Quarterly Journal of Speech
Vol. 95, No. 1, February 2009, pp. 4365
Bordering the Civic Imaginary: Alienization, Fence Logic, and
the Minuteman Civil Defense Corps D. Robert DeChaine
Current figurations of the ‘‘immigration problem’’ in the United States challenge our understanding of the rhetoricity of contemporary bordering practices. The public discourse of the Minuteman Civil Defense Corps serves to chart the alienization of undocumented migrants and the enactment of alien abjection on the U.S.Mexico border. Alienization promises an antidote to majoritarian anxieties regarding national disunity in the form of a shoring-up of cultural boundaries that border-crossing subjects render troublesome. Ultimately, the fence logic engendered by groups such as the Minutemen reveals how struggles over the boundaries of citizenship both enable and limit an affect-charged civic imaginary.
Keywords: Borders; Alienization; Minuteman Civil Defense Corps; Citizenship; Social Imaginaries
The specter of the border haunts the language of social relations. At present, some 12 million undocumented migrants reside temporarily or permanently in the United States.1 Many of them entered the country across the border with Mexico, a frontier spanning nearly 2,000 miles from the Californian Baja through Texas and to Tamaulipas. These border-crossing individuals, the majority of whom venture to the United States in search of work and enhanced economic opportunities, are not recognized by the U.S. government as citizens, defined in legal terms as native or naturalized rights bearers. Nor, for the most part, are they considered legitimate in the broader sense of what Charles Taylor terms ‘‘recognition’’*that is, they are not viewed as valued and respected members of the national community.2 Indeed, upon
D. Robert DeChaine is Associate Professor of Communication Studies and Liberal Studies at California State University, Los Angeles. An earlier version of this essay was presented at the 2007 National Communication Association convention in Chicago. The author would like to thank Editor John Louis Lucaites, Mike Willard, Michelle Ladd, Scott Rodriguez, and two anonymous reviewers, each of whom made decisive contributions to the quality of the essay. Correspondence to: Department of Communication Studies, California State University, Los Angeles, 5151 State University Drive, Los Angeles, CA 90032-8111, USA. Email: ddechai@calstatela.edu
ISSN 0033-5630 (print)/ISSN 1479-5779 (online) # 2009 National Communication Association DOI: 10.1080/00335630802621078
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close examination, the cultural politics of recognition reveals a telling link between state legitimacy and public morality. As Kent Ono and John Sloop note in their analysis of the role of media rhetoric in the passage of California’s Proposition 187 in the 1990s,
[T]he contemporary citizenship narrative casts immigration in moral terms: Those who abide by U.S. laws and procedures for how to become U.S. citizens are cast as good and moral citizens; those who do anything but systematically follow expectations of U.S. government officials and their supporters are seen as bad and immoral ‘‘illegals.’’3
The transgressive act of unauthorized border crossing thus produces a double exclusion: it renders migrant persons both legally and morally abject.
Given the subordinate status of undocumented migrants in the United States today, what is particularly interesting regarding the ‘‘immigration problem,’’ as it is typically invoked in public discussion, is that it is not framed predominantly in terms of the migrants themselves. After all, the United States is a nation composed of immigrants, so the oft-repeated narrative goes, and its promise as a land of opportunity for hard-working, law-abiding citizens continues to be exalted as among its preeminent gifts. Rather, the problem is most often cast in terms of a lack of border integrity: its leakiness; the ease with which undocumented migrants are able to slip across it unnoticed; and the inability or unwillingness by the U.S. and Mexican governments to seal, secure, and protect the national frontier and its stark line of demarcation. Notwithstanding the nativism and xenophobia that have historically shaped and continue to shape popular attitudes toward undocumented migrants in the United States, the problem of immigration, it seems, lies not with the migrant, but with the border.4
The prevalent characterization of the immigration problem as primarily a concern about the border gestures toward a number of longstanding assumptions regarding what a border is and how it functions. According to the traditional geography-based logic, a border exists as a given entity whose contours can be cleanly and clearly recognized, measured, and mapped.5 A border’s givenness and mappability implies its stability as a resource for delineating spatial territory. Despite its tenacity, the traditional border logic has increasingly been subjected to critique. This scrutiny is owing in part to the emergence and development of postmodern theories of the social character of space beginning in the 1960s, and to a subsequent proliferation of spatial metaphors endemic to human social life in a globalized world.6 Against the traditional view of borders as given and stable entities, the countervailing claim is that whatever form they may assume, all borders are socially motivated constructs.7 They are bounding, ordering apparatuses, whose primary function is to designate, produce, and/or regulate the space of difference. Thus conceived, borders simulta- neously shore up insides and mark off outsides while establishing the terms of their relationality. They perform both division and containment functions, differentiating the self from others, one culture from another, desirable elements from undesirable ones, and, often enough, ‘‘us’’ from ‘‘them.’’ Moreover, according to the revisionist
account, a border’s contingent configuration is often masked by certain political and economic discourses that labor diligently, sometimes feverishly, to maintain the semblance of stability, integrity, and reality. Recent scholarship in communication studies, chiefly in the area of immigration discourse, has begun to attend to the subject of borders and their cultural significance. A majority of this work aligns with critical scholarship that ascribes a truth function to the border, focusing on its constructedness and on the ambivalent identities of border(ed) subjects.8 Thus considered, a border operates as an inducement to action, deployed by agents in specific contexts to warrant claims to both unity and division.9 Circulating as a robust spatial metaphor, the figure of the border functions as a prevalent organizing doxa in a group’s collective vocabulary. Such assumptions, theorizations, and criticism regarding the constitution and function of the border beckon a considera- tion of two interrelated questions, each of which holds epistemological and ontological significance. What kinds of operations are at play in the construction of borders? And once entwined in the cultural fabric of a political community, how do constructed borders shape human values, attitudes, and actions?
The aim here is to focus on the rhetoricity of contemporary bordering practices by charting the ‘‘alienization’’ of undocumented migrants in the United States, and to explicate the operations by which alienizing discourse is enacted on and around the U.S.Mexico border.10 Alienization, I contend, is a bordering project that draws force from a variety of common linguistic and nonlinguistic resources to render individuals and groups abject and unassimilable*irredeemable others whose putative exclusion from the national body is virtually absolute. Alienization materializes as a reactionary rhetoric goaded by a profound anxiety of incompleteness, an anxiety akin to what Arjun Appadurai refers to as a ‘‘fear of small numbers’’ engendered by a minority population whose alterity is perceived by a majoritarian national ethnos as a threat to its unity.11 Thus conceived, alienization promises an antidote to disunity and incompleteness in the form of a shoring-up of cultural boundaries that border-crossing migrant subjects reveal to be troublesome. Moreover, as a form of world making, alienization shapes a population’s collective attitudes toward and practices of citizenship. I share Robert Asen’s view of citizenship as a discursive mode of public action that is ‘‘always conditioned by social status, relations of power, institutional factors, and material constraints’’; as such, citizenship enactment necessarily involves hegemonic struggles over the very meaning of the term ‘‘citizen’’ in a multipublic sphere.12 Evoking the concept of the ‘‘social imaginary,’’ I examine how struggles over the boundaries of citizenship both enable and limit an affect-charged ‘‘civic imaginary.’’ An analysis of alienization and its bearing on the constitution of the civic imaginary requires a shift in focus away from the consideration of borders as physical, geographical entities to consideration of their instrumentality as performative, sociocultural productions. It places emphasis on the process, practice, and affect of bordering, and on the effects, both material and discursive, of border rhetorics on particular social collectivities.
My chief ambition, then, is to throw light on the relationship between physical and social bordering practices, and to identify the very human implications of those practices for the shaping of civic culture. In order to lend historical specificity to the
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discussion, I focus attention on the crafting of public appeals in support of the Border Fence Project, an initiative launched by the Minuteman Civil Defense Corps (MCDC) in 2006. Originally created in 2005 by former elementary school teacher, military veteran, and California resident Chris Simcox in response to a perceived ineffective- ness of U.S. governmental action, MCDC proclaims itself to be ‘‘the country’s largest volunteer grassroots border security advocacy group,’’ boasting more than 350,000 constituents.13 The professed aim of the MCDC’s Border Fence Project is ‘‘to secure America’s sovereign territory against incursion, invasion, and terrorism’’ through the construction of a steel security fence along the U.S.Mexico border.14 The MCDC and its Border Fence Project has garnered considerable attention from popular media, and support from prominent members of the U.S. government. Drawing on a range of textual evidence including websites, speeches, visual and print media, an online discussion forum, and interviews with Simcox and other MCDC members, I show how the group’s public advocacy of the border fence reflects an articulation of economic, racist, and nationalist narratives that together produce a border rhetoric in which the alienized subject becomes both figurally and literally fenced out of the sacrosanct space of U.S. citizenship.
