But I was going to go on to say that really, I mean, what I was going to say is, we can't do it by the direct approach, but we can do it by a more implicit and less direct approach. And that approach is actually, sadly not original, but is actually to start reeducating — I mean, or educating is what I'm trying to say. I think we stopped educating children about forty, fifty years ago. We started indoctrinating them and giving them information and testing them on how much of that they retained. But we didn't do the really important things, which are relational. All the people who really inspired me and taught me did so by their being who they were, and by the way in which the spark jumped across the gap, in the way that Plato describes in the seventh Epistle, that this is how philosophy is done, not by writing it down. Mysteriously, Plato completely betrayed Socrates into doing this. ¶437 So we need to reimagine what an education is. That would mean freeing up teachers from a dead weight of bureaucracy. In fact, that's one of the very practical things that could be done tomorrow. We should go around universities, go around hospitals, go around some schools and look very critically at all the superstructure of management and so on. And I reckon about 80 percent of that could go tomorrow and nobody would suffer. In fact, there'd be a lot more money for doing the things that we really want to do. We've become sucked by parasites, if you like, which is the externalization of the left hemisphere's drive for control, which is administration. ¶438 And so, I mean, that's a practical answer to the question, but also we need — apart from freeing up teachers to teach in a way that is individual, responsive, and alive, rather than just the carrying out the procedures, we need actually to — I'm sorry — give people back their cultural tradition. They need to read literature that — it's not fashionable to say this, but they need to understand the last two thousand years. Otherwise they don't know what they're doing here. They have a very shallow rooting, so we actually do need to teach history, literature, philosophy, music, all our culture, not just IT, not just procedural learning, but actually creative, empathic understanding of other people, not sitting in judgment on our forebears or on other cultures, but in fact trying to see our way into how they sort of work, because they’re no stupider than we are, and they might actually have seen something we’ve lost.

You can’t even afford minor missteps. That is one of the lessons of 1 percent education: 1 percenters must always succeed.

Santa Ana students are overwhelmingly poor and Latino and heavily Spanish-speaking, whereas Troy students come from ethnically diverse, eco-nomically upscale backgrounds. More striking still are the contrasts in the "output" measures of the two schools-graduation rates, statewide academic and SAT test scores, truancy and suspension rates. Students at Santa Ana are four times more likely than students at Troy to drop out, roughly ten rimes more likely to be truant or suspended, and only one third as likely to take the SAT. If they do take the SAT, on average they score in the bottom quartile nationwide, whereas the average SAT taker at Troy scores in the top 10-15 percent.

seventy to eighty percent of indian tourists will arrive in andamans in their package like it's always there like you know just to have a look like how these genres are like and that became actually a commercial business 00:08:48 for all these travel agents in port berlin and people are taking new photographs and they are selling their cds like you know naked ladies dancing it's i feel like it's it's actually sort 00:09:01 of an exploitation like these innocent abortion or primitive tribes

Access problems for women begin with finding a physician who provides women’s health services. Forty-four percent of internists do not provide Pap smears (Cooper & Saraiya, 2014). Forty percent of reproductive age women have not been counseled on contraception with a care provider, 70% lack counseling on sexually transmitted infections, and 77% have not been counseled on domestic violence (Salganicoff et al., 2014). Contraceptive counseling is often provided with inadequate information and lack of patient-centered communication (Dehlendorf et al., 2014). Many women’s health providers are poorly informed about emergency contraception and almost one in five practitioners are reluctant to provide this education to sexually active adolescents. Women who are poor, foreign born, or who are not high school graduates are less likely to learn about emergency contraception (American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, 2015).

neither understood nor appreciated by many teachers, journalists, and the pub-lic-is to help all students, including White mainstream students, to develop the knowledge, skills, and attitudes they will need to survive and function effectively in a future U.S. society in which half the population is estimated to be people of color by 2042 and more than 56 percent by 2060 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010; Colby & Ortman, 2015). Our survival as a strong and democratic nation will be seriously imperiled if we do not help our students attain the knowledge and skills they need to function in a cultur-ally diverse future society and world.

it's what i write about and that is why what  is it that has created this uh uh disparity   and why is it widened so much since 1980. well  the most obvious reason is uh interest rates   reached a peak of 20 in uh 1980 and they've gone  down ever since well in the late 1970s uh my old   00:16:50 boss's boss at chase manhattan paul volcker  said let's raise interest rates to very high   because the 99 are getting too much income their  wages are going up let's uh raise interest to slow   the economy and that will prevent wages from going  up and he did and that was a large uh reason why   carter lost the the election to ronald reagan  interest rates then went down from 20 to almost 0   00:17:20 today the result was the largest bond market boom  in history bonds went way up in price the economy   was flooded with bank credit and most of this  credit uh apart from going into the bond market   went into real estate and there is a uh symbiosis  between finance and real estate and also between   finance and raw materials and also like oil and  gas and minerals uh extraction natural resource   00:17:48 rent land rent and also monopoly rent and most of  the monopoly rent has come from the privatization   that you had from ronald reagan margaret thatcher  and the whole neoliberalism uh if you look at how   did this one percent get most of its wealth well  if you look at the forbes list of the billionaires   in almost every country they got wealth in  the old-fashioned way from taking it from   00:18:13 the public domain in other words privatization  you have the largest privatization and transfer   of wealth from the public sector to uh the private  sector and specifically to the financial sector uh   in in history uh sell-offs and all of a sudden  instead of uh infrastructure uh public health uh   other uh basic needs being provided at subsidized  rates to the population you have uh privatized   00:18:41 owners uh financed by the banks raising the rates  to whatever rate they can get without any market   firing power uh in the united states the  government is not even allowed to bargain with   the pharmaceutical companies for the drug prices  so there's been a huge monopolization a huge   privatization a huge flooding of the economy with  credit and one person's credit is somebody else's   00:19:11 uh debt so you you've described the one percent's  wealth in the form of uh savings but uh i focus   on the other side of the balance sheet this one  percent finds its counterpart in the debts of the   99 so the one percent has got wealthy by indebting  the 99 uh for housing that is soared in price 20   00:19:37 uh just in the last year in the united states uh  for medical care for uh utilities for education   uh the economy is being forced increasingly  into debt and how how can one uh solve this   taxation will not be enough the only way  that you can uh actually reverse this uh   concentration of wealth is to begin wiping out uh  the debt if you leave the debt in place of the 99   00:20:10 uh then uh you're going to leave the one percent  savings all in place uh and these savings are   largely tax exempt uh so basically i think you  you uh left out the government's role in this   wealth creation of the one percent so your  finance has indeed grown faster than economy   absorbed real estate into the finance insurance  and real estate sector the fire sector finances   00:20:39 absorb the oil industry the mining industry  and it's absorbed most of the government so the   financial wealth has spilled over to become  essentially the economy's central planner   it's not planned in washington or paris or london  it's planned in wall street the city of london   and the paris ports the economy is being managed  financially and the object of financial management   00:21:04 isn't really to make money it's capital gains  and again as your statistics point out capital   gains are really what explains the increase  in wealth you don't get rich by saving the   income rent is for paying interest income is for  paying interest you get rich off the government   basically subsidizing an enormous increase in the  value of stocks the value of bonds by the central   00:21:31 banks which have been privatized and uh the reason  that this is occurring is that uh the largest   public utility of all money creation and banking  is left in private hands and private banking   in the west is very different from what government  banking is in say china

This expansion of federal involvement in education was one of the most striking developments in the history of education in the 1960s. What most distinguished the new federal role (and what eventually made federal involvement so controversial), however, was not chiefly the large number of new programs or the scope of the federal financial commitment, which never amounted to more than 10 percent of total public school finances despite the rapid increase in federal expenditures. More important was the purpose of the new federal programs and the regulatory efforts to ensure they were fulfilled

he schools to which these students end up resorting can end up being some of the poorest matches for them. Williams' enrollment at Tennessee State University offers one example of this dilemma. Just a few hours down the road in Knoxville, the University of Tennessee graduates approximately 54 percent of its first-generation student

At 38 such institutions in the United States, more students come from households in the top 1 percent than from those in the bottom 60 percent.

Studies in multiple states report that as many as half of kids in care have repeated at least one grade, and the National Working Group on Foster Care and Education found that “only 20 percent of foster youth who graduate from high school attend college, compared to 60 percent of high school graduates in the general population.”

Though educators are fond of saying you learn from failure, with today’s stakes, the best students know you cannot really afford to fail. You can’t even afford minor missteps. That is one of the lessons of 1 percent education: 1 percenters must always succeed.

On the other side ofthe ledger, the real cost of higher education has risen 2.6 times since 1980 (NationalCenter for Education Statistics, 2011a) and a majority of students (67 percent) musttake on debt to finance college (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2010a; National Center forEducation Statistics, 2011b).

The richest 10 percent accounted for over half (52 percent) of the emissions added to the atmosphere between 1990 and 2015. The richest one percent were responsible for 15 percent of emissions during this time – more than all the citizens of the EU and more than twice that of the poorest half of humanity (7 percent).

1 percent education may make students risk-averse. Though educators are fond of saying you learn from failure, with today’s stakes, the best students know you cannot really afford to fail. You can’t even afford minor missteps. That is one of the lessons of 1 percent education: 1 percenters must always succeed.

the best students know you cannot really afford to fail. You can’t even afford minor missteps. That is one of the lessons of 1 percent education: 1 percenters must always succeed.

“Like a frog being slowly boiled alive,” she observes, readers follow her argument “from an uncontroversial premise to a highly controversial one.” Harden’s “uncontroversial premise” in this case is that siblings raised in the same family share a childhood environment and 50 percent of their DNA randomly assigned at conception, and are therefore like subjects in a controlled study of genetic differences. Ask anyone with a sibling whether their own childhood environment was the same as their sibling’s and you’ll quickly disprove Harden’s claim that her premise is uncontroversial. But putting that objection aside and sitting patiently as Harden increases the heat, we’ll arrive at her “highly controversial” assertion that “if siblings who differ genetically also have corresponding differences in their health or well-being or education, this is evidence that genes are causing these social inequalities.”

