Are the forms of participation val-ued in one setting met with disciplinary responses in another? If so, how might young people subsequently interpret their own roles and capabili-ties differently across settings?

n a way, the chairs are much less chairs than they are, in Heideggerian language, present at hand (Heidegger, 1962/1927). Meanwhile, embodied activity and experience work fluently in the background, positioned largely in service of performing the practical work of measuring, writing, and communicating.

the multi-sensory, interactive, and materials-rich design of the exhibits tacitly proposes a more material ontology of mathematical objects and a fleshier epistemology of mathematical knowledge. Math Moves!tells the visitor a story in which mathematics inheres in tangible objects and events while mathematical knowing happens in hands and feet just as much as in the head.

the authors illustrate how a desettling paradigm stands to expand contexts for learning and development in ways that are more inclusive, heterogeneous, and transformative.

In youth organizations, the praise and appreciation, the unifying dictum of being "in step," "on cue," and "on the same beat," as well as the opportunity to be heard and seen in legitimate publicly sanctioned settings, bring the collectivity together. No single individual could gain such an audience, and the power of the group transmitting as a single body remains in the forefront of consciousness in dance troupes of youth organizations

This clowning feature included direct public threats to exclude individual youths from the forthcoming per­formance if they did not listen, remember routines, follow routines, and attend practices regularly, as well as direct responses to students' questions or comments during practice

dance will help the youngsters aca­demically and personally.

arents who suppott their youngsters in the Juniors see the dance troupe as one way both to keep their kids busy with friends "of their own kind" and to ensure that their children continue to see themselves as members of their own Old European immigrant group

entertainment certainly did not appear to be a warranted goal of youth programs.

e problems of young people had been too persis­tently cast as needing direct and practical solutions rather than what many :. reg;1rded as the frivolity of the art

In general, it appeared as though groups with richer discussions and interactions, and moredemonstrated knowledge in the art domain were the groups more likely to engage in posing

found 18 instances of unprompted posing across five of the eight subject groups in the maingallery

It was importantin the overall study to minimize the role of the “school context” in influencing these students’participation.

In a sense, the pose can be understood as an embodied interpretive space that allows the pairto both perceive and find meaning in the work.

metaphoricgesturespresent a perceptual relationship, but instead refer to an abstract object or content

Posing with art is a largely unexplored yet significant aspect of the cultural practice of partic-ipation at museums. Around the world, we commonly see visitors and tourists posing in frontof statues, paintings, or other monuments or works of art.

Thus visitors posing with artwork are engaged in a reflexive process making meaningabout gesture itself. By performing a pose, visitors are implicitly assigning intentionality to theartist, and a pose may be understood as a “posed question” about the potential meanings of awork.

Meaning is not presented by gesturebut develops, in part, through gestural interaction.

optionalratherthanintegralpartsofthecurriculum

Asidefromthisexhibit,however,theroomwasnoisy,raucous,asiteofplayratherthaninstruction.

disinterested`artappreciation’

nonetheless,itidenti®esprocessesthathavefundamentallychangedthelivesofyoungchildren,isolatingtheminhousesandneighbourhoodsemptiedofstreetlife,socialdiÄerenceandopportunitiesforcommunalactivity

participant

itstillremainstoteachpeopletoreaditthatway,oratleasttoteachthemthatthereisaparticularwaytolookatthingswhendowntown

settings

Although it was possible, and accepted practice, to innovate and utilize space in differentways in a skatepark, members of this community responded to what they considered to be Zack’sinappropriate use of the space. According to Roy, issues of power and status—Zack was neithera well-liked member of the community nor an experienced skater—influenced what they did

They both oriented to their time together as a learning event for Laura: Laura asked ques-tions, watched Austin, and practiced while Austin watched Laura, demonstrated, offered advice,and cheered her on

however briefly, their own and one another’sskating.

To gather enough speed tocomplete the trick, the two had to skate to the other end of the park, giving them both enough timeto watch the other

Because these videos, still image sequences, and even pri-vate skateboarding lessons from experienced skateboarders are readily available, such resourcesare not entirely rejected.