The MCDC’s Border Fence Project presents a timely example of a symbolic enactment of alienization that fuels public sentiment and influences policy regarding undocumented migrants in the United States. Rather than dismiss the organization as extremist, as popular U.S. media often do, or consider its views to be peripheral to dominant attitudes toward immigration, I argue that a close examination of the MCDC identifies its reliance on symbolic strategies and commonly shared values that are anything but radical. In the analysis, I hope to illustrate the ease with which physical and geopolitical borders map onto cultural and ideological borders. Against the popular argument that the immigration problem is preeminently about the integrity of the border rather than about the qualities of the migrant as a human being, I contend that their relationship is in fact profoundly fraught. ‘‘Suspect bodies,’’ asserts Lisa Flores, ‘‘carry the border on them.’’15 As a transgressive, racialized subject, the alienized migrant literally embodies the border, rendering problematic any tidy relationship between physical and social space.
Crafting the Abject: The Border(ing) Project of Alienization
An examination of the rhetorical dimensions of the border requires a shift in focus from borders to bordering, from a consideration of static entities to analysis of a dynamic practice. As a social ordering practice, bordering produces and enforces spaces of identity and difference, defining terms of identification and exclusion. As such, it influences a community’s ways of seeing and experiencing itself, its members, and those deemed to be outside or unworthy of membership. In this section, I outline a project of cultural and political abjection, whose symbolic form operates according to an affective logic of alienization. My intention is to identify the characteristic features of alienization, to explain its motivations and functions, and to suggest some of its implications for its bordered subjects. My discussion is informed by the
complementary projects of critical rhetoric and cultural studies, each of which claims a stake in uncovering operations of power that shape human experience.16 While I would propose a certain degree of applicability to non-U.S. contexts, my focus is on the specific formation of alienization in post-9/11 U.S. society.
Alienization in the United States did not materialize full-blown in the present social-political moment. Indeed, its current manifestation attests to a historical record of laws, policies, and practices reflecting longstanding attitudes about immigration and migrants. As Flores contends, ‘‘Contemporary images of immi- grants, such as that of the illegal alien, do not emerge in a vacuum. Instead, they are part of our nation’s history of immigration, race, and nation; they bring with them varied meanings, reflecting their origins and uses.’’17 This history has been steeped in nativism, an ideology based on a systematic exclusion of designated others, that can be traced back to at least the nineteenth century. Driven by the twin discourses of racism and capitalism, nativism has contributed to the construction of narratives that cast the migrant as culturally different or inferior, a necessary source of labor, and a drain on U.S. government resources.18 Its early manifestations are evidenced in the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, which denied migrants citizenship on the basis of national origin, and the Immigration Acts of 1921 and 1924, which placed numerical limits on immigration while entrenching for decades ‘‘a global racial and national hierarchy that favored some immigrants over others.’’19 During the Great Depression, as demand for labor diminished and job competition increased, nativism was reinvigorated in the form of voluntary repatriation campaigns that resulted in the deportation of a half a million Mexican undocumented migrants, U.S. citizens of Mexican descent, and permanent legal residents. During World War II, the U.S. government, presuming that all U.S. citizens of Japanese origin were racially inclined to disloyalty, incarcerated 120,000 persons, effectively nullifying their citizenship status. After the war, with the increased demand for labor, the government instituted the Bracero program, a contract labor policy for Mexican migrants that Mai Ngai describes as ‘‘America’s largest experiment with a ‘guest worker program’’’ to date.20 Arcing into the present, nativism has endured in actions such as 1954’s Operation Wetback, which led to the forcible deportation of more than a million Mexican migrant laborers, efforts in the 1980s to militarize the U.S.Mexico border, California’s Operation Gatekeeper, Propositions 187 and 209 in the 1990s, state laws mandating English-only policies, and recurring efforts to pass an English Language Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. As such historical patterns of response to migrants underscore, an account of the present conjunctural formation necessarily includes the history of nativist-born attitudes and practices that have designated immigration as a problem and the migrant subject as an undesirable outsider to the American civic community.
In its most elemental sense, alienization is a form of otheringa way of seeing and not seeing, of experiencing and not experiencingthat conditions modes of human subjectivity and action. Rather than considering alienization primarily as a condition, or as a terminal state, or in terms of a culmination of effectsalthough it is certainly experienced on each of these registersI propose that it is most usefully understood
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as an unstable hegemonic process that must constantly adjust the character of its form if it is to win the consent of a national community guided by properly American liberal democratic values. As a hegemonic process, alienization operates as a fundamentally rhetorical mode of action. Invoking Kenneth Burke’s formulation, it functions terministically to direct and reflect the experiential reality of symbol users.21 As a shaper of collective attitudes, it provides a national community with a repertoire of symbolic resources for naming and thus bringing into being its valuative structure. These resources include an array of metaphors ascribed to alienized persons, as well as linguistic and visual figures that serve both to condense and to amplify public values. As I elaborate below, for example, the metaphoric construction of an alien invasion, and inverted visual images such as an upside-down American flag or a photograph of a breached border fence, can provide powerful symbolic grist for mobilizing public sentiment against those perceived as threatening to the sanctity of American values and national security. Moreover, alienizing rhetoric operates according to an essentialist logic based on negative linguistic difference. As Mark Lawrence McPhail explains, ‘‘The socio-political realities of negative difference are products of a language defined in essentialist terms as much as they are a reflection of self-evident realities that exist independent of the languages we use to construct them.’’22 Viewed in this light, alienization operates as a moralizing discourse that tells the truth about undocumented migrants and the essential nature of their otherness. The terministic and ideological functions of language and imagery are integral to the development of a hegemonic border logic that negatively posits absolute identities onto other(ed) migrant individuals and groups.
Alienization signifies a context-specific conjuncture of discourses that interanimate and mutually reinforce one another. In its present configuration, it is enacted as an expression of racial, ethnic, and national identity that categorizes and differentiates Americans from non-Americans*or, more accurately, un-Americans. It demon- strates the intimate social and political linkage of race and nation in directing racism as an expression of xenophobic attitudes toward inferior and undesirable constituents of the national body.23 As a bordering practice, alienization shares much in common with what Howard Winant describes as ‘‘racialization,’’ a process involving attempts to fix identities provisionally in accordance with particular social, historical, and political attitudes about race.24 Furthermore, racializing rhetoric is readily linked with economic arguments that reinforce cultural and political attitudes toward migrants. In their analysis of the rhetoric of California’s Proposition 187, for example, Ono and Sloop describe the racialization of the migrant as the discursive production of an ambivalent subject who is both desired and reviled, necessary for both capitalist production and the object of ‘‘loathing of the laborer who does anything other than work specific jobs associated with facilitating the interests of efficient capital processes.’’25 Arguments about the migrant’s relative economic value are tethered to ideologically charged prescriptions of racial and ethnic identity. The undocu- mented migrant becomes both integral to and separated from proper capitalist relations of production; as such, alienization bears more than a passing resemblance to Karl Marx’s conception of ‘‘alienation.’’26
Alienization functions discursively to shape public understandings of social and political identities. However, to gauge its influence only in terms of discourse misses a great deal about what drives it as an expression of national communal values. At the motivational level, alienization operates according to an affective logic similar to that which Appadurai describes in terms of an ‘‘anxiety of incompleteness.’’27 Appadurai accounts for what he takes to be an increasing propensity towards ethnic-based violence committed by national majorities (including liberal democracies) against their minority populations, a tendency he attributes in large part to the anxieties of social life in a globalized world:
[W]here the lines between us and them may have always, in human history, been blurred at the boundaries and unclear across large spaces and big numbers, globalization exacerbates these uncertainties and produces new incentives for cultural purification as more nations lose the illusion of national economic sovereignty or well-being.... [T]he tip-over into ethnonationalism and even ethnocide in democratic polities has much to do with the strange inner reciprocity of the categories of ‘‘majority’’ and ‘‘minority’’ in liberal social thought, which produces what I call the anxiety of incompleteness. Numerical majorities can become predatory and ethnocidal with regard to small numbers precisely when some minorities (and their small numbers) remind these majorities of the small gap which lies between their condition as majorities and the horizon of an unsullied national whole, a pure and untainted national ethnos . . . . The anxiety of incompleteness (always latent in the project of complete national purity) and the sense of social uncertainty about large-scale ethnoracial categories can produce a runaway form of mutual stimulation, which is the road to genocide.28
According to Appadurai, it is the national ethnic minority populations who bear the brunt of the uncertaintiesand the violencespurred by globalization and its disjunctive modes of organization. Majorities, goaded by the anxiety of incomplete- ness and a fear of small numbers, find a scapegoat in the figure of the minority, whose presence is both necessary and unwelcome: necessary for dirty work such as fighting wars and shouldering menial labor, but unwelcome for the threats their racial, financial, linguistic, and cultural border-blurrings pose. Above all, Appadurai claims, national ethnic minorities ‘‘blur the boundaries of national peoplehood,’’ a cardinal transgression for which they are not to be forgiven.29 They are the embodiment of the anxiety of incompleteness. Minorities problematize the meanings of ‘‘us’’ and ‘‘them’’*and for that, they must pay.