That is, most parents have either no high school experi-ence or a negative one to pass on Lo their progeny. Rather than aberrant, this finding is consistent with Chapa ( I 988), who found that third-generation Mexican Americans in the state of Texas complete an average of9.3 years of education and that the dropout rate is 56 percent

For most young boys, the path to that vocation began approximately atage seven in the monasteries and two or three years later in the cathedralschools. School was but one part of their daily routine. Children engaged inappropriate forms of work, assisted in prayer services, and, in general, wereacclimatised to the ecclesiastical regime. Ninth-century monasteries andcathedral cloisters were generally solicitous of their young charges. Theyconstituted the next generation of clergy raised up from a tender age withina religious atmosphere and therefore uncontaminated by the evils of theworld.53 Precise information on the number of students at any one time isdifficult to come by. If the lists of monks and scholastici from Fulda'sdependencies are representative, students could account for between 26 and49 percent of the adult population.54 In small monasteries and cathedrals,young pupils studied with a magister or grammaticus who did everything,even tripling as the director of the scriptorium and as the librarian. Larger,better endowed schools with more pupils might have several masters whowould teach a speciality: chant, copying, grammar, explication of Scripture.The relationship between students and masters was an intensely spiritualand personal as well as academic one. Alcuin remembered fondly all hisformer pupils, called them by pet names, and lamented that his studentscame and went, but that the 'old man' remained.55 Heiric of Auxerrepublished part of the lectures of both his teachers, Lupus of Ferrieres andHaimo of Auxerre, and prefaced them with a poem in praise of his masters.56Ercanbert of Fulda wrote down the lectures of his master, Rudolf, becausehe was concerned that the master's instruction would fade from memory ifnot committed to writing.5

reliable revenue to support schools

student populationincreased by 5.8 percent, the percentage of allCalifornia public school students involved inmusic education courses fell by 50 percent.

A 2014 congressional report revealed that 89 percent of us work at more than one institution and 27 percent at three different schools, just to cobble together the most meager of livings.

Among white people, 38 percent of college graduates voted for Trump, compared with 64 percent without college degrees. This margin—the great gap between Smart America and Real America—was the decisive one. It made 2016 different from previous elections, and the trend only intensified in 2020.

Americans who are less connected to their community are not disproportionately likely to embrace conspiracy theories. Thirty-nine percent of Americans who belong to at least two community groups believe in the deep state, while only 23 percent of Americans who report having no community connections do.More than one-quarter (27 percent) of white evangelical Protestants say the claim that Donald Trump has been fighting a group of child sex traffickers is mostly or completely accurate. This belief is far less prevalent among white Catholics (18 percent), white mainline Protestants (15 percent), religiously unaffiliated Americans (12 percent), and Hispanic Catholics (11 percent).People who are politically segregated are more likely to embrace conspiracies. Nearly one-third (34 percent) of Republicans who report having a large number of friends who are Trump supporters say the QAnon conspiracy is mostly or completely accurate, compared to only 21 percent of Republicans who have some, a few, or no friends who are Trump supporters.Even accounting for other personal traits, such as age, gender, education, and political identity, the politics of friendship networks is strongly predictive of belief in conspiracies. Americans with a large number of Trump supporters in their friendship group had a nearly 50 percent probability of believing that unelected government officials were acting against the interests of the Trump administration, while those with few if any social connections to Trump supporters had only an 11 percent probability.

What if every country in the world chose to be like Costa Rica in prioritizing human well-being, using its wealth for the well-being of its citizens?

Regardless of the pandemic’s effects, online education has been on the rise. Nearly 3.3 million college students, or 1 out of every 6, took only online classes in 2018, the last year for which the figure is available, according to Jeff Seaman, director of Bay View Analytics, which tracks online education. That was the highest percentage ever. The growth has been particularly notable among graduate students. Nearly 40 percent of graduate students took at least one online course in 2018, compared with fewer than 30 percent just six years earlier.

