398 Matching Annotations
  1. Aug 2018
    1. the idea of entrainment presented in Chapter 6—the adjust­ment of the pace or cycle of an activity to match or synchronize with that of another activity (Ancona and Chong 1996, p. 253)—does suggest a reason why faster could be better, but it also suggests that faster could be worse.

      Entrainment definition.

      "This, as the entrainment phenomenon and examples il­lustrate, supports the contingency view of speed, that the appropriate speed varies by activity and context." (p. 190)

    2. So connections and the meaning they generate are funda­The Best of Times and the Worst of Timesmental, which is why the loss of meaning is so troubling—the systematic loss of meaning even more so.

      Fundamental temporality of connections definition.

      How two factors -- speed/tempo and temporal depth of an experience generate meaning.

    3. Put succinctly, these principles indicate that the definition of the situation guides human behavior, and according to the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis, lan­guage is a necessary prerequisite for defining any situation (see Chapter 1). Language provides the elements from which meaning is constructed—the names of things and their qualities and the manner in which they may be re­lated—and the definition of the situation combines these elements to con­struct sense-making explanations of events, definitions of the situation.

      Sensemaking is linked to language. If an event/thing cannot be defined then it can't be acted upon, discerned or generate motives.

    4. Lewin’s famous final clause, “there is nothing so practical as a good theory,” means that understanding (theory) can guide useful action (the practical), so theory (understanding) can be empowering. A lack of meaning and under­standing of events also makes it very hard to know what one should do (norm- lessness or anomie), because it is nearly impossible to know what to do in a situation if one cannot comprehend it.

      One example of meaning/alienation is a lack of understanding which interrupts sensemaking and creates a sense of friction in how to react/behave.

    5. “the dynamic weaving of events, interactions, situations, and phases that comprise those relationships” (2000, p. 27), the dynamic weaving of events, interactions, and situations being very similar to narrative.

      Temporal context definition.

      Furthers the notion of narrative and how relationships between events/things is transformed into a cohesive whole which is necessary for sensemaking.

    6. A narrative consists of three essential elements: past events, story elements, and a temporal ordering (Maines 1993, p. 21).

      Narrative definition.

      Developing the plot around the story elements is the most important element for sensemaking. It transforms a chronology/sequence of events into something more meaningful, more memorable,and more relatable.

    1. Personal and organizational histories occupy prominent figure positions in the figure-ground dichotomy, and that such histories are used to cope with the future is indicated by several pieces of evidence.

      Does this help to explain the need for SBTF volunteers to situate themselves in time -- as a way to construct a history in Weick's "figure-ground construction" method of sensemaking for themselves and to that convey sense to others?

    2. Temporal focus is the degree of emphasis on the past, present, and future (Blue­dorn 2000e, p. 124).

      Temporal focus definition. Like temporal depth, both are socially constructed.

      Cites Lewin (time perspective) and Zimbardo & Boyd.

    3. The results presented in Bluedorn (2000e) and the Appendix consistently support the distinction between temporal depth and temporal focus. Concep­tually the two terms refer to different phenomena, and empirical measures of the two share so little variance in common that for practical purposes they can be regarded as orthogonal. Temporal depth is the distance looked into past and

      Differences between temporal depth vs temporal focus are orthogonal -- two separate conceptual ideas and refer to different phenomena.

      Depth = "distance looked into the past and future" Focus = "importance attached to the past, present and future"

    4. However, Boyd and Zimbardo’s interest was not in comparing short-, mid-, and long-term temporal depths; rather, it was in examining the degree to which people were oriented to a transcendental future, and in exam­ining the extent to which this variation covaried with other factors such as age, gender, and ethnicity. This is a natural extension of the questions involved in research on general past, present, and future temporal orientations (e.g., Kluck- hohn and Strodtbeck 1961, pp. 13-15), orientations that at first glance appear similar to issues of temporal depth. However, as I have argued elsewhere in opposing the use of the temporal orientation label, these general orientations are more an issue of the general temporal direction or domain that an individ­ual or group may emphasize (Bluedorn 2000e) than the distance into each that the individual or group typically uses. The latter is the issue of temporal depth; the former, what I have called temporal focus (Bluedorn 2000e)

      Comparison of Bluedorn's thinking about temporal depth vs temporal focus instead of framing it as a temporal orientation (the direction/domain that an individual or group emphasizes in sensemaking).

      ZImbardo and Boyd use the phrase "time perspective" rather than temporal orientation

    5. And if Weick has drawn the correct conclusion about how the past is used to enact the present, being able to note the differences may be even more im­portant than being able to see the similarities. This is especially so in equivocal enactments, which Weick (1979, p. 201) described as involving a figure-ground construction, one in which the ground consists of the strange and unfamiliar

      Weick describes the need to discern differences over similarities to effectively use past-present metaphors as a sense-making device.

    6. Among the reasons this may be so is that the simple future tense is more open-ended than the future perfect tense, the latter seeming to con­vey a sense of closure and a focus on specific events, which is unlike the sim­ple future tense in which anything is possible (Weick 1979, pp. 198-99). It is well to note that although Weick did not explicitly frame his argument in terms of metaphor, it is really another example of the past-as-metaphor-for- the-future idea developed in this chapter, albeit a more precise manifestation of it. The precision comes in Weick’s conclusion that some futures are more like the past, are more similar to it than others. In his argument, the future described in future perfect terms is more similar to the past than the future de­scribed in simple future terms.

      future perfect tense appears to generate a sense of focus and closure while simple future tense is more open-ended.

      Weick theorizes that future perfect tense casts the description of a future event in more detail.

    7. To consider the future, it may help to treat it like the past, that is, as ifit had already happened. This is the premise Weick proposed in his discussion of fu­ture perfect thinking (1979, pp. 195-200). Future perfect thinking is a gram­matical prescription instructing managers and planners and all who consider the future to do so in the future perfect tense. Thus rather than the simple fu­ture tense as used in a statement like “We shall overcome,” the future perfect128Eternal Horizonstense would have us say, “We shall have overcome.” Alfred Schutz believed that the “planned act bears the temporal character of pastness' (Schutzs emphasis), be­cause the actor projects the act as completed and in the past, a paradox that places the act in both the past and the future at the same time, something the future perfect tense makes possible (1967, p. 61). These were insights that Weick both noted (1979, p. 198) and built upon to explain why future perfect thinking may make it easier to envision possible futures.

      Interesting proposal to use future perfect tense to envision the future.

      is that happening to an extent with the multiple uses/tenses of "update" in the SBTF transcripts?

    8. Weick argued that the past was used to understand the present and the future, that neither could be understood without the past. And how the past can provide this understanding, this meaning, is a major insight

      Weick connects sensemaking in present and future constructs to retrospection of the past.

      See also: Fraisse (1963, p. 172) and Schutz (1967, p. 51)

    9. Unfortunately, the similarities, the likenesses, may overwhelm the differ­ences (see Morgan 1997, pp. 4-5). And according to Weick, “people who select interpretations for present enactments usually see in the present what they’ve seen before” (1979, p. 201). In terms of the past-as-metaphor perspective de­veloped in this chapter, “what they’ve seen before” implies the use of “an eye for resemblances,” the ability to see the similarities. But as Aristotle, Morgan, and Neustadt and May all noted, there is more to the mature use of metaphor than detecting the similarities between events and situations; the differences matter too. They matter, in part, because the ability to detect and deal with novelty may be a key to both organizational learning and performance (Butler т995> PP· 944-46)

      Using the past to metaphorically describe the present.

    10. And the determination of organizational age illustrates the constructed, enacted nature of the past, because what at first glance seems like a simple, even objective matter becomes ambiguous when mergers and acquisitions are involved. Is the founding date the date that the oldest of the merger partners began operations, or is it the date when the last partners merged? Families can face the same ambiguities when one or both spouses have been married previously and they and their children combine to form new families. As the definition of the situation principle teaches (see Chapter 1), the important is­sue is when the people in the organization or family believe it was founded.

      Ambiguity about "founding date" of a merged organization is akin to the friction point for SBTF data collection -- is the date/timestamp the original social media post or the shared post (either of which may occur at different points in the stream). What is the boundary?

    11. the past generally being ignored in organization science (for excep­tions, see March 1999; Thoms and Greenberger 1995; Webber 1972; and others cited later in the chapter), not that the rest of the social sciences are much less deficient in this regard (see Zimbardo and Boyd 1999, p. 1272).

      Contested area of study -- organizational science and other social sciences typically don't study the past.

    12. Steve Ferris and I found that organizational age was positively correlated with both past and future temporal depths, and that these relationships per­sisted after controlling for several organizational and environmental variables (Bluedorn and Ferris 2000). The older the organization, the further its mem­bers looked into both the past and the future, and the positive temporal depth correlations with the organization’s age may suggest why

      Bluedorn argues that "organizational past apparently becomes received history" which is also socially constructed, interpreted and potentially inaccurate.

      Having a longer history provides an organization with a longer timescape to imagine its past and future.

    13. The past leads to and influences the future, but the future does not influence the past.Thus El Sawy s research provided a second clue that past and future are re­lated, and it even added a causal direction (i.e., “A connection to the past fa­cilitates a connection to the future” [March 1999, p. 75])·

      Study demonstrates "time's arrow" that the past influences future but not the other way around.

      https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arrow_of_time

      This idea also contributes to a spatial sense of time in Western cultures as "behind", "forward", "ahead", etc. Eastern and Global South cultures do not share this spatial representation.

    14. the result is a statistically significant positive correlation (see the Appendix). The proposed connection is accurate: The longer the respondent’s past temporal depth, the longer the respondent’s future temporal depth.

      Past temporal depth and future temporal depth are positively connected. The longer the past perception, the longer the future perception.

      This is true for both individuals and groups.

    15. Perhaps the most noteworthy of the differ­ences is that each of the future regions extends much further into the future than their past counterparts extend into the past. The short-term future ex­tends about five times further than does the recent past; the mid-term future, about three-and-one-third times as far as the middling past; and the long­term future, about twice as far as the long-ago past. So although the steplike pattern is similar for both the past and future regions, the future depths extend over substantially larger amounts of time than do those in the past

      Comparing respondents' differences in temporal depth of past vs future. A person's perception of future is considerably longer than their perception of the past.

    16. the temporal distances into the past and future that indi­viduals and collectivities typically consider when contemplating events that havehappened, may have happened, or may happen.

      Temporal depth definition -- applies to individuals as well as groups.

      It considers time in two directions (past and future)

  2. Jul 2018
    1. Drawing on the theory of distributed cognition [5], we utilizerepresentational physical artifacts to provide a tangible interface for task planning, aural cues for time passage, and an ambient, glanceable display to convey status

      Is there a way to integrate dCog and a more sociotemporal theory, like Zimbardo & Boyd's Time Perspective Theory or some of Adam's work on timescapes?

    2. Since time elapses in a linear fashion and users may switch between tasks during the course of a day, the “elapsed” marbles roll into a track below the storage cylinders.

      This is a Western, industrialized perspective of temporal experience and is not universal.

      Wonder how users respond to the marble representation/metaphor -- does this intuitively make sense to them?

    3. The design principle of the Time Machinefollows the stage-based model of personal informatics systems proposed by Li, Dey and Forlizzi

      Not familiar with this design model. Wonder if a participatory or design thinking approach is or can be intergrated?