Appadurai’s argument regarding the majoritarian fear of small numbers lends to an understanding of the affective logic of alienization in the United States today. In a globalized world, where both ‘‘vertebrate’’ and ‘‘cellular’’ tendencies of hypercapit- alism move across national boundaries with swiftness and ease, it is the figure of the border-crossing migrant who increasingly signifies the social (dis)ease of the U.S. border problem.30 To be sure, arguments casting undocumented migrants as criminals and threats to national security have long figured in U.S. popular, political, and legal discourse. However, public expressions of anxiety regarding the status of migrants have once again become pronounced in the wake of global free trade policies such as those engendered in the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs
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(GATT) and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). This has partly to do with the U.S.-led effort to relax economic borders under the auspices of creating an integrated North American market while at the same time resisting an equivalent integration of cross-border labor.31 However, underlying this contradictory policy, I contend, is an affective impulse motivated by fear of losing control. As economic borders loosen, sociocultural borders tighten; as the U.S. economy becomes ever more subject to the disjunctive flows of a global cultural economy, its majoritarian reaction is to allay its anxieties by maintaining control where it canon cultural terrain. In a post-9/11 climate stoked by an omnipresent affect of terrorthe threat of a cellular enemy who is both outside and potentially inside our national borders it is perhaps unsurprising that the population’s fears and uncertainties, as well as its search for enemies, turn inward. Undocumented migrants and their rapidly growing small numbers serve as constant reminders of the incompleteness of a unified, pure American ethnos. Their geographical and cultural border crossings are perceived as challenges, indeed threats, to national sovereignty. Alienization promises an antidote to border anxieties: the present U.S. cultural climate precipitates uneasiness and a compulsion to engage in shoring-up operations, to effect a return to an imagined wholeness, unity, authenticity, and knowability.
Thus conceived, alienization is the panicked reaction to the anxiety of incom- pleteness. Coursing through the national body, it casts alienized subjects as abject, inassimilable outsiders to the American community. The abject migrant is not absent from social experienceabjection is not synonymous with absence, as non- recognition is not the antonym of recognition. Rather, because she is both necessary and unwelcome, she is both visible and invisible, both acknowledged and ignored.32 Indeed it is this ambiguous positionality, the troublesome both/and of migrant subjectivity, that compels a national community to search for a means of reconciliation. However, reconciliation entails symbolic violence. In its materializa- tion as a border rhetoric, alienization operates through victimage. Blamed for the ills of a society that proclaims root values of tolerance and pluralism but longs for wholeness, the undocumented migrant fulfills the role of a ‘‘perfect enemy,’’ a vessel for that which the American reviles, disavows, and fears.33 Rhetorical victimage relies on reductive categories and stereotypical modes of representation in its rendering of the subject-scapegoat it designates. Marouf Hasian Jr. and Fernando Delgado note this reductive tendency in their analysis of California’s Proposition 187: ‘‘The typology of illegal immigrant becomes a signifier meaning Mexican (collapsing distinctions among Mexicans, Mexican Americans, Latinos) in a stereotypical manner similar to the social construction of welfare mother as African American female.’’34 Through victimage, the reductive figure of the border-crossing, border-blurring migrant serves as a vessel for containing the threat of an un-American presence from within.
As an ideological production that is woven thickly into the fabric of society, alienization is infused in the language and images of everyday communication practices. A reactionary expression of the nativism that has historically shaped the character of U.S. political culture, alienization assumes a more rather than less
ordinary rhetorical form. Nowhere is its manifestation more apparent than in the invocation of ‘‘illegal immigration,’’ a key figure that is rapidly subsuming the normative rhetoric of immigration in U.S. political culture. Its ubiquity in popular media, town hall meetings, public policy analysis, congressional hearings, and political campaign platforms attests to its ascendance as an orienting devil term. And the potency of illegal immigration is nowhere more concentrated than in the signifier for its idealized subject, the ‘‘illegal alien.’’
The illegal alien is the ideal embodiment of illegal immigration precisely because she is always already doubly stigmatized. Through a process of repetition and sedimentation in public culture, the articulation of the designations ‘‘illegal’’ and ‘‘alien’’ gives them the appearance of a singularity, of being inextricably interlocked. More and more, in fact, ‘‘illegal’’ is becoming an implicit modifier, the already- present threat that marks the alienized subject. To invoke the term ‘‘alien’’ is now nearly all that is required. Her illegality is given. Through the alien’s consolidation as the implicit subject-signifier of illegal immigration, alienization is enacted linguis- tically and performatively as a self-evident expression of the abject other. Moreover, through her tacit link with illegal immigration, the alien is made available for identification with a variety of other(ing) signifiers. These have historically included constructions of the alien as ‘‘criminal,’’ ‘‘communist,’’ ‘‘animal,’’ ‘‘dirt(y),’’ and ‘‘disease(d).’’35 Such signifiers call attention to the ultimately unknowable quality of the alien, an ascription that is threatening to the national community since it belongs to the one who seeps through the cracks, gets in and out, and troubles the very discreteness of the national inside/outside binary. Across all of its identifications and significations, it has become clear, ‘‘Whether invoked directly or indirectly, the figure of the ‘illegal alien’ is hauntingly consistent.’’36 Indeed, the totalizing ascription of ‘‘illegal alien’’ to the alienized subject performs an essentializing function that literally denies the possibility of a positive referent.
Given her overwhelmingly negative social-cultural status, redemption of the alienized subject is unlikely in the United States today. In order to be refigured as a potential member of the American community, she would need to undergo a radical transformation, entailing both avowed and ascribed identity reformation. In effect, the alien would have to become an altogether different person. It is true that there are legal pathways to U.S. citizenship, although in rapidly restricting forms.37 However, the fact that alienization involves concomitant racialization makes the prospect of redemption difficult, if not doubtful. Not only do border guards check papers, but since the alienized subject carries the border on her back, she is constantly subject to surveillance and search. She may or may not be what she seems; although she is among the community, although she may be naturalized, she is not naturally of the community. As Bhikhu Parekh astutely notes in his discussion of multicultural citizenship, ‘‘Although equal citizenship is essential to fostering a common sense of belonging, it is not enough. Citizenship is about status and rights; belonging is about acceptance, feeling welcome, a sense of identification. The two do not necessarily coincide.’’38
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Alienization, I have suggested, is a border(ing) rhetoric par excellence. It operates in U.S. society as a hegemonic project concerned with the forging and maintaining of dominant American civic values. At the structural level, it signifies an alliance of racist, capitalist, and nationalist discourses that materializes rhetorically. At the motivational level, it is goaded by majoritarian anxieties of national incompleteness and a longing for civic communion. Although reactionary in tone, it reflects widely shared values and attitudes. Dogged by the threat of an ambiguous enemy within, the primary labor of alienizing rhetoric is the production of the abject subject, the illegal alien, the embodiment of that which is both necessary and unwelcome in the space of U.S. citizenship. Reviled for her border-crossing and border-blurring behavior, the alien is constructed through symbolic acts of reduction and victimage. With her identity tethered to the negative, racialized figure of illegal immigration, the alien’s prospects for redemption are acutely diminished. Above all, the rhetorical production of the alien illustrates the collective desire for purity, perfection, and order*a compulsion, as Burke insists, that is a hallmark of the human condition.39 Put differently, although alienization appears primarily to be about the imputed qualities of the undocumented migrant, it is also substantially about the fraught logic of the border and the symbolic power that it wields.
