project represents not only quality coffee but peace and redemption for the local community.

The Lavazza Calendar “Good to Earth” tells the story of the good example set by people who are committed to protecting the planet, in the form of photographs by Ami Vitale and six works of art set in the natural environment. Because, despite everything, there is goodness on Earth.

That is why the positive art of Good to Earth works against the one-way narrative of the Earth as a sick patient and chooses instead to tell stories of virtuous behaviour and environmental requalification, which, it is hoped, will have an influence on people, and young people in particular, inspiring them to make their own commitment to protect the planet.

The commercial tells the story of the journey that Lavazza’s new bio-organic coffee takes from its place of origin to us, through a series of videos that alternate between man and his environment in a natural and surprising way. The screens where different images chase each other and merge are the very hands themselves: different every time, belonging to men, women and children, they talk about life lived, dedication and experience.

A primary goal of this research is to understand the relationships between two key domains: (a) teacher thought processes and knowledge and (b) teachers’ actions and their observable effects. The current work on the TPACK framework seeks to extend this tradition of research and scholarship by bringing technology integration into the kinds of knowledge that teachers need to consider when teaching

What we concluded is that people needed the map to be more approachable, accessible, and applicable for learning and teaching web literacy skills.

Local Explanation Methods for Deep Neural Networks Lack Sensitivity to Parameter Values

Local Explanation Methods for Deep Neural Networks Lack Sensitivity to Parameter Values

Having initial medical discussions without the family and information filtering are common for LEP patients; filtering may be associated with poorer diagnosis comprehension. Experience with a hospitalized child is associated with increased comprehension among LEP parents.

Understanding cannot simply be told; the learner has to actively construct meaning (or misconceptions and forget-fulness will ensue)

small beginnings help instructors focus on what DH they can teach effectively. To be frank, I was not prepared to teach all of the DH in that “Intro to Digital Humanities” course I proposed.

I never have to be part of an HOA.

viewed as as a totality ratherthan individually;

Teaching for understanding requires that students be given numerous opportunities to draw inferences and make generaliza-tions for themselves (with teacher sup-port).

Teachers are coaches of understanding, not mere purveyors of content knowl-edge, skill, or activity. They focus on ensuring that learning happens, not just teaching (and assuming that what was taught was learned); they always aim and check for successful meaning making and transfer by the learner.

I use backwards de-sign to develop our lesson plans: What do we want our students to write, and why? What skills are required, and how do students acquire those skills (Wiggins and McTighe 34)?

project-based learning (PBL), game-based learning (GBL), Understanding by Design (UbD), or authentic literacy, find an effective model to institute in your classroom

Video games need to discover what’s special and different about their own medium to break out of their cultural ghetto.

He passed the stages of his age and youth Entering the whirlpool.

Afurtherbarriertotheuseofformativefeedbackmaybethatsomestudentsincreasinglyfailtounderstandthetaken-for-grantedacademicdiscourseswhichunderpinassessmentcriteriaandthelanguageoffeedback(Hounsell,1987).AccordingtoEntwistle(1984,p.1),‘effectivecommunicationdependsonsharedassumptions,denitions,andunderstanding’.ButastudyatLancasterUniversityfoundthat50%ofthethird-yearstudentsinoneacademicdepartmentwereunclearwhattheassessmentcriteriawere(Baldwin,1993,citedinBrown&Knight,1994).Asoneofourstudentsnoted:‘Ihaven’tgotacluewhatI’massessedon’

Privacy doesn’t just depend on agency; being able to achieve privacy is an expression of agency

In this case, Holly played the role of running commentator, seem-ingly in hopes that some of her narration would prove useful to Brandon, but she showedlittle distress or frustration when he failed to follow her suggestions. The reciprocal impas-sivity that we observed across them in this arrangement was interesting; it may have beendue to the fact that Brandon was the better player and both knew that he was assessing thevalue of her suggestions and deciding on the basis of the in-game situation whether it wassensible to act upon or disregard his sister’s help.

He then reenters the codeshowing Maddy what parts she has entered wrong, passes the game back to Maddy, and continuesplaying the game on the TV with Johnny.

that Maddy is playing an active rather than a simply passive rolein the apprenticeship

at our research would help Whyville become a bett

All thesepartsarecreatedbyotherWhyvillianswhorentdesigntoolsandthenposttheircreationsat the mall or exchange them at the trading post to cover their costs and to generateadditional income.

The following case study provides an example of how learning pathways can be shaped by aspects of place, positions, and the actions those positions afford.

n this way, the institutional constraints of places [Drei-er, 2009] have the power to invite or prohibit opportunities for action [Lefebvre, 1991], and therefore the power to position actors within places as having certain rights and duties.