As Roy described it, they “snaked” him: “Four of ’em just following this kid around the parkeverywhere he skates,” sometimes cutting him off, until finally he left the park in frustration

Potentially, youth counter-mapping could have conse-quences both for ‘‘on the move’’ experience and for official versions of city neighborhoods

Limmud NY

he availability of distinctsitesandcommunities of practice,each of which espoused a certain instantia-tion of the hobby—that is, a particular substantive focus of astronomy practice,including observations of various kinds, teaching, reading, socializing, and soon—afforded the practitioner the possibility of tailoring his or her practice in avariety of ways

Sharing of resources is key here. Jackie had the most powerful scope in thegroup, and therefore it often served as the primary instrument for their observa-tions, especially when it came to the most faint objects on the list. By comparingviews across many scopes, astronomers could develop a better sense for theirobservations

Bothlines of practiceandconditions of practiceare shown as arrows because they change and evolveover time

Taking detailed observationalnoteswas thus a naturalextension of Mitchell’s many other daily practices, and it too shaped and sus-tained his astronomy practice

events such as eclipses, comets, and planet alignments are periodicbut relatively rare, and thus they always attracted Mitchell’s attention, as well asothers’. Likewise, one-time occurrences such as the birth of a nebula are also rareand thus Mitchell and others often took the time to observe them

ngaged participatio

hundreds of members, a strong online presence, and a full yearly calendar ofvaried events (e.g., lectures, business meetings, outreach efforts, field trips, and,of course, regular observing practice)

Preferencesare long-termgoals(observational,material, aesthetic, practical, social,and others),values, beliefs,and so on thattogether form a multidimensional motivational structure behind one’s extended,self-motivated engagement in a practice.

Where and When Did He Practice Amateur Astronomy?

The observable context, plus prior norms of behavior and cause-and-effect events in the adult—child relationship, enables the child to interpret the "I'll pinch you" statement as a conditional meaning, "If you touch the gum, I'll pinch you

"spectate knowingly

Through verbal and non-verbal interaction, everyone in the space around the sculpture engaged in co-creating shared experiences of learning as evidenced above

Young children are sometimes described as intuitive scientific thinkers with an instinct for seeking out evidence, noticing patterns, drawing con-clusions, and building theories. Yet, although children may engage natu-rally in collecting and organizing evidence in everyday settings, they do so in ways that are not necessarily consistent with formal definitions of good scientific thinking

ately from her "teacher" voice into a more excited and proud-sounding par-ent voice, implicitly praising the boy and asking how he knew what the ob-ject was.

The facilitative effect of explanation,(also holds for children, although they are less likely than adults to spontaneously generate explanations in the course of exploration, categorization, or problem solving.

ISlANDS OF EXPERTISE

In our work we have been interested in exploring the hypothesis that ~conversation, and parent explanation in particular, contributes to .. 1 ~. / building islands of expertise in informal learning.

Parents have a fairly good sense of what their children know and, often, they gear their answers to an appropriate level

An island of expertise is a topic in which children happen to become inter-ested and in which they develop relatively deep and rich knowledge.

However, their behavior can also be interpreted as having a much more direct engagement with themuseum than others –especiallythosewho grew fatigued and retreated to their phones.

Instead of thinking about what they wanted to see, and making a point to seek it out, visitors tended to passively follow the flow of traffic, idly circulating around the room gazing at a piece of art before moving on.

During this same practice, Octavia and anotherstudent took responsibility for leading the practice of the elementary school "club"team that practiced with them.

Dolores observed that adults made room for youth input and ownership by de-taching themselves from the project and letting youth make key decisions.