Pledging ‘‘Eternal Vigilance’’: Rhetorical Alienization in the Minuteman Civil Defense Corps
Since its inception under the leadership of its founder Chris Simcox, the Minuteman Civil Defense Corps has been effective in shaping public attitudes about the immigration problem in the United States. Proclaiming itself as ‘‘one of the most important, socially responsible, and peaceful movements for justice since the civil rights movement of the 1960s,’’ Simcox and the MCDC have garnered support from a number of legislators, including Republican representatives Duncan Hunter of California and Tom Tancredo of Colorado.40 Like other contemporary social movement groups, the MCDC is acutely attuned to the politics of the public screen and its power to mobilize popular attitudes.41 In order to promote its mission and its border operations, the organization relies heavily on hypermedia for the dissemina- tion of information, public statements, speeches, fundraising campaigns, and volunteer musters. Its official and unofficial discourse proliferates in the blogosphere, and postings of speeches by Simcox as well as protests against him can be found on popular video sites such as YouTube. Its continued media presence and its often infamous appearances on college campuses have helped the MCDC to maintain a significant profile in the public conversation on immigration reform, while contributing to its ethos as a controversial activist group.
A substantial amount of the MCDC’s public advocacy has focused on its effort to secure funding for the construction of approximately 70 miles of fencing along portions of the U.S.Mexico border in southeastern Arizona. The MCDC has dubbed the initiative the Minuteman Border Fence Project, a campaign that serves as an umbrella for a number of regional fundraising efforts.42 Professing to be ‘‘doing the
job the [U.S.] President and the Senate refuse to do,’’ MCDC-aligned volunteers began constructing bits of the fence themselves in October 2006.43
Referring to the proposed border fence as ‘‘America’s ultimate protection against foreign invasion and terrorism,’’ the MCDC capitalizes on the historical symbolism of the Minutemen of the American Revolution, describing its undertaking as not a solution but an example of what committed AmericansWe the Peoplemust do in order to safeguard the border and the citizenry.44 Through its efforts to rally public support for a security fence along the U.S.Mexico border, particularly in its crafting of appeals that draw on affect-charged language and images of formative American values, the border(ing) rhetoric of the MCDC demonstrates how public under- standings of national identity, community, citizenship, and ‘‘the other’’ are mutually constructed. Reflecting commonly shared beliefs about migrants and immigration in U.S. political culture, its appeals bespeak a ‘‘fence logic’’ that effectively displaces claims about alien subjectivity and refigures them as claims about conditions said to result from nonsecure U.S. borders. In this way, the group enacts a project of alienization that avoids overt racism by framing the immigration problem as a concern about geographical borders rather than about the alien per se. In all, the MCDC contributes to the production of an anxiety-ridden narrative of citizenship of what it means to be a member of the broadly imagined American Community. Ultimately, its fence logic both shapes and reflects broadly held attitudes about culture and difference in contemporary U.S. society.
The MCDC demonstrates its similarity to other social-political movement groups insofar as its public appeals, if they are to be acted on, must successfully construct an orientation toward a situationa compelling exigency, a plausible accounting of involved actors, and a fitting and attainable mode of redress. What most distinguishes the MCDC from other activist groups is its particular crafting of a vision of national community, an understanding of civic identity that seeks resonance with a dominant regime of true American values. In constructing appeals that articulate values of social unity, national security, rule of law, and civic responsibility, the MCDC draws from a common vocabulary of U.S. political culture to advance an alienizing logic that shores up communal boundaries while simultaneously defining terms of exclusion.
The MCDC’s casting of the rhetorical situation turns on its characterizations of the duty-bound Minuteman volunteer and the nature of the national security nightmare at the U.S.Mexico border that impels him to action.45 The United States, the group warns, is a nation in peril. The threat strikes at the heart of the American democratic ethos: the Border Fence website asserts that the country ‘‘is under siege by forces and interests that have the capacity, over time, to destroy our great experiment of responsible self-government.’’46 The sovereignty of the nation and the unity of the American people have become jeopardized as a result of those whose unauthorized movements impinge on them. The danger, the MCDC insists, issues from the current state of unsecured U.S. borders, giving rise to a ‘‘human tsunami’’ of illegal border crossers and the threats they pose to citizen safety, economic stability, and cherished American values.47
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The forces and interests that are claimed to undermine American unity and sovereignty are both internal and external. In an address entitled ‘‘A Letter to My Fellow Americans,’’ Jim Wood, Executive Director of the Border Fence Project, cautions, ‘‘[T]he national language, character and culture of our sovereign American people are under attack by ‘multi-culturalism’ run rampant. It’s dangerous and it’s destructive.’’48 Employing violent metaphors and reductive categories to consolidate the gravity of the alien threat, constituents of the MCDC make repeated reference to the imputed ‘‘illegal invasion’’ now said to be underway.49 Such an evocation points to the danger to the American ethnos of an abstract, massified enemy already among us, ‘‘the illegal aliens residing in our midst who have been allowed by a feckless government to violate our laws and mock our sovereignty as a nation.’’50 The fear of increasing numbers of alien noncitizens in the United States and their ability to undermine American unity is further evidenced on the Border Fence Project’s website, which cites California as an example of the disunity produced by an ‘‘increased flux of illegals, who displace legal citizens whose numbers are decreasing there.’’
Moving unchecked across the U.S. border, the alien-enemy is now within, infecting the body politic. It corrupts the government, disunifies its citizenry, dilutes its culture, and precipitates a virulent strain of anti-Americanism: as Simcox stated, in response to May 1, 2007 demonstrations in which ‘‘anti-American extremist militants’’ flew upside-down U.S. flags and flew Mexican flags above the U.S. flag,
I think it exposes an anti-American, anti-European sentiment. And we see that on college campuses across the country. The vitriol, the hate. The hate groups that exist on college campuses and then take to the streets are calling for a reconquista of the United States.51
Flags and other visual imagery are routinely employed by the MCDC to dramatize the anti-Americanism fueled by the alien invasion. For example, an image on the Border Fence Project website titled ‘‘Tear for My Country’’ features a close-up photograph of a portion of a human face, eye cast downward, with a tear rolling down its cheek. In the foreground flies a Mexican flag, positioned on its mast above an upside-down American flag. Superimposed at the bottom of the image is an iconic rendering of Uncle Sam (unaccompanied by its familiar ‘‘I Want You!’’ caption) pointing at the viewer, as if to admonish her to take up the pro-American resistance. In public appearances, Simcox and other MCDC members also often display photographs of anti-American migrant protesters, offering them as evidence of an enemy in our midst whose force, like that of a virulent disease or inexorable flood, must be contained.
The destructive forces that threaten American unity, sovereignty, and democracy are the byproduct of more ominous threats to national security and public safety that an unsecured U.S. border represents. The MCDC invokes national security as a caution to Americans about the dangers of terrorism, criminality, and violence posed by an illegal invasion across broken borders. The alien-terrorist menace is real. ‘‘We’re being attacked by people from a foreign country,’’ exclaims Simcox; ‘‘Is that not
Bordering the Civic Imaginary 55
terrorism in its own right?’’52 Those who threaten national security, whether wittingly or unwittingly, are culpable: ‘‘If you’re breaking into this country when this country is at war, then you’re a potential enemy of this country, and you should be treated accordingly.’’53 In MCDC discourse, a link between illegal immigration and ‘‘terrorism,’’ another prominent devil term in post-9/11 U.S. society, is forged through an association of the border crosser with crime and violence. Simcox, emphasizing this association, makes reference to ‘‘the violence caused daily by illegal entrants and often violent alien intruders,’’ and advocates ‘‘the feasibility and efficacy of fencing to secure America’s borders from illegal incursion by aliens and international criminal cartels.’’54 And the alien-borne violence is growing.55 As the number of unauthorized border crossings increases, ‘‘More gang violence erupts in our cities by murderous thugs such as MS-13, the ruthless gang of self-professed friends of al Qaeda.’’56
The deadly admixture of crime, violence, and terrorism at the hands of undocumented border crossers is perhaps most dramatically asserted by the Border Fence Project: ‘‘Because illegal aliens murder 5,000 innocent Americans every year and we take a trillion dollar hit overall to our economy, illegal immigration rewards us with a 9/11 or worse every year.’’57 Close-up photographs of decrepit and hole- ridden fencing along the U.S.Mexico border, and images of aliens individually and collectively breaching the fence, are offered by the MCDC as evidence of the national security nightmare that is claimed to exist. A Minuteman Border Cam with multiple views of the border fence is featured on the MCDC website, so that viewers may witness for themselves the always-looming threat to national security in real time. By playing on national anxieties regarding a terrorist threat both beyond and within U.S. borders, the MCDC collapses categorical distinctions between terrorism, criminality, and alien subjectivity, drawing an abstract figure of the dangerous, already suspect un-American other.
