. Although the spatio-temporal variation in rumor quantity and content has long been of interest to thefield, collecting data that accounts for temporalandspatial characteristics of rumoring has been extraordinarily difficult to dowith any degree of precision. Some have been able to capture rumoring data with some degree of temporal precision (Bordiaand Rosnow, 1998; Danzig, 1958; Greenberg, 1964) or with some spatial precision (Larsen, 1954), but bridging the two hasbeen difficult. Synthesizing temporal and spatial rumoring data across a wide variety of events had long been beyond thecapabilities of researchers. Simply gathering reliable data on rumoring was already fraught with challenges.

      Check these citations on difficulty of temporal data capture. Since they are all quite old studies (between 20-60 years old), I question how relevant they are to current behavior -- either offline or online.

    11. Some have described rumoring as a task of collective problem solving (Bordia and DiFonzo, 2004; Shibutani,1966) withreasonably well defined start and end points. A process helping individuals make sense of their environments and cope withuncertainty, rumoring tends to dissipate once cognitive unclarity has been eliminated (Caplow, 1947).

      By this definition, digital humanitarian work would be described as rumoring. This seems really problematic.

    12. Informal communication in this context falls under formal definitions ofrumoring: informal,person-to-person communication pertaining to current, newsworthy topics of interest among a population (Allport andPostman, 1947; Bordia and DiFonzo, 2004; Caplow, 1947; Rosnow and Kimmel, 2000; Shibutani, 1966). A key componentof this definition of rumor is that such statements are not confirmed by official sources. Although rumoring has historicallybeen a notoriously difficult phenomenon to measure, thefield has a developed basic understanding of the general principlesof rumoring behaviors in disaster contexts. These common behavioral patterns allow us to refine our approach for measuringsignal of disaster-related rumoring activity.

      Rumoring definition and description of difficulty in measuring rumoring behavior.

      With such a negative connotation to the word "rumoring" I'm surprised that the authors are not simply using "informal communication" or suggesting a more nuanced term.

    13. Our results demonstrate the promise of spatio-temporalfiltering techniques for“tuning”measurement of hazard-related rumoring to enableobservation of rumoring at scales that have long been infeasible.

      Result: Claims spatio-temporal filtering technique to better capture signal from noise of large crisis data sets.

    14. While theapplication in the online environment is novel, the general problem is not. Interest in automated signal processing in noisyenvironments (Fawcett and Provost,1999; Hamid et al., 2005; Macleod and Congalton,1998; Ribeiro et al., 2012; Singh,1989;Stauffer and Grimson, 2000) predates the proliferation of user-generated online activity, and we can apply the lessons learnedin those contexts to the online context.

      Processing high signal-to-noise ratio communications is a long-standing problem.

    15. Rumoring about disaster events is typically temporally and spatiallyconstrained to places where that event is salient. Accordingly, we use spatio and temporalsubsampling to increase the resolution of our detection techniques. Byfiltering out datafrom known sources of error (per rumor theories), we greatly enhance the signal ofdisaster-related rumoring activity. We use these spatio-temporalfiltering techniques todetect rumoring during a variety of disaster events, from high-casualty events in majorpopulation centers to minimally destructive events in remote areas.

      Method: Used spatio and temporal subsampling. How is that defined? Is the sample constrained to users' that geolocate tweets?

    16. Measuring features of informal communicationetiming, content, locationewith any degree of precision has historically been extremelychallenging in small studies and infeasible at large scales

      Acknowledges the difficulty of collecting sensemaking attributes, like temporality, in informal user-generated content during a disaster.

      Note: claims collection of precise spatial and temporal metadata. How is that defined?

    1. It reveals that technology and artefacts not only shape our lives but our knowledge; that the dead things which are so conscientiously excluded from social analyses are not only implicated in our daily existence but constitute our social theories. They therefore need to be moved to the centre stage of social theory. We need to allow the implications of contemporary living to penetrate the depth of our understanding, to connect the complexity of our being to the meanings we impose on it, and to recognise our existing social theories as relics of a bygone age.

      Adam concludes with a call to modernize social time theory by engaging with artifacts and technology.

      "The focus on time helps us to see the invisible."

    2. I am proposing that we need to take on board the time-scales of our technologies if our theories are to become adequate to their subject matter: contemporary industrialised, science-based technological society. Giddens's concept of time-space distanciation might prove useful here despite its association with the storage capacity of information Time for Social Theory: Points of Departure 167 which makes the present application of the concept primarily past, rather than past and future orientated. There seems to be no reason why the concept of time-space distanciation, with its link to power, could not be exploited to theorise influences on the long-term future. Such an extension would allow us to understand the present as present past and present future, where each change affects the whole.

      Adam revisits the need to incorporate technology and artifacts into sociotemporal theory.