Vanessa, the executive direc-tor of Youth Rising, said that she felt pressure for groups like hers to appear“youth-led,” but that this was sometimes unproductive because youth need supportto develop certain skills necessary for political action.

the fact that people in TRUE expected me to contribute along with every-one else to planning the conference gave me insight into the shared division of la-bor among adults and youth there.

argued that in the 1990s, the category “youth” gainedsymbolic meaning “as apolitical identity, a shared worldview that provided the ba-sis for collective action”

Adult neutrality extended to decisions about the content of the project. Adultsrefrained from directly teaching a particular political stance or from voting on thechoice of campaign topic.

An analysis of teaching practices outside of school must deal with a basic problem:One rarely encounters “teachers” there, at least in the conventional sense of author-ity figures who develop curricula, implement lesson plans, and assess studentknowledge

he principal limitation of joint work, therefore, is that youth with less experi-ence or knowledge in the domain are given little support or assistance. Althoughadults modeled expert strategies for novices, this modeling was usually tacit. Theresult was that novices played more peripheral roles throughout the planning pro-cess. This contrasted with YELL and Youth Rising, where activities were designedto foster novices’ participation.

Adultsrefrained from directly teaching a particular political stance or from voting on thechoice of campaign topic. Instead, they facilitated discussions in which youth wereexpected to initiate and evaluate one another’s ideas with limited input from adults.

One conversation revolved around the shared observationthat youth deferred too much to the adult facilitators in small groups.

Second, unlike either facilitation or apprenticeship, joint work rarely includedelements of a youth-centered environment, such as skill-building workshops or ef-forts to foster group belonging. Aside from periodic check-ins at the beginning ofmeetings, there were no team-building activities. The TRUE project resembledwhat one might expect a planning process to look like in a workplace or commu-nity group, in which the primary goal is to complete the project successfully ratherthan to teach, mentor, or counsel certain members.

One unique aspect of youth activism groups, however, has to do with an em-powerment discourse that assigns political significance to the distinction betweenyouth and adults.

Observers often de-scribe this process as a form ofscaffolding, which implies temporary assistancethat will be withdrawn gradually as the learner assumes greater mastery (in con-trast todistributed intelligence, in which collaboration among actors and tools isan ongoing feature of an activity; Pea, 2003

I define jointwork as a form of collaboration whereby adults participate alongside youth, likeapprenticeship. But, unlike apprenticeship or facilitation, in joint work the envi-ronment is not youth-centered. During this phase of the project there appeared tobe little effort to position youth as leaders of the project, distance adults from theproject, or operate as if one group or another were supposed to be in charge.

adults sought to hand over progressively more re-sponsibilities to youth organizers. Although adults did not fade from active moni-toring to the same extent as those in YELL, they did invite youth to help shape thedirection of the campaign and play a variety of leadership roles.

Instead,adults shared political views with youth, pitched in to complete campaign tasks atkey points, and participated in most decisions. I describe this form of guidance asapprenticeship: Adults were veteran activists who participated in the same en-deavor as novices, while nevertheless structuring activities in ways that were sensi-tive to youths’ skill levels.

Through interaction with public officials and community members, such groupschallenge social constructions of youth of color as apathetic or uninvolved

On the other hand,they lack access to the venues where policy decisions are made and are rarely takenseriously as legitimate participants in decision making

Third-party observation is especially understudied, although the research onlanguage learning and learning from the media makes it clear that it is power-ful. Third-party observation appears to be especially important in some culturalcommunities. For example, learning through eavesdropping was emphasized inan African-American community where toddlers participated in daily communityevents and spent hours sitting still and listening to adults converse (Ward 1971).Similarly, in Kaluli language learning in Polynesia, little speech is directed to tod-dlers, but they are surrounded by people talking to each other and commentingon the toddlers’ activities within earshot (Schieffelin 1991). Inuit men of ArcticQuebec reported that as boys they learned to hunt from just watching the menand learned vocabulary and many other things by listening to stories that were notintended for them, staying as inconspicuous as possible (Crago 1992). Maori (NewZealand) adults reported that they were “sure that their parents and grandparentsdeliberately turned a blind eye to them hovering on the fringe of adult conversationsas adolescents, allowing them to pick up information” (Metge 1984, p. 10)

Learning in European-descent NewZealand children who had participated directly in an event did not differ fromlearning in those who only observed, when children showed their learning byenacting the event (Murachver et al. 1996).