Why Are Finland’s Schools Successful? The country’s achievements in education have other nations, especially the United States, doing their homework <img src="https://thumbs-prod.si-cdn.com/thzZYTv2Evhq3x8iHdcaakihfVE=/800x600/filters:no_upscale()/https://public-media.si-cdn.com/filer/cd/ee/cdee1c82-f8e3-4de4-983e-8599d4485745/finland-smiles-wr.jpg" alt="Kirkkojarvi School" itemprop="image"> "This is what we do every day," says Kirkkojarvi Comprehensive School principal Kari Louhivuori, "prepare kids for life." (Stuart Conway) By LynNell Hancock Smithsonian Magazine | Subscribe September 2011 AddThis Sharing ButtonsShare to FacebookFacebookShare to TwitterTwitterShare to RedditReddit78Share to PinterestPinterest997Share to LinkedInLinkedInShare to FlipboardFlipboardShare to EmailEmailShare to PrintPrintShare to MoreAddThis934 It was the end of term at Kirkkojarvi Comprehensive School in Espoo, a sprawling suburb west of Helsinki, when Kari Louhivuori, a veteran teacher and the school’s principal, decided to try something extreme—by Finnish standards. One of his sixth-grade students, a Kosovo-Albanian boy, had drifted far off the learning grid, resisting his teacher’s best efforts. The school’s team of special educators—including a social worker, a nurse and a psychologist—convinced Louhivuori that laziness was not to blame. 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u=e.getNextSpecificMidrollTime(o,n);return{midrollNumber:o.indexOf(u)+1,currentTime:n,midrollTime:u,mediaId:a}}return null}},{key:"isMidrollAlreadyPlayed",value:function(e,t){return-1!==e.indexOf(t)}},{key:"isMidrollReached",value:function(t){var n=hn.currentVideoTime(t),r=bi.midrolls(t),i=r.every,o=r.on,a=_i.playedMidrolls(t);if(!Un(i)&&n>0){var s=e.getNextReocurringMidrollNumber(i,n),u=s*i;return!this.isMidrollAlreadyPlayed(a,s)&&e.isTimeInPreAdRange(n,u)}if(!Un(o)){var c=e.getNextSpecificMidrollTime(o,n),l=o.indexOf(c)+1;return l>0&&!this.isMidrollAlreadyPlayed(a,l)}return!1}},{key:"shouldRequestAd",value:function(e){var t=_i.adStatus(e);return!Bi(e)&&!Hi(t)&&this.isMidrollReached(e)}},{key:"isOnAdTime",value:function(t){var n=hn.currentVideoTime(t),r=bi.midrolls(t),i=r.every,o=r.on,a=_i.playedMidrolls(t);if(Bi(t))return!1;if(!Un(i)){var s=e.getNextReocurringMidrollNumber(i,n);return 0!==n&&n%i===0&&!this.isMidrollAlreadyPlayed(a,s)}if(!Un(o)){var u=o.indexOf(n);return-1!==u&&!this.isMidrollAlreadyPlayed(a,u)}return!1}}]),e}(),Wi=function(){function e(t){var n=this;Ai()(this,e),f()(this,"referrerUrl",void 0),f()(this,"staticAdTag",void 0),f()(this,"generate",function(e,t){var r=encodeURIComponent(n.referrerUrl);return Un(n.staticAdTag)?n.adTagFromApi(e,r,t):n.parseAdTag(n.staticAdTag,e,r,t)}),this.staticAdTag=t,this.referrerUrl=window.location.href}return Vi()(e,[{key:"parseAdTag",value:function(t,n,r,i){var o=t.replace("##AdUnit##",e.parseAdName(n)).replace("##DESCRIPTION_URL_UNESC##",r).replace("##REFERRER_URL_UNESC##",encodeURIComponent(this.referrerUrl)).replace("##CACHEBUSTER##",e.cacheBuster(n)).replace("##MIDROLL_ORDER##",e.adIndexFromName(n));return o=e.replaceVideoId(o,"##VIDEO_ID##",i),o=e.addHacksToAdTag(o)}},{key:"adTagFromApi",value:function(e,t,n){try{var r=window.getVideoTag(t,e);return Un(r)?null:this.parseAdTag(r,e,t,n)}catch(i){return null}}}],[{key:"getCCPAConsent",value:function(t){try{var n="";return window.__uspapi&&window.__uspapi("getUSPData",1,function(e,t){t&&(n=e.uspString)}),e.setSearchParamToAdTag(t,"us_privacy",n)}catch(r){return t}}},{key:"replaceVideoId",value:function(e,t,n){return e.replace(t,n).replace(encodeURIComponent(t),n).replace(encodeURIComponent(encodeURIComponent(t)),n)}},{key:"cacheBuster",value:function(t){return"".concat((new Date).getTime()).concat(e.adIndexFromName(t))}},{key:"parseAdName",value:function(t){return t.startsWith("preroll")?"PR":"MR".concat(e.adIndexFromName(t))}},{key:"adIndexFromName",value:function(e){return e.replace(/[^\d]*/g,"")}}]),e}();f()(Wi,"setSearchParamToAdTag",function(e,t,n){var r=new URL(e),i=decodeURIComponent(n);return r.searchParams.set(t,i),r.href}),f()(Wi,"getSearchParamFromAdTag",function(e,t){return new URL(e).searchParams.get(t)}),f()(Wi,"addHacksToAdTag",function(e){var t=e,n=Wi.getSearchParamFromAdTag(t,"cust_params");if(!jn(window.mmAPSbids)&&!Un(n)){var r="".concat(window.mmAPSbids,"&").concat(n);t=Wi.setSearchParamToAdTag(t,"cust_params",r)}if(!jn(window.shouldPlayAdRules)){var i=window.shouldPlayAdRules?"1":"0";t=Wi.setSearchParamToAdTag(t,"ad_rule",i)}return t=Wi.getCCPAConsent(t)});var zi=function(){function e(t,n){Ai()(this,e),f()(this,"store",void 0),f()(this,"videoTagStatusSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"adsScheduler",void 0),f()(this,"previousVideoTagStatus",void 0);var r=t.getState;this.store=t,this.adsScheduler=n,this.previousVideoTagStatus=hn.videoTagStatus(r()),this.videoTagStatusSubscriber=new ji(t,e.getVideoTagStatusDependencies,this.onVideoTagStatusChanged.bind(this))}return Vi()(e,[{key:"onVideoTagStatusChanged",value:function(t){var n=hn.videoTagStatus(t),r=_i.adStatus(t);"seeking"===this.previousVideoTagStatus&&(Hi(r)?this.adsScheduler.onSeekedWhileAdInProgress():e.isSeekedOverMidroll(t)&&this.adsScheduler.onSeekToAdOpportunity(e.getSeekedMidroll(t))),this.previousVideoTagStatus=n}}],[{key:"getVideoTagStatusDependencies",value:function(e){return[hn.videoTagStatus(e)]}},{key:"getClosestSkippedUnplayedMidroll",value:function(e,t){for(var n=t;n>0;n-=1)if(-1===e.indexOf(n))return n;return null}},{key:"getClosestLowerSeekedMidrollNumber",value:function(e,t){var n=In()(e).reverse().find(function(e){return e<=t});return e.indexOf(n)+1}},{key:"getSeekedSpecificMidroll",value:function(e,t,n,r){var i=this.getClosestLowerSeekedMidrollNumber(e,t),o=this.getClosestSkippedUnplayedMidroll(r,i);return{midrollNumber:o,currentTime:t,midrollTime:e[o-1],mediaId:n}}},{key:"isSeekedOverSpecificMidroll",value:function(e,t,n){if(jn(e))return!1;var r=this.getClosestLowerSeekedMidrollNumber(e,n);return 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t="midroll".concat(e.midrollNumber);return r.adTagGenerator.generate(t,e.mediaId)}),f()(this,"generatePrerollTag",function(e,t){var n="preroll".concat(t);return r.adTagGenerator.generate(n,e)}),f()(this,"onAdTimeReached",function(){r.monetization.onMidrollAdOpportunity()}),f()(this,"onPreAdTimeReached",function(e){r.onPreMidrollAdOpportunity(e)}),f()(this,"onSeekToAdOpportunity",function(e){r.onPreMidrollAdOpportunity(e)}),f()(this,"isMidrollAlreadyRequested",function(e){return e.midrollNumber===r.lastRequestedMidroll.midrollNumber&&e.mediaId===r.lastRequestedMidroll.mediaId&&e.midrollTime===r.lastRequestedMidroll.midrollTime}),f()(this,"onPreMidrollAdOpportunity",function(e){if(Un(r.lastRequestedMidroll)||!r.isMidrollAlreadyRequested(e)){r.lastRequestedMidroll=e;var t=r.generateMidrollTag(e);r.monetization.onPreMidrollAdOpportunity(e,t)}}),f()(this,"onPrerollReached",function(e,t){var n=r.generatePrerollTag(e,t);r.monetization.onPrerollAdOpportunity(n)}),f()(this,"onSeekedWhileAdInProgress",function(){r.monetization.onMidrollAdOpportunity()});var i=t.getState;this.monetization=n,this.videoTimeSubscriber=new qi(t,this),this.videoSeekSubscriber=new zi(t,this),this.prerollScheduler=new Gi(t,this);var o=_i.adTagUrlTemplate(i());this.adTagGenerator=new Wi(o)},Yi=function(){function e(){Ai()(this,e)}return Vi()(e,null,[{key:"generateAdRequest",value:function(e,t,n){var r=new google.ima.AdsRequest;return r.adTagUrl=e,Fn()||r.setAdWillPlayMuted(t),r.vastLoadTimeout=n,r}}]),e}(),Zi=function(e){return function(t){t({type:"[MONETIZATION] change ad status",payload:e})}},Xi=function(e){return function(t){t({type:"[COMMON] set pending video status",payload:{pendingStatusObject:{type:e,value:""}}})}},Ji=function(e){return function(t){t({type:"[MONETIZATION] change loading ad status",payload:e})}},Qi=function(e){return function(t){t({type:"[MONETIZATION] update ad 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t=a.store,n=t.getState,r=t.dispatch,i=gn.volume(n());Bn()||gn.muted(n())?(e.setVolume(0),Qi(!0)(r)):(e.setVolume(gn.volume(n())),eo(i)(r),Qi(!1)(r))}),f()(this,"createIMAAdManager",function(t){a.IMAAdManager=t.getAdsManager(a.adVideoElement,e.getAdsRenderingSettings()),a.setAdVolume(a.IMAAdManager)}),f()(this,"registerToAdManagerEvents",function(){a.IMAAdManager.addEventListener(google.ima.AdErrorEvent.Type.AD_ERROR,a.onAdError),a.IMAAdManager.addEventListener(google.ima.AdEvent.Type.CONTENT_PAUSE_REQUESTED,a.onContentPauseRequested),a.IMAAdManager.addEventListener(google.ima.AdEvent.Type.CONTENT_RESUME_REQUESTED,a.onContentResumeRequested),a.IMAAdManager.addEventListener(google.ima.AdEvent.Type.STARTED,a.onAdStarted),a.IMAAdManager.addEventListener(google.ima.AdEvent.Type.IMPRESSION,a.onAdImpression),a.IMAAdManager.addEventListener(google.ima.AdEvent.Type.SKIPPED,a.onAdSkipped),a.IMAAdManager.addEventListener(google.ima.AdEvent.Type.COMPLETE,a.onAdCompleted),a.IMAAdManager.addEventListener(google.ima.AdEvent.Type.PAUSED,a.onAdPaused),a.IMAAdManager.addEventListener(google.ima.AdEvent.Type.RESUMED,a.onAdStarted),a.IMAAdManager.addEventListener(google.ima.AdEvent.Type.AD_PROGRESS,a.onAdProgressChanged),a.IMAAdManager.addEventListener(google.ima.AdEvent.Type.VOLUME_CHANGED,a.onVolumeChanged),a.IMAAdManager.addEventListener(google.ima.AdEvent.Type.VOLUME_MUTED,a.onAdVolumeMutedChanged),a.IMAAdManager.addEventListener(google.ima.AdEvent.Type.ALL_ADS_COMPLETED,a.onAdCompleted)}),f()(this,"onIMAAdsManagerLoaded",function(e){var t=a.store.dispatch;a.createIMAAdManager(e),a.registerToAdManagerEvents(),Zi("loaded")(t)}),f()(this,"onAdError",function(e){var t=a.store.dispatch;!function(e){return function(t){t({type:"[MONETIZATION] change ad error",payload:e})}}(e.getError().getMessage())(t),Ji(!1),a.continuePlayingContent()}),f()(this,"onAdImpression",function(e){var t=a.store.dispatch,n=!e.getAd().g.vpaid;a.setPodInfo(e),function(e){e({type:"[MONETIZATION] increase ad impression counter"})}(t),function(e){return