      She cites Giddens' time-space distanciation, a construct that describes how social systems stretch across time and space to "store" knowledge, material goods, and cultural traditions.

      https://books.google.com/books?id=MVp0tMD_5f0C&pg=PA90&lpg=PA90&dq=time-space+distanciation&source=bl&ots=DSk71zZ0Gs&sig=2-MPO0zy1efy_5eoJ1u-CwtFp14&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwj9kMfYkdXcAhWBIzQIHUlqDG04FBDoATAHegQIAhAB#v=onepage&q=time-space%20distanciation&f=false

    3. Contemporary thinkers from a wide range of fields arrived at an understanding that recognises the implication of our past in the present; in other words, that our personal and social history forms an ineradicable part of us. I can find no good reason why we should exlude our biological and cosmic past from the acceptance of this general principle.

      Adam contests Gidden's perspective on time-scale because he does not integrate biological or cosmic evolution into the influence that personal and social history can have on how people experience the present through the past.

    4. Bearing in mind the conceptual difficulties and limitations of the level approach, we can see that an understanding through levels achieves a number of things. It emphasises the complexity of time and imposes order on the multiple expressions. It prevents us from focusing on one or two aspects of time at the expense of others. In addition to the more obviously social components, it establishes the centrality of the physical, living, technological, and artefactual aspects of social time. It stresses and affirms connections and relationships. It brings to the surface both the continuities and the irreducible aspects of social time. It helps us to avoid confusing the time aspects of our social life with those of nature

      Despite the limitations, Adam largely supports Mead's approach since it "emphasizes the complexity of time and imposes order on the multiple expressions" over other frameworks centered on time as a series of stages or experienced as dualities.

    5. To Mead the past is irrevocable to the extent that events cannot be undone, thoughts not unthought, and knowledge not unknown. In this irrever-sible form, he contends, the past is unknowable since the intervening knowledge continuously changes the meaning of that past and relentlessly recreates and reformulates it into a new and different past. He argues this on the basis of the proposition that only emergence in the present has reality status. He does not accord the past and future such a status because they are real only with respect to their relation to the present. In Mead's thought the past changes with respect to our experiencing it in the present and the meaning we give to it. In contradistinction to the past, he conceptualises the reality of the present as changing with each emergence.

      Adam describes Mead's conceptualization of past/present/future as fluid levels. Present experience constantly changes our understanding, meaning, and knowledge about the past and future.

      Adam notes, however, that there are limits to Mead's concept of levels, as they tend to be organized as nested hierarchies. The emergence of a new reality (present) changes not only past and future, but pushes the present into a constant state of flux and change, which further alters the past and future.

      It's a fun house mirror of theoretical madness.

    6. Not the number of levels or their content are at issue here since these might be varied according to the degree of the analysis' generality but their static developmental stages where the level 'below' is denied aspects that characterise the level 'above'. In other words, whilst theories of time levels are theoretically of interest and echoed in many subsequent social science conceptualisations -including those of Sorokin ( 1964) and Elias (1982a, b, 1984), for example -they deny to non-human nature what we have found to be central: the importance of past, present, and future extension; of history, creativity, temporality, time experience, and time norms. If time differ-ences are conceptualised with reference to stable, integrative levels then this prevents any understanding in terms of resonance and feedback loops. With discrete, unidirectional levels, consciousness cannot be shown to resonate throughout all of nature; and what we think of as 'human time' stays falsely imprisoned at that level.

      Adam contends that if time layers are viewed as bounded levels then "this prevents any understanding in terms of resonance and feedback loops."

      She also talks about "discrete, unidirectional levels." This congers up thoughts about Bluedorn's writing about "time's directional arrow." Is this the same thing?

    7. Despite these important advantages, however, there are difficulties associated with the conceptualisation of social time in terms of levels. These relate to our tendency to reify the levels, to conceptualise them hierarchically, and to postulate clear cut-off points between them. The three, as we shall see, are closely interconnected.

      The idea of layers of time is problematic because people tend to want to transform abstract ideas into concrete examples (reify), assign rank order (hierarchy), and contain the layers (cut-off points).

    8. A conceptualisation in terms of levels seems therefore well suited to explain and theorise the multitude of times entailed in contemporary life. To think of these times as expressions of different levels of our being avoids the need to discuss one aspect at the expense of all others. It means that we do not need to chose on an either/ or basis. It encourages us to see connections and not to lose sight of the multiplicity while we concentrate on any one of those multiple expressions.

      Time is expressed in a variety of ways and conceptualizing them as levels allows people to imagine them holistically and as interconnected even while focusing on one aspect/layer.

      However, this idea is contested further in the passage.

      Does Adam's sense of time follow/counter Lindley's view of entangled time?