    4. Figure 2. The stage-based model of personal informatics systems (after [6]).

      Helpful diagram to describe stage-based model design.

    5. We have introduced a novel approach to time management using a device embodying characteristics of both an ambient display and a tangible user interface.

      Will be interesting to see the results of the field studies to better understand whether making time materially tangible fits the mental scheme for users. And whether their relationship with task/time management improves or causes new levels of friction.

    6. Thus, people have historically relied on visual or auditory signals to estimate, determine, or track time. Initially, these time signals were derived from nature: theposition of the sun in the sky orthe sound of a rooster in the morning. Eventually, these time signals became technology-based. Many people now rely on displays, or signals, of time that derive from our world of pervasive devices: digital time displayed on a device screen, a notification sound from a calendar application.

      Curious why temporal semiotics (see Zerubavel) is not mentioned here.

    7. Because time is not physical, the human perception of time is subjective: the passage of time can seem slower or faster depending on factors liketask

      gets at the experience of "flow" (See Csikszentmihalyi)

    1. This conjecture leads us to promote the ideal of a “balanced TP” as most psycho-logically and physically healthy for individuals and optimal for societal functioning. Balance is defi ned as the mental ability to switch fl exibly among TPs depending on task features, situational considerations, and personal resources rather than be biased toward a specifi c TP that is not adaptive across situations. The future focus gives people wings to soar to new heights of achievement, the past (positive) focus establishes their roots with tradition and grounds their sense of personal identity, and the present (hedonistic) focus nourishes their daily lives with the playfulness of youth and the joys of sensuality. People need all of them harmoniously operating to realize fully their human potential.

      Balanced time perspective definition. Later called optimal time shifting in the Time Paradox book.

      What are the heuristics and/or design implications for evoking more ideal time shifting behaviors and outcomes?

    2. A further limitation of the generalizability of our scale may lie in its cultural relevance to individualist societies and their ambitions, tasks, and demands rather than to more collectivist, interdependent societies in which time is differently val-ued and conceptualized (Levine 1997 ). Obvious cross-cultural adaptations of the ZTPI are called for.

      Acknowledged limitations in the original paper note that students may be more future oriented and the scale was predominantly tested on Western individualist cultures.

      Later work has demonstrated that these concerns are not born out.

    3. Our scale also has dem-onstrated predictive utility in experimental, correlational, and case study research.

      The ZPTI is predictive of other psychological concepts -- emotional, behavioral, and cognitive -- that have temporal relationships.

      Temporality is a rare psychological variable that can influence "powerful and pervasive impact" on individual behavior and societal activities.

    4. The scale is based on theoretical reflection and analyses, interviews, focus groups, repeated factor analyses, feedback from experiment participants, discriminant validity analyses, and specifi c attempts to increase factor loadings and internal consistencies by item analyses and revisions.

      Claims the ZPTI is both valid and reliable due to mixed-method empirical study and factor analysis to establish measurable constructs and consistency of findings.

    5. State of Research on TP

      Critique of previous research as overly simplified, one-dimensional (focused on future or present states, ignored past) and lack of reliable and valid measures for assessing time perspectives.

    6. Thus, we conceive of TP as situationally determined and as a relatively stable individual-differences process.

      Identifies time perspective as both a state and a trait. This fits with the idea that time perspective shifting is possible and preferred. The argument also supports the later empirical work that people are unaware of their time perspective and how it influences/biases their thinking and behavior (both positive as in goal setting, achievement, etc., and negative as in addiction, guilt, etc.)

    7. Such limiting biases contrast with a “balanced time orientation,” an ideal-ized mental framework that allows individuals to fl exibly switch temporal frames among past, future, and present depending on situational demands, resource assess-ments, or personal and social appraisals. The behavior of those with such a time orientation would, on average, be determined by a compromise, or balancing, among the contents of meta-schematic representations of past experiences, present desires, and future consequences.

      A temporal bias results from habitual overuse/underuse of past, present or future temporal frames.

      Introduces the idea of optimal time shifting to incorporate various environmental forces.

    8. In both cases, the abstract cognitive processes of reconstructing the past and constructing the future function to infl uence current decision making, enabling the person to transcend compelling stimulus forces in the immediate life space and to delay apparent sources of gratifi cation that might lead to undesirable con-sequences.

      Core premise of Zimbardo and Boyd's time perspective theory diverges from Nuttin, Bandura and Carstensen's work.

      Time Perspective Theory posits that dynamic influences on present behavior and cognition comes from top-down abstract (past/future) ideas and bottom-up environmental forces (social, biological, sensory).

    9. More recently, Joseph Nuttin ( 1964 , 1985 ) supported the Lewinian time-fi lled life space, where “future and past events have an impact on present behavior to the extent that they are actually present on the cognitive level of behavioral functioning” ( 1985 , p. 54). Contemporary social–cognitive thinking, as represented in Albert Bandura’s ( 1997 ) self-effi cacy theory, advances a tripartite temporal infl uence on behavioral self-regulation as generated by effi cacy beliefs grounded in past experiences, current appraisals, and refl ections on future options. Behavioral gerontologist Laura Carstensen and her colleagues (Carstensen et al. 1999 ) have proposed that the perception of time plays a funda-mental role in the selection and pursuit of social goals, with important implications for emotion, cognition, and motivation.

      Related work that builds on Lewin's premise:

      Nuttin theorizes about the influence of past and future events on present behavior

      Bandura's position supports his self-efficacy theory that temporal influences affect a person's innate ability to exert control over one's behavior in order to achieve goals.

      Carstensen proposes that time perception influences choices, motives, and emotions about social goals.

    10. TP is the often nonconscious process whereby the continual fl ows of personal and social experiences are assigned to tem-poral categories, or time frames, that help to give order, coherence, and meaning to those events.

      Time perspective is an intuitive, unconscious process that people use for sensemaking in the present, recall of the past and to predict the future.

      In this view, the present is concrete where past and future are abstract.

    11. Lewin ( 1951 ) defi ned time perspective (TP) as “the totality of the individual’s views of his psychological future and psychological past existing at a given time” (p. 75).

      Lewin defined time perspective.

      Per Zimbardo/Boyd, Lewin's view incorporates a Zen-like present orientation that evokes a circular motion of time over the Western-centric linear/directional motion.

    1. he two patterns—monochronic and polychronic—form a continuum, because polychronicity is the extent to which people prefer to engage in two or more tasks simultaneously, and the complete absence of any simultaneous involvements, engaging tasks one at a time, is the least polychronic position on the continuum.

      Monochronic side of the continuum is linear

      Polychronic side of the continuum is cyclical

      Could Adam's timescape help to further describe this phenomenon? (see Perspectives on time: Zimabrdo + Adam slidedeck)

      linear = spatial, historical, irreversible, tied to a beginning

      cyclical = process, rhythmic, seasonal, bounded, sequential, hopeful (past+future+present)

    2. The retention of “many problems in their minds simultaneously” speaks direcdy to the definition of polychronicity, men­tal activity being a component of polychronicity as well as overt behavior (Per­sing 1999)

      Polychronicity is both a mental activity and overt behavior. It describes activity patterns.

      Per Bluedorn, polychronicity is not multitasking which "combines speed and activity-pattern dimensions."

      The dimensions include cognitive stages of processing, (task selection vs task performance), codes of processing (spatial vs linguistic), and modalities (audio vs visual). See Mark (2015) https://books.google.com/books?id=tq42DwAAQBAJ&pg=PT21&lpg=PT21&dq=bluedorn+multitasking&source=bl&ots=9ApyVTkXnI&sig=kwysyZ3eJp264Ngs57dUAV1Fy-o&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjL4MX53sXcAhViMH0KHU2LBscQ6AEwBnoECAYQAQ#v=onepage&q=bluedorn%20multitasking&f=false

    3. Demographic Characteristics.

      Mixed results for relationship between gender and polychronicity. No relationship between age and polychronicity. People with some formal higher education have higher degrees of polychronic attitudes and behaviors.

      Perhaps because people with polychronic traits seek out higher ed?<br> Perhaps due to professional states that demand multiple tasks and/or speed.

    4. Such questions not only point the direction for expanding our knowledge of polychronicity but also suggest the likelihood of various social and psycholog­ical determinants of it. One such determinant seems especially intriguing, and it is the individual’s breadth of attention. Breadth of attention is “the number and range of stimuli attended to at any one time” (Kasof 1997, p. 303). This concept is used to describe screeners, people who focus on a small range of stimuli and filter or “screen out” other stimuli. Conversely, nonscreeners attend to a large range of stimuli and are aware of a much larger range of potentially unrelated stimuli (Kasof 1997)

      3rd wave: Is polychronicity related to "breadth of attention" -- or the ability to focus on multiple streams of thought/information while filtering/screening out distraction?

      This idea would seems to have clear implications for SBTF social coordination work.

    5. So does polychronicity scale? Or is it a nested phenomenon whereby someone might be monochronic within hour- long intervals but polychronic when the frame enlarges to a month? And if so, what might be the consequences of different nesting combinations?

      3rd wave: Does polychronicity scale over time periods larger than a daily work setting? Does it change depending upon the temporal trajectory, rhythm, or horizon?

    6. figure 3.4. Forms of polychronic and monochronic patterns of behavior

      3rd wave:

      Proposed new polychronicity typology that examines the difference between the types of tasks and the difference in the number of tasks.

      Low/low = few tasks of similar type High/low = many tasks of different types High/high = many diverse tasks Low/high = few tasks of different types

      Challenge with this type of analysis is that there are few (at least by 2002 publication date) task classifiers to qualitatively discern task differences. Bluedorn suggests potentially adapting a job characteristics/skill variety model -or- modifying a consumer products inventory of number/types of senses used (vision, hearing, tactile, etc.) as a skill variety attribute.

      In SBTF's case, activations may be considered: High/Low (Quantitative polychronicity)

    7. June Cotte and S. Ratneshwar (1999) have certainly documented the ability of some people to vary their behavior radically along the polychronicity continuum as they moved between work and leisure activi­ties. Hall suggested the facility to make such shifts may be related to what he called a “high adaptive factor” (Bluedorn 1998, p. 114), such people being more flexible along the polychronicity continuum than others. In a life context of varying polychronicity demands, perhaps an individual whose own polychro­nicity lies near the average of the varying environmental demands might be able to cope most readily with them because the largest adjustment required would be smaller, hence less potentially uncomfortable or stressing than from any other position on the polychronicity continuum

      3rd wave: Assuming polychronicity is a trait, are some people more adaptive to changes in polychronicity in different situations?

      Does adaptability (or lack thereof) contribute to a friction point in work processes that could be modified to accommodate individual workers or organization values within the polychronic continuum?

    8. Brown and Eisenhardt studied change and project management in com­puter firms and found that firms with less successful project portfolios demon­strated very low amounts of communication across projects. This was part of the context in which projects were planned, divided into small tasks, and then executed in a “structured sequence of steps” (1997, p. 14). A structured sequence is, of course, a monochronic strategy, and the low amount of communication is consistent with the proposition that monochronic strategies generate less awareness of other activities and tasks. One of the managers in their study re­marked, “Most people only look at their part” (p. 14); another, “The work of everyone else doesn’t really affect my work” (p. 14). These responses contrasted with the pattern of work in the companies that managed their portfolios of projects more successfully, which Brown and Eisenhardt characterized as “it­erative” (p. 14). Iterative (repetitive) patterns are suggestive of the back and forth flow of polychronic strategies

      Iterative/repetitive work patterns suggest "back and forth flow of polychronic strategies."