Efforts to transform the structure of formal schooling have encountered chal-lenges related to adults’ difficulties in learning to engage in radically different par-ticipation structures.

For example, children are able to learn new vocabulary wordsafter exposure to television stories that contained those words (Huston & Wright1998). Watching violent television in early childhood predicts later aggressivebehavior (Huston & Wright 1998, Bushman & Anderson 2001). Similarly, evenshort-term exposure to video game violence is associated with higher aggression(Anderson & Bushman 2001).

young children learning theirfirst language and continues in importance throughout life. However, it has re-ceived relatively little research attention

n communities in which children engage regularly with adults in mature activi-ties, they may seldom be involved in specialized child-focused instruction (Morelliet al. 2003; Rogoff 1990, 2003)

The aide later commented that the Yup’ik way of instructing is aconversation in which students] speak to each other freely, helping each otherout on a subject:::. They build on each other.

in the face of enormous growth instudent populations.

As industrialization spread, schooling was made compulsory and the amount oftime spent in school increased. This further limited U.S. children’s opportunities toparticipate in the mature activities of their families and communities (Chudacoff1989, Hernandez 1994).

Children in many communities begin to participate in work and other matureactivities from age 3 or 4 (Chamoux 1986, Martini & Kirkpatrick 1992). In afarming community in East Africa, 3- and 4-year-old children spent 25–35% oftheir time doing chores, whereas middle-class U.S. children of the same ages spentonly 0–1% of their time doing chores and 4–5% of their time accompanying othersin chores (Harkness & Super 1992)

For example, af-ter exposure to models who were reading aloud, preschool children spontaneouslypicked up books and imitated the adult’s reading (Haskett & Lenfestey 1974).

Instead of doing exercises out of the context ofthe productive use of skills and information, young children’s integration in familyand community activities allows them to become increasingly deeply involvedthrough their intent participation.

We see the two traditions as descriptions ofprocesses, whereas the infor-mal/formal dichotomy is often applied toplaces.

adly, suchaesthetic exhaustion has now become relatively rare

Although Oppenheimer’s educational model was complex andnonprescriptive, the basis of his approach to exhibits was compatible with that of Dewey,giving central importance to the role of direct experience of phenomena, and trying to presentthe learner with a problematic experience from which he/she could conduct genuine inquiry.It is also compatible with the Piagetian notion of disequilibration as a driver for learningthrough change of existing knowledge schemas

individualistic understanding of behaviour and experience in museumsand galleries

It is relatively rare in galleries and museums – even those which houseobjects and artefacts designed to facilitate co-participation and collaboration– to find strangers coming together to explore and discuss particular exhibits.

It is interesting to note,however, that certain aspects of the piece that were designed to encourageindependent viewing and collaboration – for example the ability to remove andhold the mirrors – are rarely exploited or even discovered unless shown topeople.

When exhibited we decided not to give any written instructions,rather to let the participants discover for themselves, or others, the nature ofthe work. Occasionally, however, there was some verbal encouragement anddemonstration.

seen to witness the activities of others, to responding to their action andhaving them respond to yours.

how long they spend withan exhibit, and how they look at and experience particular objects andartefacts may well arise in and through interaction with others – not justthose they may be with but others who happen to be within ‘perceptual rangeof the event

In particular, we wish toconsider the ways in which we can take ‘low-tech’, tangible objects andrefashion or augment them to engender interaction and co-participation

It renders the referent, the object, at which Susie is laughingproblematic; it poses a puzzle for Julia and encourages her to figure out whathas happened.

The active spectator becomesengaged with a sequence of moments portrayed in asingle image.

In recent years there has been a growing commitment amongst artists,designers, curators and educationalists to enhance the ways in which peopleparticipate and collaborate with and around installations, exhibits and artworks.

here’s an eye” – as Vanessa returns her gaze tothe monitor. A few moments later they exchange places and he then seeswhat Vanessa saw, or at least sees where he appeared.

