Dadalways griped that the railroad men in town got paid more than he did. Hecould read ancient Greek, but they had a union.

John Logan, a professor and director of labor and employment studies at San Francisco State University, also pointed to that campaign in a recent op-ed at Jacobin in which he described Starbucks as worthy of the title "worst worker rights violator."Contributing to the "union-busting lawlessness," wrote Logan, is the company's firing of over 20 union activists and announcement of a benefit increase to stores that have not unionized.

As trades skills are identified as a critical capability for OP NewNet and other parts of PLAN E, they require drastic expansion. Historically, tradespeople have not often been included in climate or security policy formulation. However, because of the criticality of tradespeople to the mission and issues of fairness, the hyper-response will integrate more tradespeople into PLAN E leadership and planning roles

these unions that have not flexed this muscle, and they have decided that now’s the time to do it.

Thirty years later again it was the gold double watch-chain which was the symbol of the successful Lib-Lab trade union leader; and for fifty years of disciplined servitude to work, the enlightened employer gave to his employee an engraved gold watch. I

Or maybe a better standard was in the humanitarian world. “There’s a core ethical principle called the responsibility to protect, which is about organizations having a primary responsibility to protect their own personnel,” said Abramowitz. “What’s very clear is that many teachers are distrustful because they have been in deeply unsafe situations for a very long time.” Teachers are asked to deal with school shootings, violent children, aggressive adults, poverty, online bullying—a host of complex social problems that aren’t part of their job description, she said. “Educators are so abandoned, they no longer trust in their own system to protect them.

They’d led strikes, protests and smaller armed clashes against their employers, building up to what would become known as the largest labor uprising in U.S. history.

Working people generally do not have to be in a recognized union in order to strike.

As with neoliberalism more generally, New Public Management is invisible, part of a new “common sense” that has somehow become hegemonic, whereby the “entrepreneurial spirit” has infused the public sector, leading to “businesslike government”. As with the claims of neoliberalism more generally as to its positive outputs in terms of prosperity, NPM has never been shown to have been successful even in its own terms. NPM “introduced punishments and rewards to produce better services with lesser staff. Instead of having freed energies and creativity of employees formerly shackled by their bureaucratic turfs, NPM reforms have bound energies into theatrical audit performances at the cost of work and killed creativity in centralizing resources and hollowing out professional autonomy... Fundamental deprivation of the legitimacy of public employees . . .has traumatized many most-committed employees and driven others toward a Soviet-type double standard.” (Juha Siltala, New Public Management : The evidence-based worst practice?, Administration; Vol. 45, No. 4.; 2013 pp. 468-493) Sekera quotes Christopher Pollitt et al., who “after compiling a database of 518 studies of NPM in Europe, determined that “more than 90% of what are seen by experts as the most significant and relevant studies contain no data at all on outcomes” and that of the 10% that had outcomes information, only 44% of those, or 4% of the total, found any improvements in terms of outcomes.” But in the end, the point of NPM is less that of measureable outcomes, and more that of the ideological victory of turning the public and its good into customers exercising their “choices” (see tax revolt example in Duggan), along of course with the radical disempowering of public administration workers and their unions, instituting “cost savings” by cutting their real income and putting more and more of the public sector’s production directly into the profit-making market.

rigid schedules

commute

travel

information LDLC workers

Transportation

While a small, although growing, body of research has emerged that focuses on individual perceptions of voice (Withey and Cooper, 1989; Leck and Saunders, 1992; Luchak, 2003; Avery and Quiñones, 2004; Bryson, 2004), little attempt has been made to understand how trade union membership impacts these perceptions.

Contemporary research findings contest the accepted wisdom in the industrial relations literature that unions are the primary mechanism of employee voice through their representative role (Freeman and Rogers, 1993; Lansbury et al., 1996; Kaufman and Taras, 1999; Bryson and Freeman, 2007). As Addison and Belfield (2004: 564) argued, the collective voice model is deficient for ‘uncritically equating collective voice with autonomous unionism’.

As Addison and Belfield (2004: 564) argued, the collective voice model is deficient for ‘uncritically equating collective voice with autonomous unionism’.

(Freeman and Rogers, 1993; Lansbury et al., 1996; Kaufman and Taras, 1999; Bryson and Freeman, 2007).

Over the past two decades, the collective union voice view has been challenged as research has broadened to include direct voice mechanisms within a variety of non-union settings (McCabe and Lewin, 1992; McLoughlin and Gourlay, 1994; Terry, 1999; Benson, 2000; Gollan, 2003, 2006; Butler, 2005; Dietz et al., 2005; Dundon et al., 2005; Haynes, 2005; Machin and Wood, 2005; Taras and Kaufman, 2006; Bryson and Freeman, 2007; Dundon and Gollan, 2007).

Uber and Lyft both use independent contractors, instead of employees who would likely get more benefits, to staff their services

New Lens on Faculty Salaries

Since ducks can both swim and fly, each duck is found twice inC, once labeled as aflyer and once labeled as a swimmer. The typesAandBare kept disjoint inC, whichjustifies the name “disjoint union.”

If Barack Obama was capable of muscling through the sort of laws that the labor movement—and Barack Obama—would like to see enacted, he would not have to give labor leaders a summit. He could give them political victories. But that does not seem to be the reality of the moment. So we all got invited to the White House instead, to talk about “outreach strategies” and to “#StartTheConvo” on labor issues. I did not get the impression that the conversation needed more starting. We all seemed pretty well decided on what we wanted. Left unspoken was the fact that the working class will not be getting what it wants, any time soon.