      Key point for SBTF social coordination: "At the less successful it was difficult to adjust projects in changing conditions because 'once started, the process took over.' It was hard to backtrack or reshape product specifications as circumstances changed."

      Polychronic strategy: Higher level of willingness to adjust/correct work per feedback.

      Monchronic strategy: Greater degree of satisificing in decision making.

    9. Group Effectiveness

      High group performance is related to moderate polychronicity in organizations with matrix structures (cross functional firms where an employee reports to multiple managers).

      Organizations with greater speed in making strategic decisions, have higher performance in high tempo groups. Also, considering multiple options at the same time led to faster decisions.

      Mixed results on relationships between polychronic values in a company and its financial performance.

    10. So individual polychronicity is related to several individual variables. Rela­tive to less polychronic people, more polychronic people appear to have more of the following:• Extraversión (extroversion)• Favorable inclination toward change• Tolerance of ambiguity• Formal education• Striving for achievement• Impatience and irritability• Frequency of lateness and absenteeismThose same people appear to have less of the following:• Conscientiousness• Stress (only in some jobs)But, as will be revealed in the following section, these are not the only in­dividual variables to which individual polychronicity is related

      Polychronic relationships with Individual traits.

    11. Both studies reveal a positive correlation between polychronicity and speed values: The more polychronic the organization, the more doing things rapidly is valued in its culture. Although these consistent findings about the speed-polychronicity relationship support the explanation of the size- polychronicity relationship developed in this discussion, they are not a direct test of this explanation, which is, admittedly, speculative. More direct tests must await studies deliberately designed to investigate this explanation

      Larger firms appear to more polychronic. That finding seems to follow Bluedorn's own speculative findings of a relationship between polychronic organizations and a culture that values speed (time compression).

      Note: Organizational studies of polychronicity have been conducted through quantitative methods (surveys and questionnaires).

    12. in a more polychronic culture, people would stand closer to each other while talking. So time and space are related in the social as well as the physical world.

      Could the relationship between polychronicity and physical proximity help to explain the use of situated and/or spatial language in globalized, virtual social coordination work?

      Note: National studies of polychronicity have been conducted through qualitative methods (observation and interviews)

    13. At the level of individual beliefs and behavior, the nature of polychronicity as either a trait or a state becomes an important issue. Ifit is a trait, individu­als will be much more consistent, even habitual, in the polychronicity process strategies they follow, more consistent than if polychronicity preferences are a state. But if polychronicity is a state, it will be affected much more by the con­textual factors in an individual’s environment, leading to much greater vari­ability in patterns of polychronicity behavior. So the degree of stability or its converse, the amount of variability, would provide important clues about poly­chronicity’s statelike or traitlike identity.

      Later, Bluedorn notes other polychronicity studies that point to it being a more stable, habitual trait than a variable, contextual state.

    14. At the group level—group referring to all potential culture-carrying aggre­gations larger than a single individual (e.g., departments, organizations, soci­eties, etc.)—polychronicity is a value and belief complex that manifests itself in overt process strategies. Although the strength with which it is held may vary, as a fundamental process strategy—it is fair to say the fundamental process strategy—whichever position along the polychronicity continuum is normative in a culture is apt to be held strongly. This is because such process strategies are mainly learned unintentionally, usually unconsciously. Such learned knowledge is retained at the level of culture Edgar Schein (1992) labeled basic underlying assumptions. This deepest of cultural levels normally contains beliefs and val­ues prescribing behaviors that are so taken for granted and institutionalized that they seldom rise to the conscious level for extensive examination and dis­cussion (Schein 1992, p. 22). Consequently, they are difficult to change, and in this sense they are strongly held.

      Is this due to LPP or some other cultural learning strategy?

    15. From the beginning (Hall 1981b), polychronicity has been analyzed at both the group and individual levels. As such, it has been seen as both a cultural and an individual phenomenon. And values about the same phenomenon can and do occur in both cultures and personalities, but this does not mean that rela­tionships involving them are the same across levels of analysis (e.g., Dansereau, Alutto, and Yammarino 1984; Robinson 1950). Relationships found at one level of analysis, individual or group, are suggestive of those relationships at another and are reasonable justifications for hypothesizing their existence as a prelude to their empirical investigation, such investigation clearly being necessary to establish the existence of relationships across multiple levels of analysis

      Polychronicity can be studied across different levels of analysis -- individual and group.

      This is important for establishing empirical research design and for confidence in understanding how relationships/variables occur across levels.

      Critical piece for SBTF interview study to see how polychronicity is reflected in group and individuals.

    16. Although it is easier to see this distinction in terms of a dichot­omy—polychronic or monochronic—polychronicity is a variable that reflects an underlying continuum of engagement preferences and practices, and a po­tentially infinite set of gradations distinguish one individual’s preferences from another’s, as well as one culture’s from another’s

      Polychronicity is not a binary state. It functions more as gradients within a "continuum of engagement preferences and practices" for both individuals and for work cultures.

      The behavior and/or attitude is scored on a high (polychronic) or low (monochronic) scale.

    17. Moreover, the correlations between the preference-for-engaging-two- or-more-events-simultaneously dimension and the other dimensions in the best-fitting model were very low, so Palmer and Schoorman concluded, “The three dimensions of time use preference [ preference-for-engaging-two-or- more-events-simultaneously], time tangibility, and context do not represent . highly correlated measures and should be considered separately” (1999, p. 336).

      The more narrowly focused definition is better suited to empirical testing between polychronicity and other variables, such as context, etc.

      Related work found low correlations between polychronicity and other time variables.

    18. Following Blue­dorn et al. (1999, p. 207) and Hall (Bluedorn 1998, p. no), polychronicity is the extent to which people (1) prefer to be engaged in two or more tasks or events simultaneously and are actually so engaged (the preference strongly implying the behavior and vice versa), and (2) believe their preference is the best way to do things.

      Bluedorn's definition of polychronicity, originally described by Edward Hall in broader terms.

    19. The “going back” is indicative of the back-and-forth pattern of polychronic behavior, because it is another way of engaging several activities during the same tim

      use of spatial metaphor to describe polychronic behavior.

    20. And although an infinite number of patterns are possible, all strategies for engaging life’s activities fall along a con­tinuum known as polychronicity, a continuum describing the extent to which people engage themselves in two or more activities simultaneously. That this choice is fundamental is revealed by the fact that most people most of the time are unaware that they are even making it. This is because the choice of strategy results from a combination of culture and personality, both of which store these choices and preferences at deep levels, very deep levels. Nevertheless, a choice or a decision made unconsciously is still a choice or a decision

      Decision strategies, like polychronicity, are often intuitive and unconscious.

      Bluedorn mentions how culture and personality play a critical role in decision strategies. Potential intersection with Zimbardo's time perspective theory.

    1. A concept in Anthony Giddens’s structuration theory explains how pat­terns like these are maintained with such regularity and precision. The concept is “duality of structure,” by which Giddens meant that “the structured proper­ties of social systems are simultaneously the medium and outcome of social acts(Giddens’s emphasis; 1995, p· 19)·

      Sensemaking wrt time can be explained through structuration theory. Cites Giddens' quoted definition.

      Duality of structure applies to temporality when people follow rules/set patterns that in turn convey new socially constructed meanings.

      I'm a little uncertain about this. Look at the Structuration Theory cheat sheet in Mendeley

    2. Thus for meaning (significance) to be attributed to events, behaviors, and objects, to things in general, they must be seen in their relationships with other things. They can have no meaning as isolated phenomena.

      Time generates meaning through comparison and relationships with other things.

      For linear time, relationships between past, present and future provide for and universally communicate socially constructed meaning.

    3. Barbara Adam said it well: “Much like people in their every­day lives, social scientists take time largely for granted. Time is such an obvi­ous factor in social science that it is almost invisible” (1990, p. 3).

      Cites Adam (1990).

      Great quote for difficulty in communicating about time.

    4. Less explicit and less emphasized in the literature is time’s role in the creation of meaning. Malinowski and Adam hint at this capability in their statements: “sentimental necessity,” “orientation,” and “symbol for the conceptual organisation of natural and social events,” the last of the three phrases most directly indicating time’s role in generating meaning. So both capabilities increase with the development of greater temporal expertise.

      Homonid development: time as a tool for sensemaking.

      Cites Adam (1990)

    5. Bronislaw Malinowski addressed the functions of time as fol­lows: “A system of reckoning time is a practical, as well as a sentimental, ne­cessity in every culture, however simple. Members of every human group have the need of coordinating various activities, of fixing dates for the future, of placing reminiscences in the past, of gauging the length of bygone periods and of those to come” (1990, p. 203). Sixty-three years later Barbara Adam would state it thus: “As ordering principle, social tool for co-ordination, orientation, and regulation, as a symbol for the conceptual organisation of natural and so­cial events, social scientists view time as constituted by social activity” (1990, p. 42).

      Hominid development: time as a tool for social coordination.

      Cites Adam (1990).

    6. As with the geological epochs and archeological ages, human times become more epochal as they become more homogeneous within themselves and more differentiated from other periods, units, or types. In analysis of variance (anova) terms, the times become more epochal as the within-unit variance decreases and the between-type variance increases. Movement toward more epochal times is illustrated by phrases such as the “New York minute.” This metaphor for the fast pace of life in New York City (see Levine 1997; also see Chapter 4) is so effective because it violates a tacit understanding about min­utes:

      Epochs as ANOVA analogy. As the time becomes more distinct (increased between-unit variance and decreased within-unit variance), it resembles an epoch.

      Epochs can also be described metaphorically.

      Example: SBTF and "peace time"

    7. Thinking in terms of degrees of difference rather than just two extremes allows more precise statements to be made about the form of time under consideration than if one’s conceptual portfolio contained only the two extreme forms

      Continuum of temporal heterogeneity

    8. Epochal time is defined by events. The time is in the events; the events do not occur in time. Events occurring in an independent time is the fungible time concept that Newton described so influentially as absolute time and Whitehead described so critically as a “metaphysical monstrosity.” When the time is in the event itself, the event defines the time. To take an everyday example, is it time for lunch or is it lunchtime?

      Epochal time defined as in the event.

      Whitehead: "Time is sheer succession of epochal durations" p. 32

    9. I have written elsewhere that time “is a collective noun” (Bluedorn 2000e, p. 118). That pithy statement summed up the belief that there is more than one kind of time. For example, Paul Davies thought long and hard about time, es­pecially as it is conceptualized in the physical sciences. Yet despite those labors, he felt time’s mystery still: “It is easy to conclude that something vital remains missing, some extra quality to time left out of the equations, or that there is more than one sort of time” (Davies’ emphasis; 1995, p. 17). So in the physical sciences just as in the social, the possibility is explicitly recognized that there may be more than one kind of time.

      Good quote for CHI paper.

    10. Several of the distinctions drawn by Joseph McGrath and Nancy Rotch- ford (1983, pp. 60-62) to describe the dominant concept of time held by West­ern industrialized societies in the twentieth century seem to describe this type of time well. This temporal form is homogeneous, which means that one tem­poral unit is the same as any other unit of the same type, and this means that such units are conceptually interchangeable with each other.