In addition to talk, we also must consider the waysvisitors use their bodies through actions such as posing. It is in the interaction between gesturesand talk that unique meanings arise

serve as a part of museum visitors’ interpretive process, helping them articulate a description,response, interpretation, or experience of a particular piece of art.

Merleau-Ponty’s (1945/1974) notion that the body is central to all interactions andknowing in the world aligns with this article’s exploration of the body in museum experiences.In treating acts of perception as physiological as well as psychological (1945/1974; Joy & Sherry,2003), Merleau-Ponty also establishes a starting point for approaching acts of posing in relationto visitors’ aesthetic experiences

Posing occurs when a visitorattempts to mimic or re-create a figure from a piece of art with their body.

It is through this cycle of pose, comparison, focus, adjustment that meaning emerges. Posing isalso related to talk, and visitors are talking and posing as they interact with art and each other. Thatis, we may understand meaning making as the progression of this posing cycle in coordinationwith dialogical processes.

In contrast with models of individual interpretive processes, this study is grounded in a socio-cultural perspective on meaning making. An individual’s meaning making processes are situatedin overlapping personal, physical, and sociocultural contexts

I have increasingly come to view Math Moves! as a practice of desettling tacit mind-body dualist assumptions that narrowly delimit mathematical sense-making

resourcesarebeingpositionedtotapintothefundsofknowledge

the focus of joint parent-child attention and thus they serve the function of providing children an online structure for parsing, storing, and making in-ferences about evidence as it is encountered.

Specifically, a lens oflines of practicesuggests that,given certainconditions of practice,people will weave all sorts ofpreferencesintoongoing and long-term activities of interest, thus sometimes deviating from theintended curriculum and its topical core, often in dramatic ways

many communities especially emphasize keen observation in supportof participation in ongoing mature activities.

The teacher encourages the children to solve problems together andreflect on the process.

In U.S. classrooms children’s learning is often assumed to occur primarily bymeans of the teacher’s provision of information, in what has been called a factorymodel

In teaching/learning tasks, Mazahua (indigenous Mexican) parents used a par-ticipation structure in which children were treated as responsible contributors toa shared endeavor, coordinating with their parents and sometimes leading the ef-fort

What we call “listening-in” has been referred to by other authors as“eavesdropping,” which suggests that the people listened to would object, or “over-hearing,” which suggests passive chancing to hear, rather than active listening.

Words are an important aspect of communication in learning by intent participation,accompanying other forms of communication and joint action. However, wordshave different functions than in assembly-line instruction, where they are usedextensively to describe information out of the context of shared endeavors, andknown-answer questions are employed to quiz learners

There is also no separation of learning into anisolated assembly phase, with exercises for the immature, out of the context of theintended activity

In intent participation, words team with information available from observingongoing processes, along with articulate nonverbal communication embedded inaccomplishing shared endeavors. Explanations are given in the context of theprocess being learned

In the intent participation tradition, children who participate in mature activitiessee their efforts contribute to the family’s food or cash supply.

To doso, we contrast it withassembly-line instruction, which is based on transmissionof information from experts, outside the context of productive, purposive activ-ity

n the intent participation tradition, experienced people play a guiding role, facil-itating learners’ involvement and often participating alongside learners—indeed,often learning themselves. New learners in turn take initiative in learning andcontributing to shared endeavors, sometimes offering leadership in the process.In contrast, in assembly-line instruction, experienced people manage learners’behavior and communication. They subdivide the task, often directing but notactually participating in the activity at hand. They serve as experts, and the learners,in turn, are supposed to cooperate in receiving instruction and information andcarrying out assignments.

In the intent participation tradition, experienced people play a guiding role, facil-itating learners’ involvement and often participating alongside learners—indeed,often learning themselves. New learners in turn take initiative in learning andcontributing to shared endeavors, sometimes offering leadership in the process.In contrast, in assembly-line instruction, experienced people manage learners’behavior and communication. They subdivide the task, often directing but notactually participating in the activity at hand. They serve as experts, and the learners,in turn, are supposed to cooperate in receiving instruction and information andcarrying out assignments.

By 5–7 years of age, children in many communities have substantial responsi-bilities for child, animal, and household care, participating in most adult activities(Rogoff et al. 1975, Paradise 1987, Whiting & Edwards 1988). When young chil-dren are included in the social as well as the economic life of their community,they are participants in the adult world, not “in the way”

The contrast is not whether or not words are used, but the embeddedness orisolation of the words from the endeavors being referred to. In intent participation,talk is usedin the serviceof engaging in the activity, augmenting and guiding expe-riential and observational learning; in an assembly-line lesson, talk issubstitutedfor involvement.