    9. The exclusion of non-symbolic expressions from social science analysis has not only resulted in a highly problematic conceptualisation of nature and natural time but it has also meant the omission of artefacts and technology from social science. As Carlstein ( I 982: 8-9) points out, 'social scientists have commonly refused to see 'dead things' as social or have left them aside for the natural scientists. Social scientists have also commonly Time for Social Theory: Points of Departure 157 refused to look upon artefacts as social in the sense that they impinge on how individuals interact with each other. These 'dead things' are, at best, seen as symbols and are not considered to be genuine ingredients in social situations and processes.' Yet, with respect to time, it is difficult to see how we can understand society without the time aspects of those 'dead things', those created artefacts and machines that shape our lives and our understanding of reality.

      Interesting perspective on how sociotemporality is also influenced by artifacts and technology. Adam argues this is a missing opportunity in social theory. I suspect STS theorists would vehemently disagree. But in 1990 (when this book was published) STS, ANT, etc., were still relatively new ideas.

      This passage sets up the discussion on metaphor.

    10. Recognising ourselves as having evolved, and thus being the times of nature, allows for the humanly constituted aspects of time to become one expression among the others. Biologists have dispelled the idea that only humans experience time or organise their lives by it. Waiting and timing in nature presuppose knowledge of time and temporality, irrespective of their being symbolised, conceptualised, reckoned, or measured. Yet, once time is constituted symbolically, it is no longer reducible to the communication of organisms or physical signals; it is no longer a mere sensory datum. For a person to have a past and to recognise and know it entails a representational, symbolically based imagination. Endowed with it, people do not merely undergo their presents and pasts but they shape and reshape them. Symbolic meaning thus makes the past infinitely flexible. With objectified meaning we can not only look back, reflect, and contemplate but we can reinterpret, restructure, alter, and modify the past irrespective of whether this is done in the light of new knowledge in the present, to suit the present, or for purposes of legitimation.

      Still struggling a bit with this section but I think Adam is proposing that if we break down the barriers between understanding social time as symbolic and natural time as objective, that we can borrow methods of sensemaking from natural time and apply them to social time, it broadens our ways of knowing/understanding human temporal experience.

    11. More importantly non-symbolic expressions of reality are traditionally understood to be outside the disciplinary boundaries of the human social sciences. These reasons may explain the convention but they cannot justify it. We can accept that for us to be able to talk and think about time necessitates our putting it into words. If this is all that is being expressed, it is not very much; if it equates reality with the symbol, it goes too far. There is no need to deny that all humans formulate meanings symbolically or that this is a fundamentally social process. There is an urgent need, however, to appreciate that time is an aspect of nature, and that nature encompasses the symbolic universe of human society. Once we recognise ourselves as bearers of all the multiple times of nature, and once we allow for nature to include symbolic expression, the gulf between the symbolic knower and nature as an external (unknowable) object can be dispensed with. The mutually exclusive dichotomies of nature and culture, subject and object become irrelevant.

      This is pretty dense but I think Adam is arguing that "social time" can exist without symbols and that "natural time" can itself be symbolic. If this is true, then conceptualizing time can be more holistic and rely less on dichotomy.

    12. The idea that time is not separable from the meaning of time, that it always symbolises something that is socially formulated, is a more complex one to untangle.

      This is getting pretty dense. Wondering what connections to Zerubavel's work on semiotics and symbolism might be related to Adam's critique?

    13. In other words, the idea of time as socially constituted depends fundamentally on the meaning we impose on 'the social', whether we understand it as a prerogative of human social organisation or, following Mead, as a principle of nature.

      In a long prior passage about how time is conceptualized in nature and in social coordination, Adam argues that "time" as a social construct should be thought of holistically and not broken into dichotomies to be compared/contrasted.

    14. A brief expansion of these general social science assumptions about nature will clarify this point. Nature as distinct from social life is understood to be quantifiable, simple, and subject to invariant relations and laws that hold beyond time and space (Giddens 1976; Lessnoff 1979· ~yan 1979). This view is accompanied by an understanding of natural time as coming in fixed, divisible units that can be measured whilst quality, complexit~, ~nd mediating knowledge are preserved exclusively for the conceptuahsat10n of human social time. On the basis of a further closely related idea it is proposed that nature may be understood objectively. Natural scientists, explain Elias (1982a, b) and Giddens ( 1976), stand in a subject-object relationship to their subject matter. Natural scientists, they suggest, are able to study objects directly and apply a causal framework of analysis whilst such direct causal links no longer suffice for the study of human society where that which is investigated has to be appreciated as unintended outcomes of intended actions and where the investigators interpret a pre-interpreted world. Unlike their colleagues in the natural sciences, social scientists, it is argued, stand in a subject-subject relation to their subject matter. In a?ditio? to the differences along the quantity-quality and object-subject d1mens10ns nature is thought to be predictable because its regularities -be they causal, statistical, or probabilistic -are timeless. The laws of nature. are c?nsi~ered to be true in an absolute and timeless way, the laws of society h1stoncally developed. In contrast to nature, human societies are argued to be fundamentally historical. They are organised around :alues, goals, morals, ethics, and hopes, whilst simultaneously being mfl~enc~d by tradition, habits, and legitimised meanings.