      Fungible time defined as absolute, objective, uniform (consistant units), linear and that measures duration (Newton) and "without relation to anything external". Various authors have also described it as clock time, chronos, and abstract time.

      Cites McGrath re: dominant Western industrialized time.

    11. So the vital point is that all conceptions of time are and always will be social constructions, which is, in Barbara Adam’s words, “the idea that all time is social time” (1990, p. 42). After all, all human knowledge, including scientific knowledge, is socially constructed knowledge. But this point does not ipso facto invalidate any or all concepts of time. Their validity rests, instead, on their utility for various purposes, such as prediction and understanding. And as societies and cultures evolve, it is likely, perhaps even incumbent, for their concepts of time to evolve as well. So it would be well to understand how concepts of time differ in order to understand them and their differences better.

      Time is a contested topic. Some believe time is binary, duality, or hierarchical and others (in physics, thermodynamics, metaphysics) propose that time flows in a particular direction.

      Again cites Adam re: "all time is social time" and the need "to understand how concepts of time differ in order to understand them and their differences better."

    12. Temporal RealitiesSome theorists have taken the multiple-types approach further and pro­posed multiple types of time that are arranged in hierarchies. It is interesting to note that these approaches all seem to rely on a hierarchical view of reality itself.

      J.T. Fraser's more complex, hierarchical model of nested temporalities includes sociotemporality (time produced by social consensus) at the top.

      The multiple, hierarchical views of time are most often rooted in biology and physics. Sociological and sociocultural theories of time embedded in hierarchies don't seem to have caught on. Other than Fraser, I haven't seen these mentioned elsewhere.

    13. Another way of saying this is that there is no imperative to see such categories as mutually exclusive. Neither partner is the true, real, or even preferred time; instead, they may coexist, in­termingle, and even be tightly integrated in specific social systems.

      Critique of previous categorizations of time as dualities that "may coexist, intermingle and even by tightly integrated in specific social systems."

      Cites Adam and Orlikowski/Yates here.

      Also notes that clock-based and event-based time do coexist in organizations (Clark 1978, 1985).

    14. a binary classification system exacerbates this tendency, with one choice receiving the imprimatur of “real time” and the alternative being condemned as a “perversion” of it, if it is perceived at all

      Critique of previous categorizations of time as binary.

    1. metaphor is a potentially powerful tool for understanding human beliefs and behavior, and the meta­phors people hold about organizations (which encompass much of the way they define organizational reality) explain much about the decisions they make and the actions they take (see Morgan 1997, especially p. 4).

      Background on the relationship between the origin of the escapement (device that powers gear movements of equal duration) in the mechanical clock and divine intervention >> "God set the clocks to ticking" (pg. 11).

      Section describes the origins and importance of metaphor in temporal studies for understanding human beliefs, behavior, motives, and actions.

    2. The possibility that time can explain other phenomena, especially human be­havior, is the scientific raison d’être for studying time and caring about it: If times differ, different times should produce different effects. And an impor­tant mechanism through which differing times affect human behavior is thedefinition of the situation

      Situational temporality is constructed through personal perceptions and interpretations which are further influenced by social interactions.

      This is an important point to weave into the SBTF time study/social coordination paper. See also: Merton (1968) Social Theory and Social Structure.

    3. Time is a social construction, or more properly, times are socially constructed, which means the concepts and values we hold about various times are the prod­ucts of human interaction (Lauer 1981, p. 44). These social products and beliefs are generated in groups large and small, but it is not that simple. For contrary to Emile Durkheim’s assertion, not everyone in the group holds a common time, a time “such as it is objectively thought of by everybody in a single civilization” (1915, p. 10). This is so because in the perpetual structuration of social life (Gid­dens 1984) individuals bring their own interpretations to received social knowl­edge, and these interpretations add variance to the beliefs, perceptions, and val­ues.

      Social construction of time. The various definitions are nuanced according to the theorists' disciplines.

      Giddens' work on structuration of social life and its effect on how individuals interpret received social knowledge is salient from Bluedorn's org studies perspective. Structuration offers less grounding when viewed through the lens of technology (see Orlikowski's 1992 critique in Mendeley).

    1. However, as Mark Poster points out, 'the new level of interconnectivity heightens the fragility of the social net­works. '·50 The source of control now undermines its execu­tion. For clock time to exist and thus to be measurable and controllable there has to be duration, an interval between two points in time. Without duration there is no before and after, no cause and effect, no stretch of time to be measured. The principles of instantaneity and simultaneity of action across space, as I have shown in chapter 3, are encountered in quantum physics; they have no place in the Newtonian world of causality and bodies in motion, the world chat we as embodied beings inhabit. The control of time that has reached the limit of compression has been shifted into a time world where notions of control are meaningless. More like the realm of myths and mysticism, the electronic world of interchangeable no-where and now-here requires knowledge and modes of being that are alien to the industrial way of life. Other modes of temporal existence, therefore, may hold some viral keys, their 'primitive' understanding of time point­ing not ro control but to more appropriate ways of being in the realm of insrantaneity.

      Adam argues that control of time is futile in an interconnected network where hyper-compression has effectively rendered duration/intervals of time as unmeasurable.

      If temporality cannot be "measured, fixed, regulated or controlled" (see timescapes image), then time cannot be controlled.

      Subsequently, we need other approaches to be "in the realm of instantaneity."

    2. I propose that we think a bout temporal relations with reference to a cluster of tem­poral features, each implicated in all the others but not nec­essarily of equal importance in each instance. We might call this cluster a timescape. The notion of 'scape' is important here as it indicates, first, that time is inseparable from space and matter, and second, that context matters.

      Definition of timescape -- "a cluster of temporal features, each implicated in all the others but not nec­essarily of equal importance in each instance."

    3. This control clusrer of the five Cs of time, I have suggested, needs to be differentiated from both time tempering and transcendence, on the one hand, and time knowledge and know-how, on the other, since only in the control cluster is time objectified, externalized and con­structed to specific design principles.

      "... only in the control cluster is time objectified, externalized and con­structed to specific design principles."

      Tempering vs knowledge are also important distinctions for the SBTF time-study.

    4. Once time is disembedded, that is, extracted from process and product, it becomes an object and as such subiect to bounding, exchange and transformation.40 It is in this form that time is colonized,, as distinct from the time embedded in events and processes, which has been subject ito cultural efforts of transcendence.

      Check the citation. Don't understand this.

    5. It shows thar irrespective of the diverse temporal uses of time in the political, scientific and economic spheres, a unified clock time underpins the differences in ex­pressions. All other forms of temporal relations are refracted through chis created temporal form, or at least touched by its pervasive dominance

      Clock-time dominates political, scientific and economic practices despite the very different ways temporality is represented in these fields.

    6. This industrial norm, as I suggested above, is fundamen­tally rooted in clock time and underpinned by naturalized assumptions about not just the capacity but also the need to commodify, compress and control time.
    7. There are two sides to the colonization of time: the global imposition of a particular kind of time which is colonization with time, and the social incursion into time -past and future, night-time and seasons, for example -which is the colonization of time. Colonization with time therefore refers to the export of clock and commodified time as unquestioned and unquestionable standard, colonization of time to the sci­entific, technological and economic reach into time -most usually of distant others who have no say in the matter.

      Colonization with time is defined as exporting Western industrial standards of clock time (GMT, time zones, ISO standards, etc.) and the commodification of time.

      Colonization of time is defined as imposing those standards and expectations as norms on the developing world.

    8. 'Interconnectivity', Hassan suggests, 'is what gives the network time its power within culture and society.'32 It is worth quoting him at length here. Network time does not 'kill' or render 'timeless' other tem­poralities, clock-time or otherwise. The embedded nature of the 'multiplicity' of temporalities rbat pervade culture and society, and tbe deeply intractable relationship we have with rhe clock make this unlikely. Rather, the process is one of 'displacement'. Network time constitutes a new and powerful temporality that is beginning to displace, neutralise, sublimate and otherwise upset other temporal relationships in our work, home and leisure environments

      Hassan advances Castells' work on network time and focuses on how the cultural impact/power comes from interconnectivity of the network, not Virilio's emphasis on communication speed.

      In this view, culture and society have multiple temporalities that layer/modify/supercede as globalization, political/work trends, and new technologies take hold.

      Network time is displacing other types of temporal representations, like clock-time.

    9. This network time transforms social time into two allied but distinct forms: simultaneity and timelessness. 29 Simultaneity refers to the globally networked immediacy of communication provided by satellite television and the internee, which makes real-time exchanges possible irrespective of the distances involved. Timelessness, the more problematic concept, refers to the lay­ering of time, the mixing of tenses, the editing of sequences, the splicing together of unrelated events. It points co the general loss of chronological order and context-dependent rhythmicity. It combines eternity with ephemeralicy, real time with contextual change. Castells designates timeless time as 'the dominant temporality of our society'

      Per Castells, network time transforms social time into two forms: simultaneity and timelessness.

      Simultaneity is characterized by global, networked real-time experience augmented by technology. Timelessness is characterized by a non-linear experiences and lack of contextual rhythms. Time is undifferentiated and seems eternal and ephemeral.

      Castells views timelessness as the new dominant temporal culture.

    10. In Castells's analysis, time is not merely compressed but processed, and it is the network rather than acceleration that constitutes the discontinuity in a context of continuing compress10n.

      compressed time vs processed time

      acceleration (speed) vs network time

    11. In a systematic analysis Castells contrasts the clock time of modernity with the network time of the network society.

      clock time vs network time

      Definition of network time, per Hassan (2003): "Through the convergence of neoliberal globalization and ICT revolution a new powerful temporality has emerged through which knowledge production is refracted: network time."

      http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0961463X030122004

    12. Virilio suggests that we can read the history of modernity as a series of innovations iu ever-increasing time compression. He argues that, through the ages, the wealth and power associated with ownership of land was equally tied to the capacity to traverse it and to the speed at which this could be achieved.

      Cites French political theorist and technology critic Paul Virilio.

      Virilio's engagement with speed integrates 3 concepts that evoke increasing tempos over 3 successive centuries: 19th century transport, 20th century transmission, and 21st century transplantion.

      The concept of transplantation, which is more biological in origin/use, is not as broadly covered here as transport and transmission.

    13. From the above we can see that Virilio understands human history in terms of a race with time, of ever-increasing speeds that transcend humans' biological capacity. To theorize culture without the dromosphere, that is, the sphere of beings in motion, he therefore sugges,ts, misses the key point of cul­tural activity and the uniqueness of the industrial way of life. Without an explicit conceptualization of the contemporary dromosphere -or in my terms timescape -it is thus difficult to fully understand the human-technology-science-economy­equity-environmenr constellation. Moreover, it becomes impossible to appreciate that people are che weakest link when the time frames of action are compressed to zero and effects expand to eternity, when transmission and transplan­tation are instantaneous but their outcomes extend into an open future, when instantaneity and eternity are combined in a discordant fusion of all times.

      Adam's critique of Virilio's incomplete theory on time compression as it related to cultural transformation. Claims it lacks adequate theoretical description/understanding of how people in the high-tempo dromosphere in his writings, (timescape in her work) interact with time.