We are particularlyinterested in the ways in which people experience exhibits in and throughtheir interaction with others, both those they are with and others whohappen to be ‘within perceptual range of the event’

Despite the burgeoning body of research concernedwith language and with gesture (see, for example, McNeil, 2000), studies ofsocial interaction remain curiously dislocated from the material circum-stances in which it is accomplished

Indeed, whatpeople choose to look at in a museum or gallery, how long they spend withan exhibit, and how they look at and experience particular objects andartefacts may well arise in and through interaction with others – not justthose they may be with but others who happen to be within ‘perceptual rangeof the event’ (cf. Goffman, 1981).

urprisingly perhaps,these aspects of conduct and experience have remained relatively under-developed in research concerned with visual communication in the socialand cognitive sciences.

“museum fatigue,

department of visitor research and evaluation withinthe museum, with a research agenda at the intersection of the academic and practitionercommunities. For us, research and practice are deeply linked.

Curiosity was used as the driving force that nudged visitors through-out this cycle a step at a time,

To the satisfaction of our exhibit developers, the results showed that visitors who sawone of the live, interactive versions of the exhibit stayed longer, rated the exhibit as moreenjoyable, and were able to reconstruct more relevant details of their experience, than the

The effort it takes to negotiate a museum is apparent throughthe common phenomenon of“museum fatigue,”in which visitors can only engage deeplywith exhibits for a limited period (typically about 30 min) before they lose their focusedattention and begin to“cruise,”looking for anything particularly compelling before movingon (Falk et al., 1985). Museum fatigue is an important factor that limits the degree to whichvisitors can effectively learn any form of science.

More research is needed to determine whether our instantiations of narrative havesimply beenflawed, or whether perhaps the chaotic, high-energy environment of a sciencemuseum and the nonanecdotal nature of science combine to make storytelling an ineffectivestrategy for learning in these settings.

“people appreciate being given information that will help them makeintelligent choices”

On the exhibitfloor there is no accountability, no curriculum, no teachersto enforce concentration, no experienced guide to interpret and give significance to the vastamounts of stimulus and information presented

Perry and Tisdal suggest that one factor in accounting for the long holding times at APEexhibits is that, unlike the traditional exhibits studied, the APE exhibits were designed tosupport the use of exhibits by more than one member of a social group. This is compatiblewithfindings by Borun and Dritsas (1997) that exhibits that allow for multiple simultaneoususers facilitate family learning, at least in the absence of the kinds of interference problemsthat Allen and Gutwill (2004) describe

It de-emphasized many other aspects of science, including anything requiring mem-orization (e.g., detailed vocabulary, quantitative relationships), or anything requiringlong chains of inference or effortful thinking (e.g., designing experiments to discrim-inate among competing models, arguing the relative merits of two explanations).

“affordances”to refer to the di-rectly perceivable properties of objects that determine how they could possibly be used.

In a school setting, a teacher can use a variety of strategies to regulate her students’progress, ensuring that they all arrive at the rewarding or significant climax of a lesson. Bycontrast, if an exhibit has a boring or effortful or confusing component, visitors have no wayof knowing whether the reward for persisting will be worth the effort

the exhibits should facilitate science learning, yet they also need to supporta diverse visiting public in making their own personal choices about where to attend,

alternative to a school science classroom: hands-on exhibits are novel, stimulating, evidence-rich, multisensory, and fun

On the exhibitfloor there is no accountability, no curriculum, no teachersto enforce concentration, no experienced guide to interpret and give significance to the vastamounts of stimulus and information presented.

Because families must deal with several government agencies andinstitutions, they constantly mobilize funds of knowledge about theseinstitutions distributed in their social network.