function(t){t({type:"[MONETIZATION] update is vast ad",payload:e})}}(n)(t)}),f()(this,"onVolumeChanged",function(e){var t=a.store.dispatch;eo(e.target.getVolume())(t)}),f()(this,"onAdVolumeMutedChanged",function(e){var t=a.store.dispatch;0===e.target.getVolume()?Qi(!0)(t):Qi(!1)(t)}),f()(this,"continuePlayingContent",function(){var e=a.store,t=e.getState,n=e.dispatch,r=hn.videoTagStatus(t());Xi("idle"===r?"play":"resume")(n)}),f()(this,"stopPlayingContent",function(){var e=a.store.dispatch;Xi("pause")(e)}),f()(this,"onContentPauseRequested",function(){a.stopPlayingContent()}),f()(this,"onContentResumeRequested",function(){a.continuePlayingContent()}),f()(this,"onAdPaused",function(){var e=a.store.dispatch;Zi("paused")(e)}),f()(this,"setPodInfo",function(e){var t=e&&e.getAd()&&e.getAd().getAdPodInfo();if(!Un(t)){var n=a.store.dispatch;!function(e,t){return function(n){n({type:"[MONETIZATION] change pod info",payload:{slotNumber:e,podNumber:t}})}}(t.getAdPosition(),a.totalAdRequestMadeAmount)(n)}}),f()(this,"onAdStarted",function(){var e=a.store,t=e.dispatch,n=e.getState,r=gn.volume(n());Zi("playing")(t),0===a.IMAAdManager.getVolume()?a.IMAAdManager.setVolume(0):window.shouldPlayAdRule||a.IMAAdManager.setVolume(r),a.onResize()}),f()(this,"onAdCompleted",function(){var e=a.store.dispatch;Zi("completed")(e)}),f()(this,"onAdSkipped",function(){var e=a.store.dispatch;Zi("skipped")(e)}),f()(this,"onResize",function(){Un(a.IMAAdManager)||(a.IMAAdManager.resize(a.videoPlayerElement.clientWidth,a.videoPlayerElement.clientHeight,google.ima.ViewMode.NORMAL),a.adContainerElement.style.height="".concat(a.videoPlayerElement.clientHeight,"px"))}),f()(this,"onAdProgressChanged",function(e){var t,n,r=a.store,i=r.dispatch,o=r.getState,s=e.getAdData().currentTime,u=e.getAdData().duration,c=_i.adDuration(o());(t=s,function(e){e({type:"[MONETIZATION] change ad current time",payload:t})})(i),c!==u&&(n=u,function(e){e({type:"[MONETIZATION] change ad duration",payload:n})})(i)}),f()(this,"onAnchorStatusChanged",function(){var e=a.store.getState;"processing"!==Pr(e())&&a.onResize()}),f()(this,"changeAdVolume",function(e){Un(a.IMAAdManager)||a.IMAAdManager.setVolume(e)}),f()(this,"changeAdMuted",function(e,t){Un(a.IMAAdManager)||(t?a.IMAAdManager.setVolume(0):a.IMAAdManager.setVolume(e))}),f()(this,"changeAdStatus",function(e){Un(a.IMAAdManager)||("playing"===e&&a.IMAAdManager.resume(),"paused"===e&&a.IMAAdManager.pause())});var s=t.getState;this.store=t,this.adVideoElement=r,this.videoPlayerElement=i,this.adContainerElement=n,this.adDisplayContainer=new google.ima.AdDisplayContainer(n,r),this.createAdLoader(s(),this.adDisplayContainer),this.adDisplayContainer.initialize(),this.anchorStatusStoreSubscriber=new ji(t,e.getAnchorDependencies,this.onAnchorStatusChanged.bind(this)),this.registerForWindowResize(),this.initMutationObserver(o)};f()(to,"getAdsRenderingSettings",function(){var e=new google.ima.AdsRenderingSettings;return e.restoreCustomPlaybackStateOnAdBreakComplete=!0,e.enablePreloading=!1,e.uiElements=[],e.loadVideoTimeout=15e3,e}),f()(to,"getAnchorDependencies",function(e){return[Pr(e)]});var no=function e(t,n,r,i,o,a){var s=this;Ai()(this,e),f()(this,"store",void 0),f()(this,"playerId",void 0),f()(this,"adScheduler",void 0),f()(this,"adHandler",void 0),f()(this,"imaLoadingStatusSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"adStatusSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"videoTagStatusSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"adContainer",void 0),f()(this,"adVideoElement",void 0),f()(this,"videoPlayerElement",void 0),f()(this,"playerContainer",void 0),f()(this,"pendingMidrollAdPlay",!1),f()(this,"pendingPrerollAdPlay",!1),f()(this,"pendingPrerollAdTag",null),f()(this,"pendingMidrollNumber",null),f()(this,"pendingAdStatusStoreSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"adMutedStoreSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"adVolumeStoreSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"onMidrollAdOpportunity",function(){var e=s.store,t=e.dispatch,n=e.getState,r=_i.adStatus(n()),i=bi.continuePlayingWhileWaitingForAd(n());"loaded"===r?s.playAd(!0):"requested"===r&&(s.pendingMidrollAdPlay=!0,i||(Xi("pause")(t),Ji(!0)(t))),function(e){e({type:"[MONETIZATION] increase ad Opportunity counter"})}(t)}),f()(this,"onPrerollAdOpportunity",function(e){var t=s.store,n=t.getState,r=t.dispatch,i=Fi.loadingImaStatus(n());Un(s.adHandler)?"loading"!==i&&""!==i||(Ji(!0)(r),s.pendingPrerollAdPlay=!0,s.pendingPrerollAdTag=e):(s.pendingPrerollAdPlay=!0,Ji(!0)(r),s.adHandler.loadNewAd(e,"preroll"))}),f()(this,"onPreMidrollAdOpportunity",function(e,t){Un(s.adHandler)||(e.currentTime>=e.midrollTime&&(s.pendingMidrollAdPlay=!0),s.pendingMidrollNumber=e.midrollNumber,s.adHandler.loadNewAd(t,"midroll"))}),f()(this,"hasPendingAd",function(){return s.hasPendingMidrollAdPlay()||s.hasPendingPrerollAdPlay()}),f()(this,"onAdStatusChanged",function(e){var t=s.store.dispatch,n=_i.adStatus(e);"completed"===n&&Ji(!1)(t);var r=bi.continuePlayingWhileWaitingForAd(e),i=_i.loadingAd(e);"playing"!==n&&"error"!==n||r||!i||Ji(!1)(t),s.hasPendingAd()&&"loaded"===n?s.playAd(s.hasPendingMidrollAdPlay()):s.hasPendingAd()&&"error"===n?(Ji(!1),s.clearPendingMidroll(),s.clearPendingPreroll()):Hi(n)||(Ji(!1),function(e){e({type:"[MONETIZATION] clear ad data"})}(t))}),f()(this,"clearPendingMidroll",function(){s.pendingMidrollNumber=null,s.pendingMidrollAdPlay=!1}),f()(this,"clearPendingPreroll",function(){s.pendingPrerollAdPlay=!1,s.pendingPrerollAdTag=null}),f()(this,"onVideoTagStatusChanged",function(e){"complete"===hn.videoTagStatus(e)&&function(e){e({type:"[MONETIZATION] clear played midrolls"})}(s.store.dispatch)}),f()(this,"hasPendingMidrollAdPlay",function(){return s.pendingMidrollAdPlay}),f()(this,"hasPendingPrerollAdPlay",function(){return s.pendingPrerollAdPlay}),f()(this,"playAd",function(e){var t,n=s.store.dispatch,r=s.adHandler.playAd();e?((t=s.pendingMidrollNumber,function(e){e({type:"[MONETIZATION] add 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oo.a.wrap(function(e){for(;;)switch(e.prev=e.next){case 0:if(!navigator.getBattery){e.next=7;break}return e.next=3,navigator.getBattery();case 3:t=e.sent,this.updateBatteryParams(t.level,t.charging),t.ondischargingtimechange=function(e){return n.updateBatteryParams(e.target.level,e.target.charging)},t.onchargingtimechange=function(e){return n.updateBatteryParams(e.target.level,e.target.charging)};case 7:case"end":return e.stop()}},e,this)}));return function(){return e.apply(this,arguments)}}()},{key:"updateBatteryParams",value:function(e,t){this.batteryLevel="".concat(100*e),this.batteryChargingState=t}},{key:"getBatteryLevel",value:function(){return this.batteryLevel}},{key:"getBatteryChargingState",value:function(){return this.batteryChargingState}},{key:"getConnectionSpeed",value:function(){return this.connectionSpeed}},{key:"getConnectionType",value:function(){return this.connectionType}}]),e}(),xo=function(){"undefined"===typeof 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Error('Reducer "'+t+"\" returned undefined during initialization. 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fa(fa({},e),{},{playbackMethod:Un(r)?e.playbackMethod:r,playerId:Un(i)?e.playerId:i,playerInstanceUniqId:n,playerMode:Fn()?"mobile":"desktop"})}(e,n.initiateParams,n.playerInstanceUniqId));case"[CORE] reset player data time params":return fa(fa({},e),{},{currentVideoTimeFragment:0,currentVideoBufferedTime:0,currentVideoDuration:0,currentVideoTime:0});case"[COMMON] set mute video":return fa(fa({},e),{},{playerSettings:fa(fa({},e.playerSettings),{},{muted:t.payload})});case"[COMMON] set volume":return fa(fa({},e),{},{playerSettings:fa(fa({},e.playerSettings),{},{volume:t.payload})});case"[COMMON] change selected settings category":return fa(fa({},e),{},{playerSettings:fa(fa({},e.playerSettings),{},{selectedSettingsCategory:t.payload})});case"[COMMON] change settings speed":return fa(fa({},e),{},{playerSettings:fa(fa({},e.playerSettings),{},{speed:t.payload})});case"[COMMON] change settings quality":return fa(fa({},e),{},{playerSettings:fa(fa({},e.playerSettings),{},{quality:t.payload})});case"[COMMON] set fullscreen":return fa(fa({},e),{},{playerSettings:fa(fa({},e.playerSettings),{},{fullscreen:fa(fa({},e.playerSettings.fullscreen),{},{isFullscreenOn:t.payload,pendingFullscreenRequest:""})})});case"[COMMON] set fullscreen request":return fa(fa({},e),{},{playerSettings:fa(fa({},e.playerSettings),{},{fullscreen:fa(fa({},e.playerSettings.fullscreen),{},{pendingFullscreenRequest:t.payload})})});case"[COMMON] set pending video status":var r=t.payload.pendingStatusObject;return fa(fa({},e),{},{pendingVideoTagStatus:fa({},r)});case"[COMMON] set player mode":return fa(fa({},e),{},{playerMode:t.payload});case"[CORE] update video current fragment position":return fa(fa({},e),{},{currentVideoTimeFragment:t.payload});case"[CORE] update video current position":return fa(fa({},e),{},{currentVideoTime:t.payload});case"[CORE] update video current buffered time":return fa(fa({},e),{},{currentVideoBufferedTime:t.payload});case"[CORE] update video current duration":return fa(fa({},e),{},{currentVideoDuration:t.payload});case"[CORE] change video tag status":return fa(fa({},e),{},{videoTagStatus:t.payload});case"[CORE] update player visibility":return fa(fa({},e),{},{playerVisibility:t.payload});case"[CORE] update placeholder visibility":return fa(fa({},e),{},{playerPlaceholderVisibility:t.payload});case"[CORE] change loading player status":return fa(fa({},e),{},{loadingPlayer:t.payload});case"[COMMON] show black screen with loader":return fa(fa({},e),{},{loader:fa(fa({},e.loader),{},{showBlackScreen:t.payload})});case"[CORE] set player size":return fa(fa({},e),{},{playerSize:t.payload});case"[COMMON] set error message":return fa(fa({},e),{},{errorMessage:t.payload});default:return e}},brandingData:function(){var e=arguments.length>0&&void 0!