      Adam further notes how important it is to understand how people factor into discordant time compressions through everyday sociocultural interactions -- which she refers to as "the human-technology-science-economy-equity-environment constellation."

      This is pretty dense theoretical work. Would help to find an example or two in the SBTF time study to make this idea a little more accessible.

    14. the potential capacity of exterrirorial beings to be everywhere at once and nowhere in particular is inescapably tied to operators that are bounded by their embodied temporal limits of terrestrial existence and sequential information processing. The actual capacity for parallel absorption of knowledge, therefore, is hugely disap­pointing. Equally, the electronic capacity to be now-here and no-where has brought the body to a standstill.

      Adam's critique of transmission technologies allowing people to be "now-here and no-where" perhaps also helps unpacks some of the tensions for SBTF's global social coordination.

      Could this be some of the unconscious motive to use terms that situate volunteers with one another as they attempt to grapple with tempo-imposed friction points which work against "terrestrial existence" and "sequential information processing"?

    15. The over­load of information, for example, is becoming so extensive that taking advantage of only the tiniest fraction of it not only blows apart the principle of instantaneity and 'real-time' communication, but also slows down operators to a pomt where they lose themselves in the eternity of electronically networked information.

      High tempo Information overload exacerbates time compression and thus impacts temporal sensemaking through typical means via chronologies, linear information processing, and past/present/future contexts.

    16. The intensive {elec­tronic) present, Virilio suggests, is no longer part of chrono­logical time; we have to conceptualize it instead _as chronoscopic time. Real space, he argues, is making room for decontextualized 'real-time' processes and intensity takes over from extensity.11 This in turn has consequences and, similar to the time compression in transport, the compression in transmission has led to a range of paradoxical effects.

      Definition of chronoscopic time: While still bounded and defined by clock-time, like chronological time, chronoscopic experiences are more tempo-driven and focused on a hyper-present real-time. Chronological time is situated in movement across a timeline of past, present, future where history and temporal story narrative arcs.

      See Purser (2000) for a dromological analysis of Virilio's work on chronoscopic- and real-time.

    17. With respect to twentieth-century transmission Virilio has in mind the wireless telegraph, telephone, radio and subse­quent developments in computer and satellite communica­tion, which have once more changed the relationship between time and movement across space. Together, these innovations in transmission replaced succession and duration with seeming simultaneity and instantaneity. Duration has been compressed to zero and the present extended spatially to encircle the globe: it became a global present.

      In the example of ICT advancements (radio, telegraph, computer, etc.), Adam describes a shift in tempo of a person's temporal experience due to real-time transmission capabilities.

      Tempo experiences that are successive or have some duration quality are transformed into a perceived sense of instantaneous and simultaneous "real time" experience.

      When a sociotemporal experience is lighting up friction points between time and space -- is this where tempo and timelines begin to get entangled?

      Is the computer-mediated "movement" between time and space the inflection point where social coordination begins to break down? That we don't have enough time to process or make sense of CMC-delivered information?

    18. In economic production, time compression has been achieved by a number of means: by increasing the activity within the same unit of tifYle (through machines and the inten­sification of labour), reorganizing the sequence and ordering of activities (Tay!orism and Fordism), using peaks and troughs more effective!�· (flexibilization), and by eliminating all unproductive times from the process ( the just-in-time system of production, delivery and consumption).

      Time compression considers how time moves across space.

      Valorizing speed (aka "time compression" per Marx and CUNY Anthropology and Geography professor David Harvey) is a political and economic goal of Western industrialized nations.

      Speed also provides competitive advantages, whether for technological advancements, cultural movements and species biological evolution.

    19. A third paradox is only hinted at by Vmho, when he suggests that conflict is to be expected between democracy and dromocracy, the politics that take account of time and the speed of movement across space.20 It concerns the sociopolitical and socioeconomic relations associated with advances in transport speed, which affect dif­ferent indivi�uals, groups and classes of society in uneven ways.

      Transportation speed is entangled with social equity and power: time-poor, cash-rich can "buy" time through labor, efficient technologies but the time-rich, cash-poor cannot trade time to become wealthy wealth.

    20. Rifkin and Howard point out, 'the faster we speed up, the faster we degrade

      Virilio writes that speed, or time compression, also contributes to adverse social and environmental impacts, per Rifkin and Howard: "the faster we speed up, the faster we degrade."

    21. In the light of this evidence, which is fully supported by transport research, 17 Virilio formulated the �romological law, which states that increase in speed mcreases the potential for gridlock.

      Virilio's dromological law: "increase in speed, increases the potential for gridlock."

      This evokes environmental concerns as well as critiques of political privilege/power wrt to elites with access to fast transport options and those with less clout relegated to public transportation, traffic jams, less reliable options, etc.

    22. the relations of time and their socio-environmental impacts, underlying assumptions and their material expres­sions, institutional processes and recipients' experiences, hidden agendas and power relations, unquestioned time pol­itics and 'othering' practices.9

      Adams argues here and through her other papers(*) that social science researchers need to focus less on the obvious temporal conflicts in everyday life and focus more on the "socio-environmental impacts, underlying assumptions and their material exppressions, institutional processes and recipients' experiences, hidden agendas and power relations, unquestioned time politics and 'othering practices."

      • Adam, Timescapes of Modernity and 'The Gendered Time Politics of Globalisation'.
    23. While interest and credit had been known and documented since 3000 BC in Babylonia, it was not until the late Middle Ages that the Christian Church slowly and almost surrepti­tiously changed its position on usury,6 which set time free for trade to be allocated, sold and controlled. It is against this back�round that we have to read the extr�cts from Benjar1_1in Franklin's text of 1736, quoted at length m chapter 2, which contains the famous phrases 'Remember, that time is money ... Remember that money begets money.'7 Clock time, the created time to human design, was a precondition for this change in value and practice and formed the perfect partner to abstract, decontextualized money. From the Middle Ages, trade fairs existed where the trade in time became commonplace and calculations about future prices an integral part of commerce. In addition, internatio�al trade by sea required complex calculations about pote�ual profit and loss over long periods, given that trade ships might be away for as long as three years at a time. The time economy of interest and credit, moreover, fed directly into the monetary value of labour time, that is, paid employme�t as an integral part of the production of goo?s and serv_1ce�. However it was not until the French Revolunon that the md1-vidual (�eaning male) ownership of time became enshrined as a legal right

      Historical, religious, economic, and political aspects of how time became a commodity that could be allocated, sold, traded, borrowed against or controlled.

      Benjamin Franklin metaphor: "time is money ... money begets money"

    24. The task for social theory, therefore, is to render the invisible visible, show relations and intercon­nections, begin tbe process of questioning the unquestioned. Before we can identify some of these economic relations of temporal inequity, however, we first need to understand in what way the sin of usury was a barrier to the develop­ment of economic life as we know it today in industrial societies.

      Citing Weber (integrated with Marx), Adam describes how time is used to promote social inequity.

      Taken for granted in a socio-economic system, time renders power relationships as invisible

    25. Marx's princi­pal point regarding the commodification of time was that an empty, abstract, quantifiable time that was applicable any­where, any time was a precondition for its use as an abstract exchange value on the one hand and for the commodification of labour and nature on the other. Only on the basis of this neutral measure could time take such a pivotal position in all economic exchange.

      Citing Marx' critique on how time is commodified for value, labor and natural resources.

    26. Clock time, the human creation, as I have shown, operates accord­ing to fundamentally different principles from rhe ones ��der­pinning the times of tbe cosmos, �ature and the spmt�al realm of eternity. It is a decontextuahzed empty ume that nes the measurement of motion to expression by number. Not change, creativity and process, but static states are given a number value in the temporal frames of calendars and clocks. The artifice rather than the processes of cosmos, nature and spirit, we need to appreciate, came to be the object of trade, control and colonization.

      Primer on how clock-time differs from natural world and spiritual expressions of time.

      Clock-time as a socio-economic numerical representation is a guiding force for how power is wielded through colonialization/conquered lands and people, labor becomes a value-laden commodity, and

    27. The creation of time to human design m an atemporal, decontextualized form, as outlined in chapter 5, was a nec­essary techno-material condition for the use of time by indus­trial societies as an abstract exchange value and for the acceleration, control and global imposition of time.

      Time as a techno-material condition. Tie this back to Miller (2015) on materiality?

    28. This is so because all cultures, ancient and modern, have established collective ways of relat­ing to the past and future, of synchronizing their activities, of coming to terms with finitude. How we extend ourselves into the past and future, how we pursue immortality and how we temporally manage, organize and regulate our social affairs, however, has been culturally, historically and contex­tually distinct. Each htstorical epoch with its new forms of socioeconomic expression is simultaneously restructuring its social relations of time.

      Sociotemporal reactions/responses/concepts have deep historical roots and intercultural relationships.

      Current ways of thinking about time continue to be significantly influenced by post-industrial socio-economic constructs, like clock-time, labor efficiencies (speed), and value metaphors (money, attention, thrift).

    29. the Reformation had a major role to play in the metamor­phosis of time from God's gift to commodified, comp�essed, colonized and controlled resource. These four Cs of mdus­trial time -comrnodification, compression, colonization and control -will be the focus in these pages, the fifth C of the creation of clock time having been discussed already in the previous chapter. I show their interdependence and id�ntify some of the socio-environmental impacts of those parttcular temporal relations.

      Five C's of industrial time: Commodification, compression, colonialization, control, and clock time.

    30. The Quest for Time Control

      Additional notes here that contrast Reddy and Adam for SBTF time study paper:

      https://docs.google.com/document/d/1RNqPYmLkVV7ui06YDOSEOmod2XCXe6W3tQe9Oey2ico/edit

    1. er. Each of these choices reflect power dynamics and conflicting tensions. Desires for ‘presence’ or singular focus often conflict with obligations to be responsive and integrate ‘work’ and ‘life

      Are these power dynamics/tensions: actor or agent-based? individual or technical? situational or contextual? deliberate or autonomous?

    2. How do we understand such mosaictime in terms of striving for balance? Temporal units are rarely single-purpose and their boundaries and dependencies are often implicit. What sociotemporal values should we be honoring? How can we account for time that fits on neither side of a scale? How might scholarship rethink balance or efficiency with different forms of accounting, with attention to institutions as well as individuals?

      Design implication: What heuristics are involved in the lived experience and conflicts between temporal logic and porous time?

    3. Leshed and Sengers’s research reminds us that calendars are not just tools for the management of time, but are also sites of identity work where people can project to themselves and others the density of their days and apparent ‘success’ at doing it all[26]. These seemingly innocuous artifacts can thus perpetuate deeper normative logics a

      The dark side of time artifacts and the social pressure of busyness/industriousness as a virtue.

    4. . When creating tools for schedulingandcoordination, it is crucial to provide ways for people to take into account not just the multiplicity of (potentially dissonant) rhythms [22, 46], but also the differential affective experiencesof time rendered by such rhythms.

      Design implication: How to accommodate rhythms and obligation with social coordination work?

      ".. one 'chunk' of time is not equivalent to any other 'chunk'"

    5. rid. The apparent equivalency of thesetime chunksmask the affective experiences and emotional intensities of lived temporality

      Lived experience spotlights the tension/stress between managing chunkable time vs accepting spectral time.

      How to accommodate unequal units of time? Or units that have different contextual meanings?