Intent participation involves a collaborative, horizontal participation structure withflexible, complementary roles. This contrasts with assembly-line instruction’s hi-erarchical structure, organized with fixed roles in which someone manages others’participation, acting as a boss.

The processes of intent participation and assembly-line instruction are not nec-essarily tied to the type of activities or domain of knowledge (such as practicalversus theoretical endeavors or concrete versus abstract information). The distinc-tion is in the form of involvement, not in the subject.

We see the two traditions as descriptions ofprocesses, whereas the infor-mal/formal dichotomy is often applied toplaces.

Now,instead of routinely helping adults, children are often involved in specialized child-focused exercises to assemble skills for later entry in mature activities from whichthey are often excluded in childhood. These specialized child-focused situations—especially schooling, but also pre-school lessons and child-focused conversation infamilies—often employ instructional practices and a concept of learning that wereheavily influenced by the organization of factories, forming a cultural traditionthat contrasts with intent participation

Observers’ attention is likely to be quite different if theyexpect to be involved than if they observe incidentally. We focus explicitly onobservation as an aspect of participation. Our term “intent participation” refersto keenly observing and listening in anticipation of or in the process of engagingin an endeavor.

Theyobserve and listen with intent concentration and initiative, and their collaborativeparticipation is expected when they are ready to help in shared endeavors. Thistradition, which we refer to asintent participation,

In many communities that empha-size intent participation, adults expect children to watch and begin to take initiative

Adult-child con-versation in many communities occurs primarily for the sake of sharing neededinformation in the context of ongoing activities, rather than serving as lessons toteach children about talk or to provide disconnected bits of knowledge

Likewise, in-tent participation can occur in innovative schools

In a factory model the teacher strives for efficiency in the delivery of knowledgeand applies incentives (or punishments) to induce children to cooperate in the pro-duction process. The students cannot speak or help each other without permissionfrom the teacher. The teacher “delivers” the curriculum using specialized forms ofdiscourse, especially quizzing (in which the teacher asks questions to which sheknows the answer and evaluates the student’s response) to test the receipt of infor-mation.

Inuit men of ArcticQuebec reported that as boys they learned to hunt from just watching the menand learned vocabulary and many other things by listening to stories that were notintended for them, staying as inconspicuous as possible

Numerous studies in the behaviorist tradition have determined that observationcan be very effective for learning (Abravanel & Ferguson 1998). For example,children can learn complex concepts (such as conservation, rules of games, cate-gorization schemes, and rules of syntax) from modeled examples, without explana-tions (Zimmerman & Rosenthal 1974).

observationand listening-in are important for all children

Learning through keen observation and listening, in anticipation ofparticipation, seems to be especially valued and emphasized in communities wherechildren have access to learning from informal community involvement.

Monique’s comments reflect a strong sense of identification with the work

It emphasizes how adults help to structure children’s developmental tra-jectories and also the active participation by children in these processes.

Similar to the apprenticeship approach, in joint work youth were exposed tomature strategies used by more experienced practitioners. In this case, the focuswas on planning and carrying out a conference.

This researchhighlights a tension that can arise between designing exhibits to support scientific contentversus scientific inquiry processes.

This suggests that, while recognizing the power of interactive experiences,we should be skeptical about sweeping claims that interactivity is essential to learning, oreven that it necessarily creates the most powerful, memorable, or attractive experiences inour museums

One was the theory of Multiple Intelligences

For example, Maxwell and Evans cite evidencethat both children and adults recall actions they themselves perform better than those theyobserve

the children, as well as the teacher,are active teachers and learners.

. These funds of knowledge are sociallyinherited and culturally reproduced and developed (or discarded),and their distribution is a constant and dynamic characteristic ofhousehold life

From our perspective, both households and classrooms are con-ceptualized as culturally mediated systems of knowledge  systemsof living knowledge

Just as onthe first day, the children use the present to understand the past, andthe past to clarify the present:

Most of the hundreds of gender-marked terms the students used desig-nate problematic types of men and women-problematic in relation to the taken-for-granted progress orilliilvfemale relations posited by the cultural model.

artffaets'assifiiieoolli'aif'Olivfousancfilecessaij material sub-stance is embedded in ifie figiired world of their use. By the.sami;token tlii:y are both Tnsiiirfrient aiicfcalleCtivereiriem:Tirance.

capacity

As birds are born to fly, horses to run, and wild beasts to show fierceness, so to us peculiarly belong activity and sagacity of understanding

Four faults of prose style, with illustrative examples: (1) misuse of compound words; (2) employment of strange words; (3) long, unseasonable, or frequent epithets; (4) inappropriate metaphors.

More than that, they do not attribute any of this power either to the practical experience or to the native ability of the student, but undertake to transmit the science of discourse as simply as they would teach the letters of the alphabet,