==arguments[0]?arguments[0]:va,t=arguments.length>1?arguments[1]:void 0;switch(t.type){case"[CORE] initiate 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ba(ba({},e),{},{anchoringAppearance:r||e.anchoringAppearance,canClose:Un(i)?e.canClose:i,orientation:Un(u)?e.orientation:u,closableAd:Un(o)?e.closableAd:o,closeAfter:Un(a)?e.closeAfter:a,continueStreaming:Un(s)?e.continueStreaming:s,stickyBelowClassName:Un(l)?e.stickyBelowClassName:l,width:Un(d)?e.width:d,margins:p,anchorData:ba(ba({},e.anchorData),{},{anchorEnabled:!0})})}return e}(e,t.payload.initiateParams));case"[COMMON] set anchor enable":return ba(ba({},e),{},{anchorData:ba(ba({},e.anchorData),{},{anchorEnabled:t.payload})});case"[ANCHOR] update is anchor status":return ba(ba({},e),{},{anchorData:ba(ba({},e.anchorData),{},{anchorStatus:t.payload})});case"[COMMON] set anchor disabled by user":return ba(ba({},e),{},{anchorData:ba(ba({},e.anchorData),{},{anchorDisabledByUser:t.payload})});default:return e}},monetization:function(){var e=arguments.length>0&&void 0!==arguments[0]?arguments[0]:wa,t=arguments.length>1?arguments[1]:void 0;switch(t.type){case"[CORE] initiate store":return Sa({},function(e,t){var n=t.monetization;if(Un(n))return e;var r=n.ad_tag,i=n.ad_type,o=n.vpaid_mode,a=n.ad_request_timeout,s=n.continue_content_play_while_waiting_for_ad,u=n.midrolls,c=u&&u.on&&u.on.sort(Wn),l=Un(s)?e.continuePlayingWhileWaitingForAd:s,d=c?c.indexOf(0):-1,p=-1!==d&&!l;return p&&(c=c.splice(d,1)),Sa(Sa({},e),{},{midrolls:Sa(Sa({},e.midrolls),{},{every:u&&u.every,on:c}),prerollEnabled:p,adRequestTimeout:Un(a)?e.adRequestTimeout:parseInt(a,10),vpaidMode:Un(o)?e.vpaidMode:o,continuePlayingWhileWaitingForAd:l,adsData:Sa(Sa({},e.adsData),{},{adType:Un(i)?e.adsData.adType:i,adTagUrlTemplate:Un(r)?e.adsData.adTagUrlTemplate:r})})}(e,t.payload.initiateParams));case"[COMMON] set new ad tag url template":return Sa(Sa({},e),{},{adsData:Sa(Sa({},e.adsData),{},{adTagUrlTemplate:t.payload})});case"[MONETIZATION] change ad status":return Sa(Sa({},e),{},{adsData:Sa(Sa({},e.adsData),{},{adStatus:t.payload,adErrorMessage:null})});case"[MONETIZATION] change ad tag":var n=t.payload,r=n.adUnit,i=n.adTag;return Sa(Sa({},e),{},{adsData:Sa(Sa({},e.adsData),{},{currentAdTag:i,adUnit:r})});case"[MONETIZATION] change pending ad status":return Sa(Sa({},e),{},{adsData:Sa(Sa({},e.adsData),{},{pendingAdStatus:t.payload})});case"[MONETIZATION] change ad error":return Sa(Sa({},e),{},{adsData:Sa(Sa({},e.adsData),{},{adStatus:"error",adErrorMessage:t.payload})});case"[MONETIZATION] increase ad impression counter":var o=e.adsData.adImpression;return Sa(Sa({},e),{},{adsData:Sa(Sa({},e.adsData),{},{adImpression:o+1})});case"[MONETIZATION] increase ad Opportunity counter":var a=e.adsData.adOpportunity;return Sa(Sa({},e),{},{adsData:Sa(Sa({},e.adsData),{},{adOpportunity:a+1})});case"[MONETIZATION] add played midroll number":var s=e.adsData.playedMidrolls,u=In()(s);return u.push(t.payload),Sa(Sa({},e),{},{adsData:Sa(Sa({},e.adsData),{},{adOrder:t.payload,playedMidrolls:u})});case"[MONETIZATION] clear played midrolls":return Sa(Sa({},e),{},{adsData:Sa(Sa({},e.adsData),{},{playedMidrolls:[]})});case"[MONETIZATION] clear ad data":return Sa(Sa({},e),{},{adsData:Sa(Sa({},e.adsData),{},{adOrder:0,currentAdTag:null,adDuration:0,adUnit:""})});case"[MONETIZATION] change ad duration":return Sa(Sa({},e),{},{adsData:Sa(Sa({},e.adsData),{},{adDuration:t.payload})});case"[MONETIZATION] update is vast ad":return Sa(Sa({},e),{},{adsData:Sa(Sa({},e.adsData),{},{isVastAd:t.payload})});case"[MONETIZATION] change ad current time":return Sa(Sa({},e),{},{adsData:Sa(Sa({},e.adsData),{},{adCurrentTime:t.payload})});case"[MONETIZATION] update ad muted":return Sa(Sa({},e),{},{adsData:Sa(Sa({},e.adsData),{},{adMuted:t.payload})});case"[MONETIZATION] change ad volume":return Sa(Sa({},e),{},{adsData:Sa(Sa({},e.adsData),{},{adVolume:t.payload})});case"[MONETIZATION] change pod info":var c=t.payload,l=c.podNumber,d=c.slotNumber;return Sa(Sa({},e),{},{adsData:Sa(Sa({},e.adsData),{},{podNumber:l,slotNumber:d})});case"[MONETIZATION] change loading ad status":return Sa(Sa({},e),{},{adsData:Sa(Sa({},e.adsData),{},{loadingAd:t.payload})});default:return e}},mediaData:function(){var e=arguments.length>0&&void 0!==arguments[0]?arguments[0]:ja,t=arguments.length>1?arguments[1]:void 0;switch(t.type){case"[CORE] initiate store":return Va({},function(e,t){var n=t.content_type,r=t.media_id,i=t.display_title;return Va(Va({},e),{},{mediaType:Un(n)?e.mediaType:n,mediaId:Un(r)?e.mediaId:r,videoData:Va(Va({},e.videoData),{},{showTitle:!!Un(i)||i})})}(e,t.payload.initiateParams));case"[CORE] load video request":return Va(Va({},e),{},{loadingMedia:!0});case"[CORE] load video request success":return Va(Va({},e),{},{loadingMedia:!1,videoList:t.payload});case"[CORE] set current video":var n=t.payload,r=n.index,i=n.videoData;return Va(Va({},e),{},{activeVideoIndex:r,videoData:i});case"[CORE] load video request error":return Va(Va({},e),{},{loadingMedia:!1,mediaLoadingError:t.payload});case"[COMMON] media request":var o=t.payload.mediaRequestObject;return Va(Va({},e),{},{mediaRequest:Va({},o)});default:return e}},semanticOptions:function(){var e=arguments.length>0&&void 0!==arguments[0]?arguments[0]:Ba,t=arguments.length>1?arguments[1]:void 0;switch(t.type){case"[CORE] initiate store":return Fa({},function(e,t){var n=t.semantic_options;if(Un(n))return e;var r=n.minimum_date_factor,i=n.promoted_videos,o=n.scan_images_on_page,a=n.scanned_element,s=n.scanned_element_type,u=n.scoped_keywords,c=n.tags;return Fa(Fa({},e),{},{minimumDateFactor:Un(r)?e.minimumDateFactor:r,promotedVideos:Un(i)?e.promotedVideos:i,scanImagesOnPage:Un(o)?e.scanImagesOnPage:o,scannedElement:Un(a)?e.scannedElement:a,scannedElementType:Un(s)?e.scannedElementType:s,scopedKeywords:Un(u)?e.scopedKeywords:u,tags:Un(c)?e.tags:c})}(e,t.payload.initiateParams));default:return e}},userInteraction:function(){var e=arguments.length>0&&void 0!==arguments[0]?arguments[0]:Wa,t=arguments.length>1?arguments[1]:void 0;switch(t.type){case"[USER INTERACTION] change user interaction":return qa(qa({},e),{},{userInteractionType:t.payload});default:return e}},splitView:function(){var e=arguments.length>0&&void 0!==arguments[0]?arguments[0]:$a,t=arguments.length>1?arguments[1]:void 0;switch(t.type){case"[CORE] initiate store":return Ga({},function(e,t){var n=t.anchor_options;if(!Un(n)){var r=n.split_view,i=n.split_view_ratio;return Ga(Ga({},e),{},{splitViewRatio:Un(r)||!r||Un(i)?e.splitViewRatio:i})}return e}(e,t.payload.initiateParams));default:return e}},discovery:function(){var e=arguments.length>0&&void 0!==arguments[0]?arguments[0]:Za,t=arguments.length>1?arguments[1]:void 0;switch(t.type){case"[CORE] initiate store":return Ya({},function(e,t){var n=t.next_video;return Un(n)?e:Ya(Ya({},e),{},{nextVideo:Xa(n)})}(e,t.payload.initiateParams));case"[DISCOVERY] show up next":return Ya(Ya({},e),{},{showUpNext:t.payload});case"[DISCOVERY] show skippable content":return Ya(Ya({},e),{},{showSkippableContent:t.payload});default:return e}}}),Qa=[],es=!1,ts=function e(){return function(t){return function(n){if(es)return Qa.push(n),null;es=!0;var r=t(n);return es=!1,Qa.length>0&&e()(t)(Qa.shift()),r}}},ns=function(e){var t=[];if(function(e){return!Un(e)&&!Un(e.enable_redux_debugging)&&e.enable_redux_debugging}(e)){var n=window&&window.__REDUX_DEVTOOLS_EXTENSION__&&window.__REDUX_DEVTOOLS_EXTENSION__();"function"===typeof n&&t.push(n)}var r=Et.apply(void 0,[wt(ua,ts)].concat(t));return vt(Ja,r)},rs=function(){function e(t){Ai()(this,e),f()(this,"playerVisibilitySubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"videoTagStatusSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"shouldPlayIfLazyplay",!0),f()(this,"shouldPlayIfAutoplayWhenViewable",!0),f()(this,"videoPausedByObserver",!1),this.store=t,this.playerVisibilitySubscriber=null,this.videoTagStatusSubscriber=null,this.playAccordingToPlaybackMethod()}return Vi()(e,[{key:"lazyplayHandler",value:function(e){hn.playerVisibility(e)>=.5&&(this.playVideo(),this.shouldPlayIfLazyplay=!1)}},{key:"autoplayWhenViewableHandler",value:function(e){hn.playerVisibility(e)>=.5?this.playVideo():this.pauseVideo()}},{key:"onPlayerVisibilityChanged",value:function(e){var t=hn.playbackMethod(e);"lazyplay"===t&&this.shouldPlayIfLazyplay&&this.lazyplayHandler(e),"autoplay_when_viewable"===t&&this.shouldPlayIfAutoplayWhenViewable&&this.autoplayWhenViewableHandler(e)}},{key:"onVideoTagStatusChanged",value:function(e){var t=hn.videoTagStatus(e);"paused"!==t||this.videoPausedByObserver||(this.shouldPlayIfAutoplayWhenViewable=!1),"playing"===t&&(this.shouldPlayIfAutoplayWhenViewable=!0,this.videoPausedByObserver=!1)}},{key:"initiatePlayerVisibilitySubscriber",value:function(){this.playerVisibilitySubscriber=new ji(this.store,e.getPlayerVisibilityDependencies,this.onPlayerVisibilityChanged.bind(this))}},{key:"initiateVideoTagStatusSubscriber",value:function(){this.videoTagStatusSubscriber=new ji(this.store,e.getVideoTagStatusDependencies,this.onVideoTagStatusChanged.bind(this))}},{key:"playVideo",value:function(){var e=this.store,t=e.dispatch,n=e.getState;"idle"===hn.videoTagStatus(n())?on("play")(t):on("resume")(t)}},{key:"pauseVideo",value:function(){var e=this.store,t=e.dispatch,n=e.getState;"paused"!