It is by studying individuals, as we do, within the social networksthatmake up these settings that it becomes clear how, as Cole andEngerstrom (Chapter 1, this volume) put it, "cognition is complexlydistributed in all forms of human activity

It is specific funds of knowledgepertaining to the social, economic, and productive activities of peoplein a local region or community, not "culture" in its broader, anthro-pological sense, that represent a strategic resource for classrooms

These funds of knowledge are sociallyinherited and culturally reproduced and developed (or discarded),and their distribution is a constant and dynamic characteristic ofhousehold life

thinking as distributed dynamically in inter-personal relationships among people, their artifacts, and their envi-ronments

Such formal rituals, however, are but onemechanism through which social networks are maintained. As impor-tant, or more so, are visits – informal rituals themselves. Not only dothe Sanchez family often have guests, but they visit their friends andrelatives almost daily. This frequent contact helps them both to main-tain important social ties and to renew and update funds of knowl-edge in this social world on which they depend constantly.

she has three brothers and two sisters living nearbythat she can turn to

"unemployed,"

While very important, this historically accumulated knowledgealone is insufficient to help families cope with difficult economicconditions and the unpredictability of employment

The resources were made available to athletes by virtue oftheir presence in the physical space and through one-on-one interactions with CoachJ. Additionally, ideational resources were often conveyed as students were explicitlypositioned into particular roles with respect to the events at which they wouldcompete in meet

He conceptualizes learning as an aspectof identity and identity as a result of learning.

Within these figured worlds,identity is constructed as individuals both act with agency in authoring themselvesand are acted upon by social others as they are positioned (as members, nonmembers,or certain kinds of members).

a reason to learn

These are (1) material resources, (2) relational resources, and (3) ideationalresources.

We consider learning to be shifts in use of artifacts (both cultural and cogni-tive) for problem solving, sense making, or performance. We consider identity to beone viewing participation in the practice as an integral part of who one is; what we call"practice-linked identities" (Nasir and Hand 2005,2008)

He does not figure his life in AP!s terms. He views AA as a measure to take when things get really bad. He does not share the set of values and distinctions that unites other AA members. The identity of "alcoholic" does not affect his actions, or his perceptions of self, beyond his drinking behavior. Andrew has never stayed in AA for more than one year, although he has been in treatment for alcoholism four times and in and out of AA at least three times

Apparently the story was consciously developed from the beginning as a vehicle for presenting an experience or person with whom the prospect could identify

These individuals have decided to stop drinking because they have come to understand that "alcohol is controlling their lives."

The findings suggest that, over time, the individual develops his drinking history according to the AA structure, and as the AA identity is formed, the life story narrated comes to resemble the prototypical AA story more and more closely.

It is a transformation of their identities, from drinkil1KJ1on-alcoholics to rion-drmldng alcofiO!ics·, a_�n:::d:_,:lt:.:a::l�le::;c:.:-ts::__. ���-�"--·--�·-'-" ·-----��.�-=---�----���·�� . --how they view and act in the world.

this transformation of identity, from a drinking non-alcoholic ("normal drinker") to an alcoholic, requires a radical reinterpretation of who he is, of "self." lt requires a new way of figuring the activity of drinking, those who drink, and the place of drink­ing in a broader social and personal context. This process of reinterpreta­tion of self, the formation of a new identity, is a major component of Alcoholics Anonymous.

Even should he accept this interpretation of his drinking behavior, so long as the interpretation remains unassimilated to a figured world such as that created by AA, he need not see it as an aspect of himself that carries over into other areas of his life.

AA has constructed a particular interpreta­tion of what it means to be an alcoholic, what typical alcoholics are like, and what kinds of incidents mark a typical alcoholic's life. This cultural knowledge about alcoholism and!!!� alc<l,!J,olic shared byE::"...mbers of AA differs both from the cultural kn(tWkggl'::<Lhl�sm shared�e outside of AA and fron:_ilie self-und�rstawling of most po!:!;_ntial_'E:�m­bers before they enter AA

This is why, as members often say, "AA is for those who want it, not for those who need it." AA members must agree to become tellers, as well as listeners, of AA stories.

Alcoholics are a labeled group of people who behave inappropriately after drinking alcohol.