    6. Our rendering of porous time imagines a newperspective on time, in whichthe dominant temporal logic expandsbeyond ideals of control and mastery to include navigation(with or without conscious attention) of that which cannot be gridded or managed: the temporal trails, multiple interests, misaligned rhythms and expectations of others.

      Design implication: How to mesh temporal logic with porous time realities?

    7. Taken together, an orientation to time as spectral, mosaic, rhythmic (dissonant),and obligatedsuggestsa possible alternate understanding of what time is and how it can work.An initial typology ofporous time honors the fluidity of time and its unexpected shifts; it also acknowledges novel integrations of time in everyday practice. Addressingthese alternate temporal realities allows us to build on CSCW’s legacy of related research to questionthereach and scope of thedominant temporal logic.

      Description of porous time and its elements as an extension of CSCW literature on temporal logic.

    8. Yet, thepromise of social control affordedby information and communication technologies belies the inadequacy ofthe dominant temporal logic.

      Design implication: Re-aligning real time needs/pressures/representations with temporal logic.

    9. A close look at the ways that people continually navigate the expectations and rhythms of those around them reveals how much the rhetoric of time management and control, built on the assumption that one is a solo temporal agent,is a fiction.To be considered a success in various social arenas (either via internal assessment or external validation) means that individualsoften cannot choose whether or not to attend to certain temporal obligations.

      Design implication: Empowering people to navigate time more effectively or at least balance obligated time pressures.

      Critique of time management industrial complex.

    10. This social state obligatesindividuals to navigate a temporal web of moral and professional expectations, and accountabilities to others. These temporalobligations affect tempora

      Definition of obligated time. Counters the idea of ownable time or temporal agency.

    11. In contrast to the assumption oftime as linear, with ordered chunks progressing ina straightforward manner, people often negotiate time rhythmically, arranging timein patterns and tempos that do not always co-exist harmoniously.

      Does rhythmic time help to explain some of the tension in crowdsourcing crisis data from non-linear social media streams?

    12. In contrast to the assumption oftime as linear, with ordered chunks progressing ina straightforward manner, people often negotiate time rhythmically, arranging timein patterns and tempos that do not always co-exist harmoniously. In line with earlier CSCW findings [e.g., 4, 9, 45, 46], we term thisrhythmic time, which acknowledges both the rhythmic nature of temporal experience as well a potential disorderliness or ‘dissonance’ when temporal rhythms conflict.Like mosaic time, bringing dissonant rhythms into semi-alignment requires adaptation, work, and patience.

      Rhythmic time definition. Counters the idea of linear time.

      How does this fit (or not) with Reddy's notion of temporal rhythms?

    13. Thinking abouttime as mosaic raises numerous questionsabout:when the mosaic is and is not obvious; what forms of interaction (or tiles) are given priority in any one moment; what skillsareneeded to engage in mosaic time with more or less effort; and what the effects of mosaic timeareon concentration, stress, and affect. Mosaic time appears mostsuccessful when people engage in attention switching in order to enact multiple social roles at once.

      Design implication: How to accommodate mosaic time needs?

      How to even prompt users to more effectively switch to mosaic time when appropriate?

    14. By mosaic, we mean that time is often simultaneouslyinhabited by multiple types of interaction that are forced to form a coherent whole. Unlikeconcepts like multi-tasking(doing multiple tasks ‘at once’) or polychronicity(a reported preference for doing multiple tasks at once) [44], mosaic timerefers to the negotiated merging of multiple social spheres into a layered or fitted set of simultaneous interactions

      Definition of mosaic time. Counters the idea (ideal?) of single purpose time.

      Is negotiated not imposed.

      Does not include multitasking or polychronicity.

    15. . Notably, this lack of predictability had large social, rather than individual, implications—a finding that strongly echoes prior CSCW research [1, 4, 13, 15, 20, 22, 34, 35, 36, 38, 45, 46, 59]

      Design implication: This is the nut to crack.

    16. In alignmentwith Reddy and Dourish’s concept of temporal trajectory [45], spectral time suggests that temporal experience is more than a grid of accountable blocks; multiple temporalities create flowsthat often defy both logical renderingand seamless manipulation

      Spectral time is linked to Reddy's idea of temporal trajectory.

    17. Our data reveal that not every temporal experience is easily articulated, planned for, measurable orable to be renderedinto a schedule.We call these temporal experiences spectral time,to capture howtime trailsor ghostsin ways that cannot always be expected, planned, or accounted for.Spectral time referencesmoments that do not lend themselves to scheduling(i.e. chunking), either because the act seems toomundane to justify articulation (i.e., getting dressed), because it is difficult to assess (i.e., travel time) or simply because it cannot be anticipated (i.e., creative phases).

      Definition and examples of spectral time -- or time that can't easily be accounted/planned for.

      Counters the idea that time is chunkable.

    18. bels. To date, we have found that our subjects have a minimal ability, and almost no language, to discuss the vagaries of time. In general, people attempt to negotiate their subjective experiences of time through the assumptions of the dominant temporal logic outlined a

      So true, in my study too.

      Cite this graf.

    19. In witnessing how people struggle toorient to the dominant temporal logic,we find it isinsufficient to encapsulate temporal experiences. Thus, we now theorizea set of expanded notions, an initial typology that we call ‘porous time’.

      Definition of porous time.

      Elements of porous time include: spectral, mosaic, rhythmic and obligated.

    20. One of the ways that a temporal logic becomesvisible for analysis and critique is through the tensions that emerge when its assumptions and norms do not align with daily experience. In our collective fieldwork we have observedmultiple examples of mundane dailypractices coming into conflict withthe logic that time is, or should be, chunk-able, singular purpose, linear, and/or owned.These tensionshelp bring to the fore the extent of the dominant temporal logic and showcase the inadequacy of this narrow set of assumptions to fully describetemporal experiences.

      This section of the paper focuses on tensions in temporal logic that lead to the new typology of "porous time".

      These tensions give rise to conflicts in how people's activities don't align with the logic of how they should/could allot, manage and/or own their time.

      "The road to hell is paved with good intentions and bad calendaring?"

    21. We call this prevailing temporal logic ‘circumscribed time.’ We use this label to highlight the underlying orientation to time as a resource that can, and should, be mastered. A circumscribed temporal logic infers that time should be harnessed into ‘productive’ capacity by approaching it as something that can be chunked, allocated to a single use, experienced linearly, and owned. In turn, the norms of society place the burden on individuals to manage and ‘balance’ time as a steward, optimizing this precious resource by way of control and active manipulation.

      Description of the elements of circumscribed time.

    22. Finally,time is understood asaresource that is owned by an individual and thus needs to be managed and apportioned by that individual.Like personal income, time is a resource that the individual has both the burden and responsibility to manage well. This vision of time reflects an assumption there are ‘better’ or ‘worse’ ways to use, spend and save time and it is up to the individual to engage in practices of temporal ownership. Controlling time doesnot suggest thatan individual can speed up or slow down time, but rather,suggeststhat timecan be personally configured to meet individual aims or goals.

      Definition of time as ownable.

      This idea of time as a resource also denotes a certain sense of personal agency/control over time when certain practices, like scheduling or efficiencies, are applied.

    23. Thedominant temporal logicalso conceptualizestime aslinear. In other words,one chunk of time leads to another in a straight progression. While chunks of time can be manipulated and reordered in the course of a day (or week, or month), each chunk of time has a limited duration and each activity has a beginning and an end. An hour is an hour is an hour, and in the course of a day (or a lifetime) hours stack up like a vector, moving one forward in a straightforward progression.

      Definition of linear time.

      WRT to temporal linguistics, linear time drives moving-ego and moving-time metaphors.

    24. Aligned with chunk-able time is the assumption that each chunk of time, or its particular gridded arrangement, is allocated to a single purpose.

      Definition of single purpose time.

      Design implication: How does single-purpose time align or conflict with multitasking and/or blurred task types that overlap home vs office, personal vs professional.

    25. appointment. Time chunksopen up the possibility for future-oriented temporal manipulation and valuation; they assumethat we are able to know, in advance, the duration of tasks and experiences.

      How does the idea of time chunks and future-orientation fit with:

      Reddy's temporal horizon concept? Zimbardo's future time perspective?

    26. The expectation that time is chunk-able is conditioned by an understanding that time exists in units (a second, a minute, a year) and that temporal units are equal–that can be swapped and exchanged with relative ease.

      Definition of chunkable time.

      Design implication: Time is experienced in consistent, measurable, and incremental units.

      Ex: 60 minutes is always 60 minutes no matter what part of the day it occurs or in any social context, such as calendaring/scheduling an event.

      Using a chunkable time perspective, we conform our activities/appointments to clock-time increments rather than making the calendar conform. Per Mazmanian, et al., this perspective "perpetuates a sense that time is malleable and responsive" with little concern about how changing an appointment time can affect the rest of the calendar.

    27. the nature of timethat reflect a dominant temporal logic –specifically that timeischunkable, single-purpose, linearandownable

      4 aspects of circumscribed time

      describes time as a resource that can be mastered incrementally.

    28. A temporal logicoperatesat multiple levels. It is perpetuated insocialand cultural discourse; is embedded in institutional expectations and policies; drivesthe design and implementation of technologies;establishes resilient social norms; and provides a cache of normative, rational examples to draw on when individuals needtomake sense of their everyday engagements with time. When a tool like Microsoft Outlook is designed, presented, and justified in a marketing campaign it is both reflecting and perpetuating atemporal logic.

      Design implication: How temporal logic informs and influences other behaviors.

    29. According to Egger and Wagner, this orientation, which we refer to as circumscribed time,holds that”time is homogeneous, objective, measurable, and infinitely divisible” [11:249].It is this conceptualization of time—and its implications—that we analyze, critique, and try to reframein this paper

      Definition of circumscribed time.

    30. In previous temporalities research,scholars have drawn productively on Zerubavel’s similar concept of a sociotemporal order–an orientation to time that is shared amongst a social group and thusly produces coordinated rhythms and temporal alignments [15, 53]

      Definition of sociotemporal order as a common orientation to time which leads to coordinated social rhythms and ways to align, or reconcile conflicts in those rhythms.

    31. In particular, by temporal logicwe mean the socially legitimated, shared assumptions about time that areembedded in institutional and societal norms, discourses, material and technological processes, and shared ideologies. A temporal logic defines what is rational, normal and expected, andimbues a society with a definitionof what time is that directsindividuals in how they should operate in and through time.It provides an understanding of time that becomes so embedded that it seems to define reality.

      Definition of temporal logic as a shared understanding that leads to social constructs of common practices, rules, and norms.

    32. While some of this research has been aimed at building technologies to better support multi-tasking, other research has been critical, pointing out the negative consequences of distraction and task-switching [29]. A parallel line of thinking, called ‘presence bleed’ [16], articulates the way that multi-tasking and extended temporal boundaries blur individuals’ professional and personal identities as work bleeds into and throughout multiple spheres

      Maladapative/problematic studies of time include: multitasking, time-switching, presence bleed (work-life convergence), morality, agency and power, individual vs organizational choices, 24/7 availability, etc.

    33. CSCW has been investigating the relationship of time and work practically from its inception as a scholarly fiel

      Classic CSWC literature on time includes: groupware calendaring systems, temporal rhythm, temporal trajectories, temporal ordering, temporal artifacts.