The MCDC readily identifies the U.S. government as the primary agency responsible for the immigration problem. Although it is the alien who crosses the border into the United States, she is rarely directly named as the villain. Rather, the group insists, it is the U.S. government (and to a lesser extent, the Mexican government) and its lax attitude toward border enforcement that allows aliens to cross the border. The government’s negligence in upholding its commitment to safeguard the border has ominous consequences. As Simcox fervently warns,
The existing border crisis is a dereliction of duty by those entrusted with American security and sovereignty, leaving America vulnerable to terrorist infiltration and an unprecedented crime wave caused by drug smugglers, rapists, thieves, human traffickers and murderers who currently cross our borders at will.58
In its attribution of the problem, the MCDC fuses the values of national security and the rule of law, imputing a causal relationship between lax border enforcement, a permissive welfare state, and the economic and social burdens shouldered by law- abiding U.S. citizens. Placing emphasis on this causal relationship, Simcox calls on fence logic to offer a remedy:
56 D. R. DeChaine
When you secure the borders, cut off welfare and social services to illegal aliens at the expense of the American taxpayer, and strictly enforce the laws against hiring illegally, the problem of what to do with the estimated 12-20 million illegal aliens already in this country will drastically shrink in size and scope.59
Political, economic, and social reform such as that proposed by Simcox and the MCDC requires a strong, morally committed U.S. government. Simcox warns,
In a time of war, the future of the American republic hangs in the balance . . . . The confidence of we the people can only be restored by those elected officials who will truly act in defense of Americaher liberty, sovereignty, security and prosperity in the face of all foreign threats.60
Taken at face value, the MCDC’s assignation of blame to the U.S. government would seem to belie the main thrust of alienization, the chief operation of which is the rendering of the abject alien subject. However, the displacement of the alien and her deflection away from being the primary agent of blame is key to the crafting of the group’s persuasive appeals. For all its drama and hyperbole, the MCDC’s alienizing, nativist rhetoric appears on its surface to be relatively devoid of overt racism and open hostility toward migrants as persons. Notwithstanding the xenophobic tenor of its appeals, one is hard pressed to locate explicit epithets directed against migrants in its official discourse. It is tempting to attribute this lack of directness to what Stuart Hall terms ‘‘inferential racism,’’ those ‘‘apparently naturalised representations of events and situations related to race, whether ‘factual’ or ‘fictional’, which have racist premises and propositions inscribed in them as a set of unquestioned assumptions.’’61 As its narrative makes clear, inferential racism infuses the group’s language and visual imagery. Be that as it may, the indirectness of the MCDC’s alienizing project is also reflective of its formal construction, which effectively displaces an alien-centered threat and refigures illegal immigration as a border-centered threat. Alienizing rhetoric does not so much actively ascribe an identity quality to the alien subject as to passively describe that which is said to result from the condition of unsecured borders. As an effect of this formal refiguration, ‘‘invader’’ is reinscribed as ‘‘invasion’’; rather than an agent-centered claim that aliens are invading our nation, it is more common in MCDC discourse to encounter condition-centered statements such as ‘‘Our borders are under attack’’ or ‘‘Our borders are being invaded.’’ Likewise, agent-centered references to aliens as terrorists or criminals are more often refigured as statements referring to the threat of terrorism and criminal activity*both claimed to be effects of the condition of unsecured borders.
Functioning as the rhetorical form of inferential racism, alienization depersonalizes (and dehumanizes) the alien subject while providing the rhetor, whether an individual or an organization, with an alibi. By establishing a socially acceptable position for anti-migrant sentiment, one that places blame not on a person or an ethnic group but on an impersonal condition, the formal construction of alienization provides an inoculation against charges of racism and scapegoating. Thus conceived, rhetorical alienization allows the MCDC and other alienizers to proclaim unself-
consciously that broken borders, not aliens, are the source of the immigration problem.
As the MCDC’s account of the exigency works to underscore, the dire situation on the U.S.Mexican border demands immediate and decisive action. Against the corrupting forces of an alien invasion and a complicit U.S. government, the group calls on true Americans ‘‘to safeguard our beloved nation from violence, from sedition, from wholesale attack by those who do not love America and wish to see her destroyed or irremediably altered from a nation of liberty, equality, and justice, and a bastion of western civilization.’’62
Such an intervention requires selfless action, honor, respect for tradition, and love of country: moral qualities embodied in the figure of the MCDC citizen volunteer. Deriving ethos from the venerable narrative of the American Revolutionary Minuteman, the MCDC citizen volunteer exemplifies the values of a national polity based on the rule of law and civic responsibility. As Article Four of the Minuteman Pledge attests, ‘‘[a] Minuteman believes in a strong, safe and secure America that begins with borders open only to those who have a legal right to enter, and who have met all the lawful criteria to cross into our territory established by the sovereign American people.’’63
In its appeal to the U.S. citizenry to secure its borders, the MCDC extols individual and collective responsibility, cementing together American virtues of patriotism and duty in taking action against present and future threats of an alien invasion. The U.S. government’s dereliction of duty must be met by the force of duty-bound American citizens*patriotic Minutemen who ‘‘will not sit idly by while we are colonized by another country.’’64 As the Minuteman Border Fence Project proclaims, ‘‘The politicians will talk; the liberal media and the ‘Hate America’ crowd will offer AMNESTY to law breakers. The Minutemen will ACT in defense of America!’’65 The appeal to American responsibility is future oriented: in the fight to secure U.S. borders against the alien invasion, the ‘‘future security and public tranquility for generations of our American posterity’’ hangs in the balance.66 Looking toward the future well-being of the country, the MCDC citizen pledges his commitment to responsibility as an individual, consecrating it in a vow before God and his fellow Americans.
Invoking a phrase popularized by Wendell Phillips in a speech to American abolitionists, the Minuteman declares, ‘‘‘Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty . . . ’ And so I will stand watch on America’s borders and in her sovereign interest until relieved from duty by my fellow countrymen.’’67 As movement-oriented action, this commitment to responsibility is not simply individual; it is also collective. The MCDC pledges eternal vigilance, promising to ‘‘continue to stand watch at the border and report illegal activity, build border fencing, urge local and federal officials to enforce the law and push for the enforcement of our laws to keep our country and your families and children safe.’’68 Several Border Fence Project websites feature photographs of groups of MCDC citizen-patriots building, repairing, and guarding the border fence, offering a vivid demonstration of the organization’s collective commitment to civic duty and responsibility. The theme of eternal vigilance recurs
Bordering the Civic Imaginary 57
58 D. R. DeChaine
regularly in MCDC discourse and serves to codify its sacred pledge to the American people. On the California border, an MCDC-run outpost named Camp Vigilance serves as a base for the group’s semi-annual musters, from whence fence-building teams are organized and deployed. Additionally, the MCDC offers an opportunity to enact eternal vigilance virtually. On joining its ‘‘Become a Cyber Minuteman!’’ campaign, those owning property on the U.S.Mexico border are provided with motion-sensing surveillance cameras that down-stream video directly to MCDC representatives, local police departments, and U.S. Border Patrol agents.69
What is apparent from this brief examination of the MCDC’s rhetoric is that its impassioned call for greater U.S. border security bespeaks an intense border insecurity. Relying on common tropes of American identity in the crafting of its appeals, the group’s rhetoric reveals a stock of motivations consonant with broadly shared majoritarian anxieties. Through hyperbolic appeals to the oblique yet powerful values of social unity, national security, rule of law, and civic responsibility, the group crafts a vivid human drama in which modern Minutemen take up their historical calling to pledge eternal vigilance, dutifully safeguarding American borders from the threat that lies beyondand, increasingly, within. The current corruption of the U.S. government, its political process, its economy, and its cultural character provides proof that the danger posed by millions of necessary but unwelcome border- crossing aliens is real. The alien invasion strikes at the very heart of national civic identity, threatening its purity. Harboring terror both known and unknown, the invasion must be stopped; the future safety of American citizens and the sanctity of American values are at stake. The fear of small but increasing numbers of illegal aliens combines with anxieties of national disunity and a federal government complicit in a hegemonic project of colonization. Only a counter-hegemonic movement led by a unified corps of committed American patriots can hope to stop the invasion, fence the border, protect national sovereignty, and illuminate a path toward civic restoration.