In this sense AA has created a cultural world, albeit a limited one, which is its institutional reason for being.

S�the defi!lition of an alcoholic is not agreed upon in the wider society, arriving at this i�t�;:pretatlon -�revent�-is-a process negotiated between the drinker and fhose arouncrller-:1\A stories provide a set of_c:riteria by which the al�o­lioliccailbeTclentified.

A successful writer who finds she writes better with a few drinks, a college student who only gets drunk on the weekends, a businessman who drinks to loosen up in social situations-these people may not consider themselves alcoholics, but those around them may consider them so.

�

What happens when an AA member fails to compose this new under­standing of himself and of his life?

He does not figure his life in AP!s terms. He views AA as a measure to take when things get really bad. He does not share the set of values and distinctions that unites other AA members. The identity of "alcoholic" does not affect his actions, or his perceptions of self, beyond his drinking behavior.

Each is a simplified world populated by a set of agents (in the world of romance: attractive women, boyfriends, lovers, fiances) who engage in a limited range of meaningful acts or changes of state (flirting with, falling in love with, dumping, having sex with) as moved by a specific set of forces (attractiveness, love, lust)

These socially generated, culturally figured worlds, many linguists believe, are necessary for understanding the meaning of words.

institutionalized "stl'_ll_<:_t:':'Ees" _ofp_<'-\lle.': .. .. i' .. landscapes .. the .. lu:unedia.te D.I<i<;r_oLinll:J-action.

lt. Discourse (or discursive) theory emphasizes many of the aspects of cultural resources that we discu

tools of liberation from control by environmental stimuli.

The conceptual importance of figured worlds has been emphasized in anthropology for some time. Hallowell (1955a) argued that individuals live in worlds that are culturally defined and understand themselves in relation to these worlds. In a classic article, :'The Self and Its Behavioral Environment," he n

to be a choice between becoming a "socialite" and becoming a "hippie." She was inclined to reject the upwardly mo-bile, upper-middle-class lifestyle that she felt pressured-perhaps by her family-to embrace.

But 30 years old, that's old. I mean I'm 18 years old. I don't want to go out with someone who's 30. It's not that bad but-shucks, I don't want to go out with anybody but Howard. He's worth the wait. "7

women came to col-lege proud of having done well in high school and then got upset when their university grades were not as good. They gradually became less involved with their schoolwork and switched their attention and time to romantic pursuits. Romance became an even more important world for them.

Notice that the emotional involvement or identification comes only after a certain degree of competence is reached and that this degree of emotional involvement is necessary for further mastery

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Unlike Starbucks or other popular coffee chains, it appeared that patrons needed a high level of beverage knowledge before they walked in. The menu (in the blurry photo shown here) was not descriptive at all, and the rapid-fire exchange between customers and staff was different than a more “casual” beverage establishment

Unlike Starbucks or other popular coffee chains, it appeared that patrons needed a high level of beverage knowledge before they walked in. The menu (in the blurry photo shown here) was not descriptive at all, and the rapid-fire exchange between customers and staff was different than a more “casual” beverage establishment

apprenticeship has been treated as a historically significant object more often than most educational phenom-ena

Usually, unless the intetpretation runs counter to A. A. beliefs, the speaker is not corrected. Rather, other speakers will take the appropriate parts of the newcomer's comments, and build on this in their own comments, giving parallel accounts with different interpretations, for example, or expanding on parts of their own stories which are similar to parts of the new-comer's story, while ignoring the inappropriate parts of the newcomer's story.

This development in-volved a transition from domestic production in which chil-dren learned subsistence skills from their same-sex parent, to learning part-time specialisms in the same way, to learning a specialized occupation from a specialist master.