==hn.videoTagStatus(n())&&(this.videoPausedByObserver=!0,on("pause")(t))}},{key:"playAccordingToPlaybackMethod",value:function(){var e=this.store,t=e.dispatch,n=(0,e.getState)();switch(hn.playbackMethod(n)){case"autoplay":this.playVideo();break;case"lazyplay":this.initiatePlayerVisibilitySubscriber();break;case"autoplay_when_viewable":this.initiatePlayerVisibilitySubscriber(),this.initiateVideoTagStatusSubscriber();break;case"none":an(!1)(t)}}}],[{key:"getPlayerVisibilityDependencies",value:function(e){return[hn.playerVisibility(e)]}},{key:"getVideoTagStatusDependencies",value:function(e){return[hn.videoTagStatus(e)]}}]),e}(),is=function(){function e(t,n,r,i){var o=this;Ai()(this,e),f()(this,"videoStatusSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"videoListSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"mediaRequestSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"playerVisibilitySubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"playbackMethodManager",void 0),f()(this,"store",void 0),f()(this,"loadContent",function(e,t,n,r){o.loadMedia(t,n,r).then(function(){o.playbackMethodManager=new rs(e)})}),f()(this,"loadMedia",function(e,t,n){var r=o.store,i=r.dispatch,a=r.getState,s=Dn.showTitle(a());if("semantic"===e){var u=pn.semanticOptions(a());return Na(u,s,n)(i)}return ka(t,s,n)(i)}),this.store=t,this.videoStatusSubscriber=new ji(t,e.getVideoStatusDependencies,this.onVideoStatusChanged.bind(this)),this.videoListSubscriber=new ji(t,e.getVideoListDependencies,this.onVideoListChanged.bind(this)),this.mediaRequestSubscriber=new ji(t,e.getMediaRequestDependencies,this.onMediaRequestChanged.bind(this)),this.playerVisibilitySubscriber=null,this.loadContent(t,r,n,i)}return Vi()(e,null,[{key:"createInstance",value:function(t,n,r,i){return new e(t,n,r,i)}}]),Vi()(e,[{key:"playNextVideo",value:function(e){var t=this.store.dispatch,n=Cn.videoList(e),r=Cn.activeVideoIndex(e)+1;n.length>1&&r>=n.length&&(r=0),r<n.length&&(!function(e){e({type:"[CORE] reset player data time params"})}(t),La(r,n[r])(t),on("play")(t))}},{key:"playPreviousVideo",value:function(e){var t=this.store.dispatch,n=Cn.videoList(e),r=Cn.activeVideoIndex(e);if(r>0){var i=r-1;La(i,n[i])(t),on("play")(t)}}},{key:"onVideoStatusChanged",value:function(e){"complete"===hn.videoTagStatus(e)&&this.playNextVideo(e)}},{key:"onVideoListChanged",value:function(e){var t=this.store.dispatch,n=Cn.videoList(e);!jn(n)&&n.length>0&&La(0,n[0])(t)}},{key:"onMediaRequestChanged",value:function(e){var t=Cn.mediaRequest(e);switch(t.type){case"playNewVideo":this.loadMedia("specific",t.value);break;case"playNextVideo":this.playNextVideo(e);break;case"playPreviousVideo":this.playPreviousVideo(e)}}}],[{key:"getVideoStatusDependencies",value:function(e){return[hn.videoTagStatus(e)]}},{key:"getVideoListDependencies",value:function(e){return[Cn.videoList(e)]}},{key:"getMediaRequestDependencies",value:function(e){return[Cn.mediaRequest(e)]}}]),e}(),os=function e(t){var n=this;Ai()(this,e),f()(this,"store",void 0),f()(this,"onDependencyFailure",function(e,t){console.log("onDependencyFailure",e,t);var r=n.store,i=r.dispatch,o=r.getState;switch(e){case"ima":"blocked"!==Fi.loadingImaStatus(o())&&Qn("error")(i);break;case"hls":er("error")(i)}}),f()(this,"onDependencyReady",function(e){var t=n.store.dispatch;switch(e){case"ima":Qn("success")(t);break;case"hls":er("success")(t)}}),this.store=t},as=function(e){return function(t){t({type:"[COMMON] set fullscreen",payload:e})}},ss=function(){function e(t,n){var r=this;Ai()(this,e),f()(this,"store",void 0),f()(this,"videoTag",void 0),f()(this,"pendingFullscreenSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"adStatusSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"playerUniqId",void 0),f()(this,"onAdStatusChanged",function(e){var t=_i.adStatus(e),n=r.videoTag.webkitDisplayingFullscreen;"playing"===t&&Bn()&&n&&r.exitFullscreen(r.videoTag)}),f()(this,"isPlayerInFullscreen",function(){var e=document,t=Bn()?En(r.playerUniqId):bn(r.playerUniqId);return Un(e.fullscreenElement)?!Un(e.webkitFullscreenElement)&&0===e.webkitFullscreenElement.id.localeCompare(t):0===e.fullscreenElement.id.localeCompare(t)}),f()(this,"changePlayerWidth",function(e){r.videoTag.style.width=e?"100%":"auto"}),f()(this,"onFullscreenChanged",function(){var e=r.store.dispatch,t=r.isPlayerInFullscreen();r.changePlayerWidth(t),as(t)(e)}),f()(this,"onFullscreenChangedIos",function(){var e=r.store.dispatch,t=r.videoTag.webkitDisplayingFullscreen;t||on("resume")(e),r.changePlayerWidth(t),as(t)(e)}),f()(this,"onPendingFullscreenRequestChanged",function(e){var t=gn.pendingFullscreenRequest(e);"enter"===t?r.enterFullscreen(r.videoTag):"exit"===t&&r.exitFullscreen(r.videoTag)}),f()(this,"getFullScreenElement",function(e,t){var n=document.getElementById(bn(r.playerUniqId));return Bn()?t:e?document:n}),f()(this,"enterFullscreen",function(e){var t=r.getFullScreenElement(!1,e);Bn()?t.webkitEnterFullscreen():document.webkitExitFullscreen?t.webkitRequestFullscreen():document.webkitCancelFullScreen?t.webkitRequestFullScreen():document.mozCancelFullScreen?t.mozRequestFullScreen():document.msExitFullscreen&&t.msRequestFullscreen()}),f()(this,"exitFullscreen",function(e){var t=r.getFullScreenElement(!0,e);document.webkitExitFullscreen||Bn()?t.webkitExitFullscreen():document.webkitCancelFullScreen?t.webkitCancelFullScreen():document.mozCancelFullScreen?t.mozCancelFullScreen():document.msExitFullscreen&&t.msExitFullscreen()}),this.store=t,this.videoTag=document.getElementById(En(n)),this.playerUniqId=n,document.addEventListener("fullscreenchange",this.onFullscreenChanged.bind(this)),document.addEventListener("webkitfullscreenchange",this.onFullscreenChanged.bind(this)),Bn()&&(this.videoTag.addEventListener("webkitendfullscreen",this.onFullscreenChangedIos.bind(this)),this.videoTag.addEventListener("webkitbeginfullscreen",this.onFullscreenChangedIos.bind(this))),this.pendingFullscreenSubscriber=new ji(t,e.getPendingFullscreenDependencies,this.onPendingFullscreenRequestChanged.bind(this)),this.adStatusSubscriber=new ji(t,e.getAdStatusDependencies,this.onAdStatusChanged.bind(this))}return Vi()(e,null,[{key:"createInstance",value:function(t,n){return new e(t,n)}}]),Vi()(e,null,[{key:"getPendingFullscreenDependencies",value:function(e){return[gn.pendingFullscreenRequest(e)]}},{key:"getAdStatusDependencies",value:function(e){return[_i.adStatus(e)]}}]),e}();function us(e,t){var n=Object.keys(e);if(Object.getOwnPropertySymbols){var r=Object.getOwnPropertySymbols(e);t&&(r=r.filter(function(t){return Object.getOwnPropertyDescriptor(e,t).enumerable})),n.push.apply(n,r)}return n}function cs(e){for(var t=1;t<arguments.length;t++){var n=null!=arguments[t]?arguments[t]:{};t%2?us(Object(n),!0).forEach(function(t){f()(e,t,n[t])}):Object.getOwnPropertyDescriptors?Object.defineProperties(e,Object.getOwnPropertyDescriptors(n)):us(Object(n)).forEach(function(t){Object.defineProperty(e,t,Object.getOwnPropertyDescriptor(n,t))})}return e}var ls,ds=function(e){return function(e){return e&&window.monti.playerConfigs&&window.monti.playerConfigs[e]}(e)?function(e){return window.monti.playerConfigs[e]}(e):window.monti.playerConfigs?window.monti.playerConfigs&&window.monti.playerConfigs[Object.keys(window.monti.playerConfigs)[0]]:null},ps=function e(t){var n=this;Ai()(this,e),f()(this,"videoTag",void 0),f()(this,"isBufferError",void 0),f()(this,"hls",void 0),f()(this,"hlsSetup",function(e,t,r,i){n.initiateHls(e),n.loadHlsSource(e,t,r,i)}),f()(this,"detachMedia",function(){Un(n.hls)||(n.hls.detachMedia(),n.hls.destroy(),n.hls=null)}),f()(this,"initiateHls",function(e){n.hls=new e,n.hls.attachMedia(n.videoTag)}),f()(this,"loadHlsSource",function(e,t,r,i){n.hls.on(e.Events.MEDIA_ATTACHED,function(){n.hls.loadSource(t)}),n.hls.on(e.Events.ERROR,function(t,o){n.mapHlsToErrors(e,o,i),t.details===e.ErrorDetails.BUFFER_STALLED_ERROR&&(r(!0),n.isBufferError=!0)}),n.hls.on(e.Events.FRAG_BUFFERED,function(){n.isBufferError&&(r(!1),n.isBufferError=!1)})}),f()(this,"mapHlsToErrors",function(e,t,r){if(t.fatal)switch(t.type){case e.ErrorTypes.NETWORK_ERROR:r(Xn.GENERAL_ERROR),n.hls.startLoad();break;case e.ErrorTypes.MEDIA_ERROR:r(Xn.GENERAL_ERROR),n.hls.recoverMediaError();break;default:r(Xn.GENERAL_ERROR),n.hls.destroy()}}),this.hls=void 0,this.videoTag=t,this.isBufferError=!1},fs=function e(){var t=this;Ai()(this,e),f()(this,"videoStreaming",void 0),f()(this,"hlsLibrarySetup",function(e,n,r,i){Un(t.videoStreaming)||t.videoStreaming.detachMedia(),t.videoStreaming=new ps(e),t.videoStreaming.hlsSetup(ls,n,r,i)})};f()(fs,"shouldLoadVideoStreamingSrcDirectly",function(e,t,n){return"no-need"===n&&!(""===e.canPlayType("application/vnd.apple.mpegurl"))}),f()(fs,"shouldUseHlsLibrary",function(e,t){return"success"===t&&(ls=void 0!==window.Hls?Hls:mmHls).isSupported()}),f()(fs,"isValidHlsUrl",function(e){return!Un(e)&&!e.includes(".mp4")}),f()(fs,"suitableVideoSource",function(e,t,n){return fs.isValidHlsUrl(t)?fs.shouldUseHlsLibrary(t,n)?"m3u8 with hls":fs.shouldLoadVideoStreamingSrcDirectly(e,t,n)?"m3u8 directly":"loading"!==n?"mp4":"":"mp4"}),f()(fs,"loadHlsVideoDirectly",function(e,t){e.setAttribute("src",t),e.load()});var hs=function(e){return function(t){t({type:"[MONETIZATION] change pending ad status",payload:{type:e}})}},ys="video/mp4",gs="application/vnd.apple.mpegurl",vs=function(){function e(t,n){var r=this;Ai()(this,e),f()(this,"store",void 0),f()(this,"videoTag",void 0),f()(this,"prerollEnabled",void 0),f()(this,"pendingVideoStatusSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"videoStreamingManager",void 0),f()(this,"videoDataSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"hlsLoadingStatusSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"newVideoDataLoaded",void 0),f()(this,"onHlsLoadingStatusChanged",function(e){"success"===Fi.loadingHLSStatus(e)&&(r.newVideoDataLoaded=!0,r.onPendingVideoStatusChanged(e))}),f()(this,"onPendingVideoStatusChanged",function(e){var t=hn.pendingVideoTagStatus(e),n=Dn.sources(e),i=Fi.loadingHLSStatus(e),o="blocked"===Fi.loadingImaStatus(e);r.handlePendingVideoStatus(t,n,i,o)}),f()(this,"onVideoDataChanged",function(){r.newVideoDataLoaded=!0}),f()(this,"sendPrerollPlayRequest",function(){var e=r.store.dispatch;hs("playPreroll")(e)}),f()(this,"handlePlayRequest",function(e,t,n){var i=r.store.dispatch;if(e&&e.length>0){if(r.newVideoDataLoaded&&(r.loadVideoSource(r.videoTag,e,t),r.newVideoDataLoaded=!1,r.prerollEnabled&&!n))return void r.sendPrerollPlayRequest();r.videoTag.play().catch(function(e){return console.error("Error playing the video: ",e)})}else dn(Xn.VIDEO_ERROR)(i)}),f()(this,"handlePendingVideoStatus",function(e,t,n,i){switch(e.type){case"play":r.handlePlayRequest(t,n,i);break;case"resume":r.videoTag.play().catch(function(e){return console.error("Error resuming the video: ",e)});break;case"pause":r.videoTag.pause();break;case"replay":r.videoTag.currentTime=0,r.videoTag.play().catch(function(e){return console.error("Error replaying the video: ",e)});break;case"seekTo":r.videoTag.pause(),r.videoTag.currentTime=e.value}}),f()(this,"loadMp4Source",function(e,t,n){var r=Ra(t,ys);n.setAttribute("src",r),n.load()}),f()(this,"loadVideoSource",function(e,t,n){var i=r.store.dispatch,o=Ra(t,gs);switch(fs.suitableVideoSource(e,o,n)){case"mp4":r.loadMp4Source(n,t,e);break;case"m3u8 with hls":r.videoStreamingManager.hlsLibrarySetup(e,o,function(e){return un(e)(i)},function(e){return dn(e)(i)});break;case"m3u8 directly":fs.loadHlsVideoDirectly(e,o)}}),this.store=t;var i=t.getState;this.videoStreamingManager=new fs,this.videoTag=document.getElementById(En(n)),this.prerollEnabled=bi.prerollEnabled(i()),this.pendingVideoStatusSubscriber=new ji(t,e.getPendingVideoStatusDependencies,this.onPendingVideoStatusChanged.bind(this)),this.videoDataSubscriber=new ji(t,e.getVideoDataDependencies,this.onVideoDataChanged.bind(this)),this.hlsLoadingStatusSubscriber=new ji(t,e.getHLSLoadingStatusDependencies,this.onHlsLoadingStatusChanged.bind(this))}return Vi()(e,null,[{key:"createInstance",value:function(t,n){return new e(t,n)}}]),Vi()(e,null,[{key:"getHLSLoadingStatusDependencies",value:function(e){return[Fi.loadingHLSStatus(e)]}},{key:"getPendingVideoStatusDependencies",value:function(e){return[hn.pendingVideoTagStatus(e)]}},{key:"getVideoDataDependencies",value:function(e){return[Cn.videoData(e)]}}]),e}();function ms(e,t){var n=Object.keys(e);if(Object.getOwnPropertySymbols){var r=Object.getOwnPropertySymbols(e);t&&(r=r.filter(function(t){return Object.getOwnPropertyDescriptor(e,t).enumerable})),n.push.apply(n,r)}return n}function bs(e){for(var t=1;t<arguments.length;t++){var n=null!=arguments[t]?arguments[t]:{};t%2?ms(Object(n),!0).forEach(function(t){f()(e,t,n[t])}):Object.getOwnPropertyDescriptors?Object.defineProperties(e,Object.getOwnPropertyDescriptors(n)):ms(Object(n)).forEach(function(t){Object.defineProperty(e,t,Object.getOwnPropertyDescriptor(n,t))})}return e}var Os={READY_EVENT:"ready",PLAY_EVENT:"play",PAUSE_EVENT:"pause",TIME_EVENT:"time",SEEK_EVENT:"seek",COMPLETE_EVENT:"complete",VOLUME_EVENT:"volume",MUTE_EVENT:"mute"},_s=Object.values(Os),Ss={FULLSCREEN_EVENT:"fullscreen",ANCHOR_STATUS_EVENT:"anchorStatusChanged",ANCHOR_CLOSED_EVENT:"anchorClosed"},Es={AD_PLAY_EVENT:"adPlay",AD_PAUSE_EVENT:"adPause",AD_RESUME_EVENT:"adResume",AD_COMPLETE_EVENT:"adComplete",AD_TIME_EVENT:"adTime",AD_MUTE_EVENT:"adMute",AD_SKIPPED_EVENT:"adSkipped",AD_ERROR_EVENT:"adError",AD_BLOCK_EVENT:"adBlock",AD_REQUEST_EVENT:"adRequest",AD_OPPORTUNITY_EVENT:"adOpportunity",AD_IMPRESSION_EVENT:"adImpression"},ws=Object.values(Es),Ps=Object.values(bs(bs(bs({},Os),Es),Ss)),Ts=function(){function e(t,n){var r=this;Ai()(this,e),f()(this,"eventsCallbacksHandler",void 0),f()(this,"store",void 0),f()(this,"videoStatusSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"videoMuteSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"videoVolumeSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"videoTimeFragmentSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"videoListStoreSubscriber",void 0),f()(this,"previousVideoTagStatus",void 0),f()(this,"startSeekTime",0),f()(this,"canHandleReady",function(e,t,n){if(t===Os.READY_EVENT){var r=Cn.videoList(e);if(Array.isArray(r)&&r.length>0)return n(),!0}return!1}),f()(this,"canBeHandled",function(e,t){var n=r.store.getState;return r.canHandleReady(n(),e,t)}),f()(this,"reportSeekEnd",function(e){var t={position:hn.currentVideoTimeFragment(e),offset:r.startSeekTime};r.eventsCallbacksHandler.onEvent(Os.SEEK_EVENT,t)}),f()(this,"onMuteStateChanged",function(e){var t=gn.muted(e);r.eventsCallbacksHandler.onEvent(Os.MUTE_EVENT,{state:t})}),f()(this,"onVolumeChanged",function(e){var t=gn.muted(e),n=gn.volume(e);r.eventsCallbacksHandler.onEvent(Os.VOLUME_EVENT,{level:t?0:n})}),f()(this,"onVideoTimeFragmentChanged",function(e){var 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{"is_conflicting_with_other_jw_players":false,"programmatic_play_with_sound_on_desktop":false,"referrer_id":"af93e181-b289-0560-a2bf-808e93bb05bc","width":"100","comscore_publisher_id":"18120612","monetization":{"ad_type":"static_tag","continue_content_play_while_waiting_for_ad":false,"strategy":"on_player_load","ad_request_timeout":"10000","midrolls":{"on":[0]},"vpaid_mode":"ENABLED","ad_tag":"https://pubads.g.doubleclick.net/gampad/ads?sz=400x300|640x480|480x270|640x360&iu=/175840252/MMPlus/smithsonianmag/Video&impl=s&gdfp_req=1&env=vp&output=vast&unviewed_position_start=1&url=##REFERRER_URL_UNESC##&description_url=##DESCRIPTION_URL_UNESC##&correlator=##CACHEBUSTER##&cust_params=mm_midroll%3D##MIDROLL_ORDER##%26video_ID%3D##VIDEO_ID##"},"sponsorship":false,"player_identifier":"mplayer","recommendation_id":null,"brand_color":"#FF9900","powered_by_strip":true,"platform":"buffy","type":"video","config_name":"MM+ | Smithsonianmag | Podding","player_id":"3v9g2u2f","playlist_id":"fSkmeWKF","playback_method":"autoplay","anchor_viewability_method":"none","player_version":"v4","playlist_type":"semantic","semantic_options":{"scan_images_on_page":true,"scanned_element":"","tags":"geogrophy,nature,animals,habitat,outdoors,science,history","minimum_date_factor":30,"scanned_element_type":"tag","scoped_keywords":"mentalfloss","promoted_videos":[]},"script_destination":"mm","publisher_contribution":"floor8","general_script_description":"","brand_logo":"","brand_logo_click_url":"","next_video":"none","uniq_key":"af93e181-b289-0560-a2bf-808e93bb05bc","content_id":"fSkmeWKF","content_type":"semantic"})); Finland has vastly improved in reading, math and science literacy over the past decade in large part because its teachers are trusted to do whatever it takes to turn young lives around. This 13-year-old, Besart Kabashi, received something akin to royal tutoring. “I took Besart on that year as my private student,” Louhivuori told me in his office, which boasted a Beatles “Yellow Submarine” poster on the wall and an electric guitar in the closet. When Besart was not studying science, geography and math, he was parked next to Louhivuori’s desk at the front of his class of 9- and 10-year- olds, cracking open books from a tall stack, slowly reading one, then another, then devouring them by the dozens. By the end of the year, the son of Kosovo war refugees had conquered his adopted country’s vowel-rich language and arrived at the realization that he could, in fact, learn. Years later, a 20-year-old Besart showed up at Kirkkojarvi’s Christmas party with a bottle of Cognac and a big grin. “You helped me,” he told his former teacher. Besart had opened his own car repair firm and a cleaning company. “No big fuss,” Louhivuori told me. “This is what we do every day, prepare kids for life.” This tale of a single rescued child hints at some of the reasons for the tiny Nordic nation’s staggering record of education success, a phenomenon that has inspired, baffled and even irked many of America’s parents and educators. Finnish schooling became an unlikely hot topic after the 2010 documentary film Waiting for “Superman” contrasted it with America’s troubled public schools. “Whatever it takes” is an attitude that drives not just Kirkkojarvi’s 30 teachers, but most of Finland’s 62,000 educators in 3,500 schools from Lapland to Turku—professionals selected from the top 10 percent of the nation’s graduates to earn a required master’s degree in education. Many schools are small enough so that teachers know every student. If one method fails, teachers consult with colleagues to try something else. They seem to relish the challenges. Nearly 30 percent of Finland’s children receive some kind of special help during their first nine years of school. The school where Louhivuori teaches served 240 first through ninth graders last year; and in contrast with Finland’s reputation for ethnic homogeneity, more than half of its 150 elementary-level students are immigrants—from Somalia, Iraq, Russia, Bangladesh, Estonia and Ethiopia, among other nations. “Children from wealthy families with lots of education can be taught by stupid teachers,” Louhivuori said, smiling. “We try to catch the weak students. It’s deep in our thinking.” Advertisement scroll for more The transformation of the Finns’ education system began some 40 years ago as the key propellent of the country’s economic recovery plan. Educators had little idea it was so successful until 2000, when the first results from the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), a standardized test given to 15-year-olds in more than 40 global venues, revealed Finnish youth to be the best young readers in the world. Three years later, they led in math. By 2006, Finland was first out of 57 countries (and a few cities) in science. In the 2009 PISA scores released last year, the nation came in second in science, third in reading and sixth in math among nearly half a million students worldwide. “I’m still surprised,” said Arjariita Heikkinen, principal of a Helsinki comprehensive school. “I didn’t realize we were that good.” In the United States, which has muddled along in the middle for the past decade, government officials have attempted to introduce marketplace competition into public schools. In recent years, a group of Wall Street financiers and philanthropists such as Bill Gates have put money behind private-sector ideas, such as vouchers, data-driven curriculum and charter schools, which have doubled in number in the past decade. President Obama, too, has apparently bet on compe­tition. His Race to the Top initiative invites states to compete for federal dollars using tests and other methods to measure teachers, a philosophy that would not fly in Finland. “I think, in fact, teachers would tear off their shirts,” said Timo Heikkinen, a Helsinki principal with 24 years of teaching experience. “If you only measure the statistics, you miss the human aspect.”