As its appeals make clear, the MCDC relies on a fence logic that underwrites its construction of the immigration problem. In characterizing the threat of an alien invasion as preeminently an issue of border security, the MCDC contributes to an essentializing epistemology of the border. In its public discourse, national borders are static and given; their realness is never in question. The implications of such an epistemology and the worldview it constructs are not only political but profoundly ethical. Fence logic works to (re)inscribe the naturalness of geographical borders, positing the alien as a subject who is naturally out of place. Border security is thus framed as being about legal enforcement, not about wielding power and control. As Joseph Nevins explains,
[T]he ‘‘illegal’’ is someone who is officially out of placein a space where he does not belong. Thus, the official relationship of the ‘‘illegal alien’’ to the particular national space in which he finds himself defines his status. The practice of territorialitythe effort to exert influence over people and/or other phenomena by asserting control over a defined geographic areareinforces the designation of the ‘‘illegal.’’ Territoriality helps to obfuscate social relations between controlled and
Bordering the Civic Imaginary 59 controller by ascribing these relations to territory, and thus away from human
agency.70
It is not only geographical borders that are naturalized. As a territorializing apparatus, the MCDC’s fence logic also works to (re)inscribe the social-cultural borders as natural. Defining clear and self-evident lines between American citizen and alien invader, as the MCDC does, reveals the ease with which psychic territories and their cultural investments map onto and reinforce physical territories and their geopolitical investments. More importantly, the us/them binary that such bordering practices work to cement into place all but guarantees an irredeemable non-place for the racialized, alienized, border-crossing migrant in the United States today. Ultimately, as the MCDC’s rhetoric illustrates, the naturalization of borders reflects an affect-charged, ideological operation. It provides an anxiety-ridden American ‘‘we’’ with terms for ordera common-sense orientation for gauging the truth about people, places, social statuses, and communal allegiances.
Bordering the Civic Imaginary
I have argued for the centrality of the figure of the border in contemporary rhetorical culture. In so doing, I have advanced an account of political and cultural abjection that prompts a scholarly reorientation away from a static concept of borders toward a dynamic conception of bordering practices. Proposing alienization as the name for a racializing project that produces an abject migrant subject, I have focused attention on the articulation of discourse and affect and its labor across geopolitical and sociocultural space to subjugate the border-crossing migrant. In particular, I have aimed to convey a sense of the panicked character of alienizing rhetoric, and, through the example of the Minuteman Civil Defense Corps, to illustrate the enduring tenacity of fence logic in a globalized world.
Although reactionary in tone, the symbolic strategies that the MCDC uses to craft its appeals, and the attitudes it expresses, are far from radical. The liberal democratic values propounded by the groupunity, national security, the rule of law, patriotism, and responsibilityand the ordinariness of the language and images it mobilizes to advance its cause demonstrate the group’s close affinities with the tradition of U.S. social justice movements. As such, its narrative offers a cautionary tale about the all too easy slide from communal appeals based on majoritarian values to violent ethnonationalist exhortations.
Writ large, the fears and anxieties that spur the MCDC’s alienizing practices signal the increasing friction between the denationalizing tendencies of economic and cultural globalization and a redoubling of desire for a singular national community, purity, and civic identitya condition betraying a long history of racial, ethnic, socioeconomic, and gender exclusions in the United States. The alienization enacted by the MCDC and other adherents of fence logic is goaded by an overriding fear of losing control: this fear itself is based on a fictional premise*that the American community (and its putative boundaries of identity and citizenship) was ever in control, secure in a state of order, sovereignty, and wholeness. ‘‘Borders,’’ as Anne
60 D. R. DeChaine
Demo reminds, ‘‘function as an index of sovereignty because their very presence (real or imagined) symbolizes claims of authority over a territorial entity.’’71 In this sense, border(ing) rhetorics serve as crucial sites for investigating intersections of community, territory, identity, and power in contemporary society.
As the analysis illustrates, rhetorical renderings of the border are instrumental in the crafting of American civic community. In his discussion of borders and power relations, David Newman argues,
[T]he stronger the barrier function of the border, the more powerful the imagined, the more abstract the narrative of what is perceived as lying on the other side. Perceptions of borders usually focus on what exists on the other ‘‘invisible’’ side of the line of separation. Borders exist in our mind by virtue of the fear we have of the unknown of the ‘‘there’’ and which, in turn, causes us to stay on our side of the border in the ‘‘here.’’72
Newman’s emphasis on the correlation between the fear of the unknown, the perceived integrity of borders, and the mystification of the other speaks to the current hold that fear has on U.S. civic culture. The oxymoronic alien subjectshe who is both known and unknown, simultaneously inhabiting the ‘‘here’’ and ‘‘there’’ of the national bodyincites a redoubling of political and moral boundaries in an era of an omnipresent war on terror. Burke’s dictum that ‘‘[a] way of seeing is always a way of not seeing’’ aptly characterizes the situation of the always already suspect border- crossing migrant.73 The intensifying compulsion to deal with the immigration problem, a defining exigency of post-9/11 America, underscores the terministic power of alienizing rhetoric to direct and reflect the social reality of the abject alien noncitizen. Put another way: as alienization is enacted, citizenship is enacted.
Significantly, the fears and anxieties foregrounded in this discussion also attest to the force of the imagination as an integral agency in human social life.74 The construction of modern social imaginaries, according to Taylor, involves ‘‘the ways people imagine their social existence, how they fit together with others, how things go on between them and their fellows, the expectations that are normally met, and the deeper normative notions and images that underlie these expectations.’’75 Extending Taylor’s definition, my analysis of the excision of the alienized subject from the space of U.S. citizenship lends credence to an equally powerful notion of the civic imaginary as a social horizon for defining the constituents and limits of civic culture.
A contested space for adjudicating conditions of citizen identity and inclusion, the civic imaginary is a contentious production with material consequences for those who deliberately or incidentally occupy it. Both real and imagined, performative and affective, it is a consummately rhetorical space where culture and politics converge, identity is shaped, and power is wielded. An adjunct of the public sphere, it proscribes conditions for citizenship enactment and the voices that are to be included in and excluded from deliberation.76 More than anything, the space of the civic imaginary serves as an ethical horizon for the articulation of the citizen as an embodiment of personhood. For alienizers like the MCDC, civic personhood reduces the border-crossing migrant to a racialized juridical subject. Crucially lacking in such a formulation is consideration of the border-crossing migrant as a human being
worthy of recognition, respect, and dignity. For this alone, the present construction of the American civic imaginary warrants concerted critical attention.
Alienization continues apace in the United States today, with real implications for those alienized. In 2006, approximately 222,000 undocumented migrants were removed from the United States, roughly a 20 percent increase from the previous year.77 Moreover, as Ngai notes, ‘‘In the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001, the Department of Justice used immigration laws to arrest and detain over 1,100 aliens, many without charge and in secret.’’78 Despite resistance in Congress and protests by numerous city mayors and property owners, plans to complete a security fence along the U.S.Mexico border have been recently stepped up by way of a presidential mandate granting Michael Chertoff, Secretary of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, supra-constitutional authority to build it.
Current U.S. immigration policies and the social attitudes that shape them do more than affect individuals’ legal status; they tear apart families, deny basic services to those in need, and create conditions whereby growing numbers of the U.S. population are demonized as necessary but unwelcome nonpersons. Such attitudes and conditions, as Dana Cloud has convincingly argued, are not new. Indeed, they are entirely congruent with the naturalizing border epistemology of Samuel Huntington’s ‘‘clash of civilizations’’ thesis and its ascendant hegemony.79 What is novel, I have claimed, is the discursive-affective alliance that shapes its present rhetorical form.