Any given attempt to analyze a form of learning through legitimate peripheral participation must involve analy-sis of the political and social organization of that form, its historical development, and the effects of both of these on sus-tained possibilities for learning

[Where there is high volume] a division of labor among a relatively large number of workers increases efficiency. . . . In this situation, not only apprentices but journeymen, too, seldom learn the full range of tasks once proper to their trade

They share our interest in extending the study of learning beyond the context of pedagogical structuring, including the structure of the social world in the analysis, and taking into account in a central way the conftictual nature of social practice

Notions like those of ''intrinsic rewards'' in empirical stud-ies of apprenticeship focus quite narrowly on task knowledge and skill as the activities to be learned. Such knowledge is of course important; but a deeper sense of the value of participa-tion to the community and the learner lies in becoming part of the community.

Observing the span of de-velopmental cycles is only a beginning to such an analysis (and a rough approximation that sets aside consideration of the transformation and change inherent in ongoing practice -see below), for each such cycle has its own trajectory, bench-marks, blueprints, and careers (Stack 1989)

In the process, newcomers learn how to make (some-times difficult) repairs, they learn the skills of war-story tell-ing, and they become legitimate participants in the community of practice.

Finally, we explore contradictions inherent in learning, and the relations of the resulting conflicts to the development of identity and the transformation of practice.

I have asked this question all my life. I have sought the answer through my reading and writings, through the music of my youth, through arguments with your grandfather, with your mother. I have searched for answers in nationalist myth, in classrooms, out on the streets, and on other continents. The question is unanswerable, which is not to say futile.

Also, it does not safeguard against tampering of headers or body.

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facilitate the global conversation on every scholarly work

which leads into our key step in creating a more collaborative and open scientific community.

Users can choose to keep their highlights and annotations private, or to share them with the world, which leads into our key step in creating a more collaborative and open scientific community.

A framework built for collaborative real-time annotations on articles.

Data represent important products of the scientific enterprise that are, in many cases, of equivalent or greater value than the publications that are originally derived from the research process. For example, addressing many of the grand challenge scientific questions increasingly requires collaborative research and the reuse , integration, and synthesis of data.

Questioning and examination are the tools of reflection: Hear an idea, ponder it, question it, modify it, explore its limitations. When the idea is presented by a person, the audience can interrupt, ask questions, probe to get at the underlying assumptions. But the author doesn’t come along with a book, so how could the book be questioned if it couldn’t answer back? This is what bothered Socrates.

Qualitative statements describe in a yes/no manner for example, which tissues a gene is expressed in or if two groups of cells move relative to one another. This basic information is insufficient, though, to address many fundamental questions in developmental biology.

Information exchange requires (and can contribute to) mutual understanding; e.g., empathy.

Instead of cheerleading, people in my profession should think of themselves as businesspeople. What’s good for the company? How do we communicate that to employees? How can we help every worker understand what we mean by high performance?

Nor will the preceptor be under the obligation merely to teach these things, but frequently to ask questions upon them and try the judgment of his pupils

ABIGAIL ADAMS, REMEMBER THE LADIES, 1776

Very good, Callicles; but will he answer our questions? for I want to hear from him what is the nature of his art, and what it is which he professes and teaches

I want to know how this stigma developed. Why can we look at a person with a broken arm or chicken pox and wince when we do, but then carry on with our lives when, on the flipside, someone mentions that they have a psychological disorder of some sort causes us to look at them with big eyes and then scoot away?

Is Alexander arguing that African American women are defined more by their race than by their gender, whereas white women are defined more by their gender than their race?

When Castañeda talks about how women of color are ignored, I wonder if there's a detriment of calling all women that aren't white women of color. Wouldn't that lead to lumping them all together, making stereotypes about them, and ignoring the vast diversity in that group? Just like the experiences of white women can be different from those of women of color, can't the same be said for Hispanic women, Asian women, and black women since they also all have different experiences.

What I do not understand is what she means by women of color writers looking to "third world liberation movements" for some aspect of history to write on.

As a women and gender studies major and a Hispanic woman, I find myself realizing more and more that most of my classes only assign one class to talk about women of color. I wish to understand more why we still ignore women of color when talking in the context of women's history and how we would fix this problem.

I wonder how this idea that ‘wages define real work’ applies to today’s society in regards to pay inequality among different races and genders.