    34. What would it look like to more explicitly acknowledge power dynamics in information and communication technologies? In the tradition of critical and reflective design [50], how might CSCW scholarship think about designing technologies that ‘protect’ users from temporal obligations and render messiness and disorganization a possible way of engaging with time?

      Design implication: What if porous time was considered a feature not a bug?

      How to better integrate personal agency/autonomy and values into a temporal experience?

      How could a temporal artifact better support a user flexibly shifting/adapting temporal logic to a lived experience?

    35. The temporal logic of circumscribed time falls short of describing, let alone organizing, the complex temporalities that govern American lives today. As an expansion of the dominant logic, porous time aims toprovide a more nuanced account of howtemporality shapes interactions among people, technologies, and the

      The tension between circumscribed and porous time leads to control-seeking and a need to adapt to the "fluidities of time".

      This tension serves up different coping mechanisms, such as: metaphors, time representations, design challenges, routines, need for self-reflection, quantification via scheduling, data collection, technical solutions, predictive models, etc.

    36. We find and name an emergent set of temporal elements–spectral, mosaic,rhythmicand obligatedtime–which implicitly challenge the assumptions of the dominant logic. We call this collective set ‘porous time.’

      Definition of porous time and the set of temporal elements that challenge the dominant logic.

    37. s ‘circumscribed time.’This logic, which is embedded in many popular tools, current scholarship,and especially in the discourse of time management, is characterized by assumptions that time is chunk-able(i.e. unitized and measurable), oriented to a single purpose, experiencedlinearly, and owned by individuals

      Definition of circumscribed time -- a dominant temporal logic.

    38. temporal logic–a particular orientation to time that manifests in time-related social norms, moral judgments, daily practices, and technologies for scheduling and coordinat

      Definition of temporal logic

    39. Cooperation and collaboration, both core activities within this domain, require attention to temporal patterns almost by definition, whether it be in the sequential ordering of interdependent tasks or the particular rhythms of subgroups. Despite this core focus, Steinhardt and Jackson [53] suggest that time continues tobe a fertile topic to explore within the field of CSCW. A richer understanding of the ways that time animates the multiple overlapping domains of contemporary professional and social—and now highly mobile—lives is needed. We respond to this call by returning to our field’s legacy of interrogating the design, use and resistance to temporal technologies such as calendars and scheduling softwareto showcase how certain logics of time pervade everyday sociotechnical practices, both inside the office and out.

      Why time research matters: Sociotemporality is situational, contextual and ubiquitous in both work and home life.

    1. One of the foremost contributions of Saussure to semiology was his claim that indi- vidual signs are always part of larger systemic wholes and that the meaning of any particular sign is essentially a function of the way in which it is related to other signs within the same system of signification. Finding out the meaning of any particular sign thus is possible only within the context of the entire symbolic system within which it is anchored, since it is necessary to first examine its relations to other signs wit

      This points to another friction point for SBTF data and the crowdsourcing process.

      Sequences in social media timelines are often arbitrary per obscure user settings and unknown/uncontrollable algorithmic priorities. That affects data collection.

      There are also SBTF processes that cause workflow frictions because of a lack of sequence specificity in order of social coordination activities or a desire for order from the volunteers.

    2. Along similar lines, while the sequential order in which we arrange items is usually indicative of their relative priority to us, the essence of such a symbolic relationship is by no means unproblematic

      The sequence of events may be arbitrary and does not always signify importance.

    3. The degree of rigidity with which we schedule events is also indicative of their relative importance

      Rigidity also symbolizes importance, as does firmness and ever-availability.

      Is this because the use of the term "importance" is ambiguous or that context matters?

      As mentioned as an example: Ending a dinner date in one hour would seem rude but not for a lunch date.

    4. The degree of firmness and finality with which we schedule events is usually also indicative of their relative i

      Firmness/Finality also symbolizes importance and commitment.

      Is there a degree of difference here as compared to ever-availability which seem like different social contracts?

    5. Given the association of access to private time with intimacy, consider also the symbolic implications of ever-availability (Zerubavel 1981, p. 146). Admittedly becom- ing increasingly anachronistic with bureaucratization (Zerubavel 1981, pp. 153-166), the quality of being always accessible nevertheless remains a powerful symbol of a rapidly dying traditional social order and is still strongly cherished and admired within traditional domains of social life such a

      Ever-availability symbolizes loyalty, commitment and dedication.

      "... is strongly cherished and admired within traditional domains of social life ..."

      Is this sentiment still true for online availability?

    6. venings and weekends. Given our association of exclusivity with intimacy (Simmel 1950, pp. 126-132; Zerubavel 1982b, pp. 100-102), we usually attach particular significance to contacts that take place at times that are socially defined as more private. Since people are generally expected to be less accessi- ble during such time periods, contacts that do occur within them tend to acquire a special meaning (Zerubavel 1

      Timing seems to symbolize two different meanings:

      Importance and exclusivity on one hand. But the moment/time period in which the activity takes place (work vs private time; weekday vs weekend, day vs night, lunch vs dinner) also conveys special meaning.

    7. The negative connotations of long stretches of waiting time also become apparent once we examine the symbolic implications of the frequency at which social contacts occu

      Frequency of activity symbolizes social commitment.

      Quotes Durkheim as indicating that frequency can be a measure of "moral density" in relationships.

    8. Shorter waiting time entails greater speed, the symbolic implications of which become quite apparent when one considers urgency a

      Speed as a factor in symbolizing time.

      Slow >> lack of respect vs Fast >> priority, higher esteem

    9. Consider also the symbolic dimension of lead time (Hall 1959, p. 17). Essentially defining themselves as less accessible, the powerful and eminent usually also demand longer advance notice when being approached, occasionally making others wait longer before they can reach them for the mere sake of displaying the r

      How does the idea of "lead time" square with Mazmanian et al's paper on time as a commodity imbued with power?

    10. ard them. Being on time, on the other hand, is symboli- cally indicative of the respect we feel toward others, the extreme form of "ritual wait- ing" being an explicit symbolic display

      This is a distinctly Western-centric attitude. Not necessarily shared in other cultures.

    11. cance. Waiting, for example (which, given the modern utilitarian approach to time [Zerubavel 1981, pp. 54-59], is generally regarded as an ordeal), is normally associated with worthlessness, and making others wait is often regarded as a symbolic display of deg

      How does this idea of negative time stretch / waiting as insignificance apply to technology or the social coordination process?

      How does "slow technology" overcome this and retain a positive self-reflective value?

    12. The amount of time we are willing to devote to the various relations in which we are involved and organizations to which we belong clearly reflects the level of our commit- ment to each of them

      Could this account for how/why SBTF volunteers use personally situated time references to signal how long they can be available/devote to an activation?

      Is this a semiotic version of Reddy's temporal trajectory?

      Motive expressed through "duration" seems to be fairly well determined for Wikipedia editors, per Kittur/Kraut/Resnick chapters. I don't see why it wouldn't also apply to SBTF.

    13. While only few of us may have been formally sensitized to it, we all seem to be tacitly aware of the way in which the amount of time we allow an event or activity to last is symbolically associated with the degree of significance we attach

      The duration of a person's engagement in an activity serves as a symbol for its importance.

    14. Timing as a

      Could the multiple temporalities that symbolize importance account for a source of tension between always online volunteers and those who show up for random periods of time?

      Deployments have fixed time periods for data collection but no scheduling mechanisms for volunteers. Does this create a source of friction when there is no mechanism to signal social intent or meaning?

      How does this problem get reflected in Reddy's TRH model or Mazmanian's porous time idea?

      How can you manage social coordination of rhythms/horizons when there is no signal to convey intent/commitment?

      What part of the SBTF social coordination is spectral, mosaic, rhythmic and/or obligated? And when is it not?

    15. article, time clearly constitutes a quasi-linguistic nonverbal system of signification that deserves the full attention of students of symbolic communication. As we have seen, both individuals and societies use this "language" in their "speech," essentially manipulating various dimensions of temporality as virtual semiotic codes through which they manage to convey critical social messages without ha

      Semiotics codes that represent non-verbal social communication about time/temporality is not an explicit skill but something seemingly intuitive to both speaker and listener.

    16. In short, the "language of time" identified here is by no means a merely intellectual phenomenon invented by sociology. Not only are we all aware of its existence, we also use it quite actively in our own "speech."7 The manipulative use of temporality is quite evident not only at the macrosocial level of societal politics, but also at the microsocial level of interpersonal relations. We employ the language of time quite strategically in our every- day "speech" and, quite often, what appears on the surface as entirely spontaneous behavior may actually involve a deliberate manipulation of temporal circu

      The language of time incorporates "deliberate mainpulation of temporal circumstances."

      People use symbolic associations to convey special meanings to certain periods of time. Example provided is a late night phone call that hints at a desire for a closer, more intimate relationship.

    17. Temporal contrasts can be used not only to substantiate abstract conceptual contrasts but also to help accentuate actual social and political ones (Zerubavel 1985, pp. 47, 71-7

      How are these contrasts represented? Does Bergson's paper reflect this idea?

      Look up citation: Zerubavel.1985. The Seven-Day Circle

    18. It was Bergson (1960, pp. 98-128, 226-240) who first sensitized us to the qualitative dimension of time by noting how we often experience mathematically identical dura- tions as having quite different feeling tones. Ho

      Get Bergson's paper.

    19. implies the virtual inseparability of semantics from syntactics, and, indeed, Saussure's followers are often quite appropriately called structuralists, as they view signs not so much in terms of their substantive "content" as in terms of the ways in which they are formally related to other signs (i.e., in terms of the structure of the symbolic system to which they belong). More specifically, they tend to focus particularly on the formal relation of opposition or contrast, because, "in any semiological system, whatever distin- guishes one sign from the oth

      What is the SBTF structure? What differentiates it?

      Do the temporal signs for data collection contrast/differ enough from the temporal signs for the crowd process to describe a single structure for digital humanitarian work?

      Data time = desire for real time information where units of data have their own time contexts (meta data, periods, timelines, qualitative representations/metaphors, etc.)

      Process time = acceptance that work time is always 24/7, urgent and feels like a step behind. The people who perform the process also have their own time contexts (personally situated time, trajectories, rhythms, horizons, etc.)

    20. Given our tendency to reify social reality (Berger and Luckmann 1967, pp. 89-92, 134-136), we often regard the association of particular "signifiers" with particular "signifieds" (Saussure 1959, p. 67) as inevitable. Such symbolic relations, however, are essentially conventional and, quite often, arbitrary (Durkheim 1965, pp. 261-265; Mead 1934, pp. 117-125; Peirce 1932, Vol. 2, pp. 165-169; Saussure 1959, pp. 67

      Time symbols have cultural contexts.

    21. Culture, according to semiotics, is a communicational system consisting of various messages conveyed by and to members through the use of certain codes (Leach 1976; Lvi-Strauss 196

      Definition of culture.

    22. ticulate them verbally. Examining the symbolic relations between the temporal and the social within the contexts of both interpersonal relations and societal politics will reveal an intricate semiotic system that seems to operate at both the microsocial and m

      Sociotemporal semiotics provide symbolic ways to communicate about interpersonal and societal concerns.