The ordinariness of alienization as a mode of citizenship enactment beckons scholars to attend closely to the ways in which alienizing rhetoric works its way into the public vernacular. As I have hoped to show, its conception of the American citizen reveals a profoundly immoral discourse that excludes, racializes, and otherizes individuals and groups*a discourse all too readily conscripted for the cause of national unity in troubled times. A vibrant civic imaginary requires an understanding of personhood that moves beyond questions of legal status to include recognition and respect as formative constituents of citizenship. In the name of such a counter- hegemonic project, it is the debunking of alienizing practices that is urgently needed today. This does not mean substituting border logic for a logic premised on a ‘‘world without borders,’’ as some have suggested; to unborder, after all, is still a bordering practice.80 Rather, it entails a collective effort to recognize, make public, and work against alienization and its material and symbolic violence.
Such a project, I have insisted, begins by taking borders seriously. In his meditation on the ‘‘unreflective nationalism’’ that an uncritical view of borders is currently fomenting in U.S. civic culture, Robert Chang observes, ‘‘Although the border is everywhere, your perspective may render it invisible. It is through this invisibility that the border gains much of its power.’’81 Working to unmask this invisibility will be vital to a project that aspires to broaden rather than border the horizon of the civic imaginary.
Bordering the Civic Imaginary 61
62 D. R. DeChaine Notes
[1] Jeffrey S. Passel, ‘‘The Size and Characteristics of the Unauthorized Migrant Population in the U.S.,’’ Pew Hispanic Center, March 7, 2006, http://pewhispanic.org/files/reports/61.pdf/. It must be acknowledged that this is a contested statistic. My choice of ‘‘migrant’’ to characterize undocumented persons in the United States reflects my intention to leave open the variety of statuses, motivations, and modes of mobility of border-crossing individuals. For a sympathetic discussion of the term, see Mae M. Ngai, Impossible Subjects: Illegal Aliens and the Making of Modern America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), xixxx.
[2] Charles Taylor, ‘‘The Politics of Recognition,’’ in Multiculturalism and ‘‘The Politics of Recognition,’’ ed. Amy Gutmann (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 2573.
[3] Kent A. Ono and John M. Sloop, Shifting Borders: Rhetoric, Immigration, and California’s
Proposition 187 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2002), 26.
[4] Ronald Walter Greene, ‘‘Malthusian World(s): Globalization, Race, and the American
Imaginary in the Immigration Debates of the Twentieth Century,’’ in Argumentation and Values: Proceedings of the Ninth SCA/AFA Conference on Argumentation, ed. Sally Jackson (Annandale, VA: Speech Communication Association, 1995), 19195. See also Marouf Hasian Jr. and Fernando Delgado, ‘‘The Trials and Tribulations of Racialized Critical Rhetorical Theory: Understanding the Rhetorical Ambiguities of Proposition 187,’’ Communication Theory 8 (1998): 24570; Justin Akers Chaco ́n and Mike Davis, No One Is Illegal: Fighting Violence and State Repression on the U.S.Mexico Border (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2006).
[5] Michael Curry, ‘‘On Space and Spatial Practice in Contemporary Geography,’’ in Concepts in Human Geography, ed. Carville Earle, Kent Mathewson, and Martin Kenzer (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1995), 332; Henk Van Houtum, ‘‘The Geopolitics of Borders and Boundaries,’’ Geopolitics 10 (2005): 67279.
[6] D. Robert DeChaine, ‘‘Imagined Immunities: Border Rhetorics and the Ethos of Sans Frontie`risme,’’ in Interdisciplinarity and Social Justice: Revisioning Academic Accountability, ed. Ranu Samantrai, Joe Parker, and Mary Romero (New York: State University of New York Press, in press).
[7] Phil Hubbard, Rob Kitchin, Brendan Bartley, and Duncan Fuller, Thinking Geographically: Space, Theory and Contemporary Human Geography (New York: Continuum, 2002), 33; Joe Moran, Interdisciplinarity (New York: Routledge, 2002), 165.
[8] On the rhetorical constructedness of borders, see Lisa A. Flores, ‘‘Constructing Rhetorical Borders: Peons, Illegal Aliens, and Competing Narratives of Immigration,’’ Critical Studies in Media Communication 20 (2003): 36287; D. Robert DeChaine, Global Humanitarianism: NGOs and the Crafting of Community (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2005). On the ambivalent character of border(ed) subjects, see Gloria Anzaldu ́ a, Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza (San Francisco: Aunt Lute, 1987); Pablo Vila, Crossing Borders, Reinforcing Borders: Social Categories, Metaphors, and Narrative Identities on the U.S.Mexico Frontier (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2000).
[9] Aimee Carrillo Rowe, ‘‘Whose ‘America’? The Politics of Rhetoric and Space in the Formation of U.S. Nationalism,’’ Radical History Review 89 (2004): 11920.
[10] I borrow the term ‘‘alienization’’ from Joseph Nevins, Operation Gatekeeper: The Rise of the ‘‘Illegal Alien’’ and the Making of the U.S.Mexico Boundary (New York: Routledge, 2002), 143.
[11] Arjun Appadurai, Fear of Small Numbers: An Essay on the Geography of Anger (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006), 5152.
[12] Robert Asen, ‘‘A Discourse Theory of Citizenship,’’ Quarterly Journal of Speech 90 (2004): 204.
[13] Minuteman Civil Defense Corps, ‘‘Minuteman Civil Defense Corps Replaces Volunteer Administrators,’’ http://minutemanhq.com/hq/print.php?sid342/.
Bordering the Civic Imaginary 63
[14] Minuteman PAC, http://www.minutemanpac.com/about.php/.
[15] Flores, ‘‘Constructing Rhetorical Borders,’’ 381. See also Robert S. Chang and Keith Aoki,
‘‘Centering the Immigrant in the Inter/National Imagination,’’ California Law Review 85 (1997): 1397; Linda Bosniak, The Citizen and the Alien: Dilemmas of Contemporary Membership (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006).
[16] On the complementarity of critical rhetoric and cultural studies, see Maurice Charland, ‘‘Rehabilitating Rhetoric: Confronting Blindspots in Discourse and Social Theory,’’ Communication 11 (1990): 25364; Thomas Rosteck, ed., At the Intersection: Cultural Studies and Rhetorical Studies, Revisioning Rhetoric: A Guilford Series (New York: Guilford Press, 1999), 123.
[17] Flores, ‘‘Constructing Rhetorical Borders,’’ 363.
[18] Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo, ‘‘Unpacking 187: Targeting Mejicanas,’’ in Immigration and
Ethnic Communities: A Focus on Latinos, ed. Refugio I. Roch ́ın (East Lansing: Julian Samora
Research Institute, Michigan State University, 1996), 93.
[19] Ngai, Impossible Subjects, 3.
[20] Ngai, Impossible Subjects, 129.
[21] Kenneth Burke, Language as Symbolic Action: Essays on Life, Literature, and Method (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1966), 4462.
[22] Mark Lawrence McPhail, The Rhetoric of Racism Revisited: Reparations or Separation?
(Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2002), 66.
[23] Hemant Shah, ‘‘Race, Nation, and Citizenship: Asian Indians and the Idea of Whiteness in
the U.S. Press, 19061923,’’ Howard Journal of Communications 10 (1999): 251.
[24] Howard Winant, Racial Conditions: Politics, Theory, Comparisons (Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota Press, 1994), 59.
[25] Ono and Sloop, Shifting Borders, 27.
[26] See, for example, Marx’s discussion of alienation in ‘‘Economic and Philosophical
Manuscripts,’’ in Karl Marx: Early Writings, trans. Rodney Livingstone and Gregor Benton
(London: Penguin Books, 1975), 279400.
[27] Appadurai, Fear of Small Numbers, 810.
[28] Appadurai, Fear of Small Numbers, 79.
[29] Appadurai, Fear of Small Numbers, 45.
[30] Appadurai, Fear of Small Numbers, 2131.
[31] Douglas S. Massey, ‘‘Understanding America’s Immigration ‘Crisis’,’’ Proceedings of the
American Philosophical Society 151 (2007): 30927.