      Critique of flawed social science perception of natural science as driven by laws, order, and quantitative attributes (subject-object) that are observable. This is contrasted with perception about social science as driven by history, culture, habit, and meanings which are socially constructed qualitative attributes (subject-subject).

    15. Since our traditional understanding of natural time e~erged as inadequate and faulty we have to recognise that the analysis of social time is flawed by implication.

      Adam states that "social time" theories should be contested since social science disciplinary understanding of "natural time" is incorrect.

    16. Past, present, and future, historical time, the qualitative experience of time, the structuring of 'undifferentiated change' i?to episodes, all are established as integral time aspects of the subJect matter of the natural sciences and clock time, the invariant measure, the closed circle, the perfect symmetry, and reversible time as our creations.

      Adam's broader definition of "natural time" which is socially constructed and not just a physical phenomena.

    17. Sorokin and Merton (1937) may be said to have provided the 'definitive' classic statement on the distinction between social and natural time. They associate the physical time of diurnal and seasonal cycles with clock time and define this time as 'purely quantitative, shorn of qualitative variation' (p. 621). 'All time systems', Sorokin and Merton suggest further, 'may be reduced to the need of providing means for synchronising and co-ordinating the activities and observations of the constituents of groups' (p. 627).

      classic definition of "social time" vs "natural time". This thinking is now contested.

    18. Whilst social theorists are no longer united in the belief that all time systems are reducible to the functional need of human synchro~is_ation and co-ordination they seem to have little doubt about the validity of Sorokin and Merton's other key point that, unlike social time, the time of nature is that of the clock, a time characterised by invariance and quantity. Despite significant shifts in the understanding of social time, the assumptions about nature, natural time, and the subject matter of the natural sciences have remained largely unchanged.

      Adam argues here that while the concept of "social time" has evolved, social scientists' ideas around "natural time" have not kept pace with new scientific research, and incorrectly continue to be described as constant and quantitative (aka clock time).

      Further, "natural time" incorrectly incorporates other temporal experiences and seems to be used as a convenient counter foil to "social time"

    19. Explored in these multiple expressions, time emerged as a fundamentally transdisciplinary subject and necessitated an understanding that is no longer containable within the traditional assumptions and categories of social science. We now need to reflect on the implications of these findings for social theory. This entails refocusing on some issues and re-assessing a few of the classical social theory traditions in the light of our findings. It requires that we spell out the limitations of the classical practice of abstraction and dualistic theorising for an understanding of 'social time' and that we question the tradition of claiming time exclusively for the human realm by locating it in mind, language or the functional needs of social organisation. This involves us in a re-evaluation of the dualistic conceptualisation of natural and social time and the closely related idea that all time is social time. It necessitates further that we explore the role of metaphors and focus explicitly on the social science convention of limiting the time-span of concern to a few hundred years

      Adam describes time as a transdisciplinary subject and challenges the notion that time is entirely socially constructed. She tends to consider natural- and physics-conceptions of time, along side social theory.

    1. phase-angle differ­ences simply refer to whether the phases, the parts of one rhythmic pattern,

      Phase-angle definition.

      "phase-angle differ­ences simply refer to whether the phases, the parts of one rhythmic pattern, lag, precede, or coincide with those of another."

    2. Flaherty’s data and theory indicate that rather than the amount and nature of the objective experiences in a situation, what makes time seem to pass extra slowly or quickly is the extent to which the individual engages in conscious infor­mation processing during the time. When the amount of conscious information processing is about average for the individual, the individual experiences time as passing at what that individual has come to perceive as the usual rate, but when the amount of such processing is high, time appears to slow down (pro­tracted duration); when such information processing is low, time appears to speed up (temporal compression)

      The experience of time passing (fast or slow) is related to conscious information processing.

    3. “Since one cannot distinguish a figure without a background, the present does not meaningfully exist without a past” (emphasis added; 2001, p. 608). As the background, the past provides a bench­mark for the present against which comparisons can be made. And such com­parisons indicate whether the present is the same as the past or different from it.

      Relationship between present and past for sensemaking and meaning.

      Later Bluedorn notes that interpretation and understanding of the past can be applied to a similar present. If they are different, then "the past provides a context, a frame for the present, and the linkages with the past provide an explanation for the present by suggesting how the present came to be, which makes the present more understandable, more meaningful."

      The question then becomes which past -- how long ago (its temporal depth) is compared to the present (or future) for sensemaking.