      The symbolic communication system appears to take place at either small scale human interaction ("microsocial") and structural/system ("macrosocial") levels

    23. Extending such endeavors to the domain of temporality, the present article attempts to develop a distinctively semiotic perspective on time. Aiming at laying out the rudi- mentary foundations of a semiotics of temporality, I shall examine the way people practically manipulate time as a virtual code through which they manage to convey many important social messages without having to a

      Time is a "virtual code" to convey social meaning

    1. This point ties into the conceptualisation of time as collec-tive [29] and entangled [43]. The infrastructure that sup-ports a 24/7 society is one that relies on people as well as technologies, the conventional nine-to-five work rhythm, for example, being underpinned by people working shifts outside of these hours.

      How are the concepts of collective and entangled time reflected in virtual social coordination, if at all? Is it the same, similar or something wholly different?

    2. Orlikowski and Yates [34], working in the field of organization studies, build on this point. They argue that time is plural; it can be experienced as objective, quantitative and independent of humankind, but also as subjective, situated and socially constructed.

      Org studies description of multiple temporalities by Orlikowski and Yates.

    3. Designing for an alternative temporal experience means understanding the ways in which multiple temporali-ties intersect, whether these frame a person’s working day, or allow a family to spend time together. While scheduling technologies do of course have a role to play here [see e.g. 31], many of the temporal structures that frame everyday life are not so much scheduled as unfold in a way that isunremarkable [54], or are so firmly established that they are no longer seen as alterable.

      Design implication: To integrate multiple temporalities into technology we need to reconsider temporal structures -- or the patterns of social coordination that we use as rules, rhythms, habits, and practices that guide activity.

    4. In his analysis of the concept, Southerton [45] identifies quality time as a contemporary concern, and uses it alongside an analysis of diaries written in 1937 and 2000 to examine the impression that everyday life is speeding up. His findings lead him to argue that the feeling of time pressure that seems inherent to modern life is due to difficulties in coor-dinating practices, rather than the sheer density of events that need to be accomplished.

      Design implication: Insufficient coordination practices leads to sociotemporal stress (sense of urgency, lack of time, etc.)

    5. Yet, Grosse-Hering et al.’s findings make clear the need to ad-dress multiple temporalities, and prior research in CSCW has emphasised how understanding the ways in which dif-ferent temporal structures intersect is essential to designing for the felt experience of time.

      Look up Grosse_Hering et al's paper.

      Are there concrete examples of sociotemporalities to incorporate?

    6. In these analyses of plasticity we see how, like clock time, digital time is not simply a property of technologies, nor does it straightforwardly emerge as a sociotechnical con-vention associated with their use. Rather, it has coevolved with broader shifts in the temporality of everyday life, such as the emergence of fractured rhythms, and the associated need to fill the gaps between them.

      Digital time is a type of sociotemporality that has co-evolved through influence of technology and its influence on technology AND rhythms/trajectories/horizons of modern life. See Rattenbury above.

      Think more about how Reddy's and Pschetz's work may be important here re: social coordination.

    7. While Rattenbury et al. highlight web browsing as the per-fect plastic activity, the concept has also been applied to television watching by Irani et al. [20].

      Good examples of sociotemporality: web surfing and TV viewing.

    8. Plastic time is described as unanticipated, un-reflexive and fluid, as the “experience of temporal ‘scraps’, of gapsin the schedule”, and as “the negative space of busyness”[p. 233]. Plastic time flies under the radar, being unplanned and non-immersive, and associated with neither productivi-ty nor leisure. It is interruptible, but can also expand until some other activity presents itself.

      Definition of plastic time.

      Adds nuance to the idea of digital time as plastic -- morphable in some ways. rigid in others, asynchronous but also rhythmic in its own way (especially around the examples of web surfing and TV viewing) when the experience of time is lost.

      Does plastic time also hint at kind of materiality?? Time as tangible?

    9. Accord-ingly, and in the interests of exploring how broader shifts in time use have may coevolved with digital technologies, we now look to work by Rattenbury et al. [37], which relates the always-on quality of digital technologies to more gen-eral shifts in the organization of everyday life. These are changes that have resulted in a temporal experience that they describe as plastic, a temporal experience that is both shaped by and shapes the use of digital technologies.

      Look up Rattenbury paper

      Again, seems to indicate a socio-technical temporal experience where temporal experiences influence and are influenced by digital technologies.

    10. The temporal experience is as much a product of the ways in which the technologies are used as it is a feature of their design. This points to how, just as has been argued for the case of clocks, digital technologies and practices have coevolved to underpin particular experiences of time.

      Design implication for digital sociotemporal experiences

    11. Instead, technologies and the uses made of them are positioned as coevolving, with new temporal knowledges being gradually accumulated and integrated into the practices of everyday life.

      This is a little confusing.

      Is Lindley suggesting an additional entanglement of co-evolving socio-technical temporality that is different to analog experiences of time?

      Kind of presents a chicken vs egg dilemma that is tough to square re: the role of technology. The paper's previous arguments (Glennie and Thrift, Mumford, Thompson) are at odds with one another re: ideas of commodity/industrial time, tech determinism and its influence on sociotemporality.

      Need to ponder this a little more.

    12. For example, in his classic analysis of the his-tory of the machine, Lewis Mumford [30] notes that, “Abstract time became the new medium of existence. Or-ganic functions themselves were regulated by it: one ate, not upon feeling hungry, but when prompted by the clock: one slept, not when one was tired, but when the clock sanc-tioned it.” [p. 17]

      Examples of sociotemporality vs clock time by Mumford.

      Eat when hungry not at Noon Sleep when tired not at prescribed time

    13. For them, clock time is best understood as sets of practices, which are bound up with time-reckoning and time-keeping technologies, butwhich vary and are shaped by different times, places and communities. This view of clock time is quite different to that often de-picted in the literature, where it is positioned as abstract and mechanistic.

      Alternative clock time definition by Glennie and Thrift.

    14. We then detail a position outlined by Glennie and Thrift [12], in which clock time is described as a series of practices rather than a concept created by new timekeep-ing technologies.

      Loop up Glennie and Thrift paper.

      Need as many examples as I can get that offer concrete ways to describe sociotemporality beyond clock time. This lack of explicit examples seems to trip people up the most. Sociotemporality is still too intangible.

    15. This leads us to argue that ‘redesigning’ the experience of time as me-diated by technologies necessitates a broader way of deal-ing with the rhythms and routines that frame their use. We consider what role technology might play in this, through shaping temporal infrastructures and shifting reified tem-poral patterns. We conclude by noting the considerable challenges that this entails, especially in view of recent ac-counts that position time as collective and entangled.

      Plants a flag to urge more HCI research to consider sociotemporality -- time as rhythmic, patterned, collective, and entangled.

    1. sregarded. Temporal Design attempts to counteract these effects by drawing attention to social practices of time. Time is a social process, tacitly defined through everyday practices. It is rehearsed, learned, designed, created, storied, and made. This aspect however is often overlooked not only by designers, but also by society in general. Designers can have a key role in unlocking the hegemonic narratives that restrict cultural understandings of time and in opening up new ways of making, living and thinking

      Description of temporal design and its purpose.

    2. As the original visions for Slow Design and Slow Technology suggest, the world is comprised of multiple temporal expressions, which play important roles in our lives, even if disregarded within dominant accounts of what ti

      What are the "multiple temporal expressions?" Examples would help here.

      Note to self: Use more explicit language, case examples, etc., to avoid reviewers' incorrectly filling in the gaps or misinterpreting an already cagey subject that's hard to pin down.

    3. While the Printer Clock focused on emphasising the embodied and situated nature of time, pointing to the mesh of activities and characters that come together to create time, the TimeBots drew attention to personal rhythms and how they played out within the context of the classroom

      Pschetz, et al., also use idea of "situated time."

    4. e students. The TimeBots interacted with each other on a different level, revealing the subjective timescap

      Adam's timescape concept as applied to a group during social coordination.

    5. 4.3.3 TimeBotsWhile the Printer Clock focused on emphasising the embodied and situated nature of time, pointing to the mesh of activities and characters that come together to create time, the TimeBots drew attention to personal rhythms and how they played out within the context of the classroom. The aim was to challenge the idea that the world is in a state of constant acceleration by inviting children to reflect on the multiple speeds of their day. In contrast to the slow movement, which assumes acceleration as a universalised condition and attempts to counteract this condition by promoting opportunities to slow down, the intention here was to invite the students to explore the variant speeds at which they l

      Does this idea map with Reddy's premise about temporal trajectories, rhythms, and horizons?

    6. ast. Moving from a quantitative time to a qualitative one, the Printer Clock tells time through the activities of others and the variety of pictures reveals the multiplicity of rhythms within that

      Qualitative time as a way to express a new present in some one else's past.

    7. Despite a clear social motivation, the alternative approaches to time in design described above have been constrained by dominant narratives of time. Further they have often only considered time in terms of pace, direction and flow rather than the more complex ways that it is involved in social life (e.g. Gre

      Look up Greenhouse 1996 paper.

    8. evices. Similarly, Phoebe Sengers (2011) reflects on the way slower attitudes could be promoted by ‘‘making fewer choices, accessing less information, making productivity less central, keeping our lives less under formal control’’; she further considers how this attitude could be reflected in the design of communication technologies. Instead of reinforcing dichotomies, Fullerton (2010) and Sengers (2011) draw attention to practices that emphasise alternative expressions

      Look up Sengers 2011 paper on ICT design.

      What are the alternative expressions of time she references?

    9. The association of alternative approaches to time with a rejection of technology reinforces dichotomies that do not reflect the way people relate to artefacts and systems (Wajcman 2015). As a result, these proposals not only risk being interpreted as nostalgic or backward looking, but also leave little space for integrating more complex accounts of time (particularly those arising in the social sciences) or for discussing more nuanced rhythms, as well as more complex forces and consequences related to temporal decisions. As a result, instead of challenging dominant accounts of time, these proposals arguably reinforce the overarching narrative of universalised acceler

      Argument that slow technology is not anti-technology but should encourage different perspective on how people relate to artifacts and systems via time, rhythms, and other forces that help drive temporal decisions.

  3. May 2018
    1. The information contained in the information system is notsufficient in itself; the temporal context within which it can be placed,organized according to the trajectory, helps makes sense of it.

      Likewise, in SBTF data collection. Temporal contexts are crucial but often not captured consistently or at all.

      What are the temporal contexts in crisis situations that could/should be collected so that it doesn't lack meaning or is misinterpreted later?

    2. Attempts toincorporate a notion of temporality into the construction of collaborativetechnologies must, accordingly, provide for the social nature of the temporaltexture of everyday activity, and focus not simply on how activities are or-ganized in time, but how they are experienced in time.

      This is true but, for me, this is where the study focus begins to get fuzzy.

      Q: How to acknowledge this "truth" without sliding headlong into a cultural-linguistics study? Is it just enough to say it and move on?

    3. When looking at collaborative settings, it is critical to recognize that theexperience of time also has a social component. Sorokin and Merton (1937)explore the notion of ‘‘social time,’’ observing that, while time proceedsunremittingly and uniformly, our experience of time reflects cultural and so-cial patterns that give it meaning.

      This is an important consideration for the SBTF study (especially the interview phase) since the volunteer base is international.

    1. The latter belongs to a more philosophical approach, where thefocus is on the experience of time, mostly through the observation that changes, such as aging or processing, occur.

      What does Adam (2004) say about the notion of time as change. Where does this fit in her timescapes model?