[32] It is worth adding that women and men are often differently alienized. As some scholars have
noted, the meaning of ‘‘alien’’ is itself gendered, shifting its connotation according to particular sociohistorical exigencies. Hondagneu-Sotelo, for example, notes, ‘‘Contemporary xenophobia targets women and children because it is they who are central to making settlement happen’’ (‘‘Unpacking 187,’’ 93).
[33] Burke, Language as Symbolic Action, 18.
[34] Hasian and Delgado, ‘‘Trials and Tribulations,’’ 257.
[35] Otto Santa Ana, ‘‘‘Like an Animal I Was Treated’: Anti-immigrant Metaphor in U.S. Public
Discourse,’’ Discourse and Society 10 (1999): 191224. See also Sarah Hill, ‘‘Purity and Danger
on the U.S.Mexico Border, 19911994,’’ South Atlantic Quarterly 105 (2006): 77799.
[36] Flores, ‘‘Constructing Rhetorical Borders,’’ 363.
[37] With a recent increase in applications for U.S. naturalization, and under pressure to err on
the side of caution in vetting applicants for potential security threats, federal examiners have increased their rejection rates. In 2007, for example, approximately 12 percent of applications for naturalization were denied. See Julia Preston, ‘‘Perfectly Legal Immigrants, Until They Applied for Citizenship,’’ New York Times, April 12, 2008.
64 D. R. DeChaine
[38] Bhikhu Parekh, ‘‘What Is Multiculturalism?’’ Multiculturalism: A Symposium on Democracy in Culturally Diverse Societies 484 (December 1999), http://www.india-seminar.com/1999/ 484/484%20parekh.htm/.
[39] Burke, Language as Symbolic Action, 324.
[40] Chris Simcox, ‘‘About Us,’’ Minuteman Civil Defense Corps, http://www.minutemanhq.com/
hq/aboutus.php/.
[41] Kevin Michael DeLuca and Jennifer Peeples, ‘‘From Public Sphere to Public Screen:
Democracy, Activism, and the ‘Violence’ of Seattle,’’ Critical Studies in Media Communication
19 (2002): 12551.
[42] The Border Fence Project emerged on the heels of the 2006 Secure Fence Act, authored by
California Republican Representative Duncan Hunter, which required the U.S. Department
of Homeland Security to build 854 miles of fence along the 1950-mile U.S.Mexico border.
[43] Chris Simcox, ‘‘Senate and President Promote Anarchy at Borders and in American Cities,’’ Minuteman National Blog, April 11, 2006, http://www.minutemanhq.com/b2/index.php/
national/2006/04/11/.
[44] Border Fence Project, BorderFenceProject.com, http://www.borderfenceproject.com/.
[45] Chris Simcox, ‘‘Minuteman Corps Expands is [sic] Efforts to Secure the Border,’’ Minuteman
Border Fence, January 2, 2007, http://www.minutemanhq.com/bf/pl7.php/.
[46] ‘‘About Us,’’ Minuteman Border Fence, http://www.minutemanhq.com/bf/about.php/.
[47] Simcox, ‘‘Minuteman Corps.’’
[48] Jim Wood, ‘‘A Letter to My Fellow Americans,’’ BorderFenceProject.com, http://www.border
fenceproject.com/letter.shtml/.
[49] See, for example, Minuteman Border Fence.
[50] Chris Simcox, ‘‘Open Letter to the President of the United States,’’ MCDC Forums, June 19,
2007, http://forum.minutemanhq.com/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?t11793/.
[51] Chris Simcox, interview by Trish Hinojosa, NOW on the News, PBS, May 4, 2007.
[52] Chris Simcox, interview by Alan Colmes, Hannity & Colmes, Fox News, April 3, 2006.
[53] Susy Buchanan and David Holthouse, ‘‘Minuteman Leader has Troubled Past,’’ Southern
Poverty Law Center, http://www.splcenter.org/intel/news/item.jsp?aid149&site_area
1&printable1/.
[54] Simcox, ‘‘Open Letter’’; ‘‘Donate to the Minuteman Border Fence,’’ Minuteman Border Fence,
https://secure.responseenterprises.com/mmfence/?a571.
[55] The MCDC works to document what it perceives as an increase in criminal activity in the
United States as a result of unsecured borders. For example, the online MCDC forum includes a main thread titled ‘‘Illegal Alien Crime,’’ with the subheading ‘‘Please post any articles about illegal alien crime and DUI incidents here. Having these in one place will illustrate the tragic consequences of illegal migration.’’ ‘‘MCDC Forums,’’ Minuteman Civil Defense Corps, http://forum.minutemanhq.com/phpbb2/.
[56] Simcox, ‘‘Minuteman Corps.’’
[57] ‘‘DIY Border Fence,’’ PirateNews.org, http://www.piratenews.org/newswire/html/. No docu-
mentation for either of these statistics is provided on the website.
[58] Brian Bonner, ‘‘Minutemen to Build Arizona-Mexico Border Fence,’’ April 20, 2006, http://
bonner.wordpress.com/2006/04/20/minutemen-to-build-arizona-mexico-border-fence/.
[59] Chris Simcox, ‘‘Message from Chris Simcox,’’ Minuteman Border Fence, http://www.
minutemanhq.com/bf/about.php/.
[60] Simcox, ‘‘Open Letter.’’
[61] Stuart Hall, ‘‘The Whites of Their Eyes: Racist Ideologies and the Media,’’ in The Media
Reader, ed. Manuel Alvarado and John O. Thompson (London: BFI Publishing, 1990), 13.
[62] Minuteman Civil Defense Corps, ‘‘About Us.’’
[63] Minuteman Civil Defense Corps, ‘‘The Minuteman Pledge,’’ http://www.minutemanhq.com/
hq/mmpledge.php/.
[64] Wood, ‘‘Letter to My Fellow Americans.’’
Bordering the Civic Imaginary 65
[65] ‘‘Build It Now!’’ Minuteman Border Fence, http://www.minutemanborderfence.com/.
[66] Simcox, ‘‘Open Letter.’’
[67] Minuteman Civil Defense Corps, ‘‘Minuteman Pledge.’’
[68] Simcox, ‘‘Minuteman Corps.’’
[69] ‘‘Become a Cyber Minuteman!’’ BorderFenceProject.com, http://www.borderfenceproject. com/cybermm.php/.
[70] Nevins, Operation Gatekeeper, 14748.
[71] Anne Demo, ‘‘Sovereignty Discourse and Contemporary Immigration Politics,’’ Quarterly
Journal of Speech 91 (2005): 295.
[72] David Newman, ‘‘On Borders and Power: A Theoretical Framework,’’ Journal of Borderlands
Studies 18 (2003): 20.
[73] Kenneth Burke, Permanence and Change: An Anatomy of Purpose (New York: New Republic,
1935), 70.
[74] Cornelius Castoriadis, The Imaginary Institution of Society, trans. Kathleen Blamey (Cam-
bridge, MA: MIT Press, 1987). See also Arjun Appadurai, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996); Charles Taylor, Modern Social Imaginaries (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004); Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983).
[75] Taylor, Modern Social Imaginaries, 23.
[76] See, for example, Michael Warner, Publics and Counterpublics (New York: Zone Books, 2005);
Dilip Parameshwar Gaonkar and Benjamin Lee, eds., ‘‘New Imaginaries,’’ Special Issue, Public Culture 36 (2002); Robert Asen and Daniel C. Brouwer, eds., Counterpublics and the State (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001); Craig Calhoun, ed., Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1993).
[77] Julia Preston, ‘‘As Pace of Deportation Rises, Illegal Families Are Digging In,’’ New York Times, May 1, 2007. I was unable to locate reliable data regarding 2007 deportation rates.
[78] Ngai, Impossible Subjects, 269.
[79] Dana L. Cloud, ‘‘‘To Veil the Threat of Terror’: Afghan Women and the BClash of
Civilizations in the Imagery of the U.S. War on Terrorism,’’ Quarterly Journal of Speech 90
(2004): 285306.
[80] DeChaine, ‘‘Imagined Immunities.’’
[81] Robert S. Chang, ‘‘A Meditation on Borders,’’ in Immigrants Out! The New Nativism and the
Anti-Immigrant Impulse in the United States, ed. Juan F. Perea (New York: New York University Press, 1997), 244, 246.