“Whatever it takes” is an attitude that drives not just Kirkkojarvi’s 30 teachers, but most of Finland’s 62,000 educators in 3,500 schools from Lapland to Turku—professionals selected from the top 10 percent of the nation’s graduates to earn a required master’s degree in education. Many schools are small enough so that teachers know every student. If one method fails, teachers consult with colleagues to try something else. They seem to relish the challenges. Nearly 30 percent of Finland’s children receive some kind of special help during their first nine years of school. The school where Louhivuori teaches served 240 first through ninth graders last year; and in contrast with Finland’s reputation for ethnic homogeneity, more than half of its 150 elementary-level students are immigrants—from Somalia, Iraq, Russia, Bangladesh, Estonia and Ethiopia, among other nations. “Children from wealthy families with lots of education can be taught by stupid teachers,” Louhivuori said, smiling. “We try to catch the weak students. It’s deep in our thinking.”

he latest debate in the 2020 presidential race has exposed the limits of how far Democrats are willing to go on voting rights. It began with a question to Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT), from a volunteer with the American Civil Liberties Union at an Iowa town hall in April: Should people in prison be allowed to vote? Sanders said yes, and then doubled down on his answer. At a CNN town hall a couple weeks later, Sanders was asked if the Boston marathon bomber should be allowed to vote — and, again, said yes. In a USA Today op-ed, he defended his position, arguing that “the right to vote is an inalienable and universal principle that applies to all American citizens 18 years and older. Period.” Since Sanders was first asked, other Democratic candidates have been questioned about their stances. Most other candidates have yet to say that prisoners should be given the right to vote, instead defending the right to vote only for nonviolent offenders or people who completed their sentences. Some appear undecided. Only two states — Maine and Vermont, where Sanders is from — currently let all people vote while they’re in prison. Other states apply restrictions based on whether someone is in prison, on probation, on parole, or has completed a sentence. (They don’t typically make a distinction on whether a person’s crime was violent or not.) (function() { var l = function() { new pym.Parent( 'vox-felony-disenfranchisement-laws-by-state-3__graphic', 'https://apps.voxmedia.com/at/vox-felony-disenfranchisement-laws-by-state-3/'); }; if(typeof(pym) === 'undefined') { var h = document.getElementsByTagName('head')[0], s = document.createElement('script'); s.type = 'text/javascript'; s.src = 'https://pym.nprapps.org/pym.v1.min.js'; s.onload = l; h.appendChild(s); } else { l(); } })(); As of 2016, 6.1 million people were prevented from voting due to a felony conviction, and about 1.3 million were in state or federal prison, the Sentencing Project, an advocacy group, found. Since black Americans are more likely to go to prison, these laws have a disproportionate impact on black voters, in part reflecting their roots in the Jim Crow era: More than 20 percent of black voters were disenfranchised in Florida, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Virginia in 2016. There appears to be some support for giving people convicted of felonies their voting rights back. Last fall, Florida voted to let most people with felony records vote once they complete their sentences — giving the right to vote back to, potentially, more than 1 million people (although that’s now in question as Republican lawmakers place new restrictions on who can vote). What Sanders is calling for, though, goes much further, enfranchising literally hundreds of thousands or millions of people across the country — in a way that could especially benefit black voters. For some Democrats, who have paid more attention to voting rights in recent years, and for activists with the ACLU who are aiming to get candidates on the record on this topic, it’s a logical next step. But the discussion has shown there are limits in how far even some Democrats — let alone the public — are willing to go in expanding voting rights. The polls so far show that giving people in prison the right to vote is unpopular among the majority of voters and Democrats. And in a Democratic primary where so much of the attention, even beyond policy specifics, is going to finding the candidate who can beat President Donald Trump, that unpopularity is drawing concerns about whether a politically risky issue like this one should be discussed at all. Modern felony disenfranchisement laws have some roots in Jim Crow Felony disenfranchisement laws slotted into the push after the Civil War, particularly in the South, to limit civil rights gains following the end of slavery and ratification of constitutional amendments — the 13th, 14th, and 15th — protecting minority rights. The resistance to civil rights gains also included the Jim Crow laws behind legally enforced racial segregation and other limits on black voting power. It’s been a decades-long project for civil rights activists to undo all of these laws. After the civil right movement, Democrats have taken up the banner to protect minority voting rights. Passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 was fairly bipartisan, but since then Republicans in particular have moved to curtail access to the polls through voter ID laws, cuts to early voting, and purges of the voter rolls. Democrats have fought back against Republicans on these issues, but the Democratic efforts haven’t included much advocacy on prisoner disenfranchisement laws. Preventing people with criminal records from voting in the US goes back to the colonial era and the concept of “civil death” — the notion that some bad actions effectively left a person dead in terms of civic engagement. But there’s also a uniquely American and racist twist to this story, rooted in Jim Crow. After the South lost the Civil War, state lawmakers in Florida, for example, enacted laws — the Black Codes — to constrain black rights. They created crimes, such as disobedience and “disrespect to the employer,” that could be enforced in a way that would target and criminalize black people in particular, according to a 2016 report by the Brennan Center for Justice, an advocacy group. Then, when Florida was forced to write voting rights protections for men of all races into its state constitution, lawmakers added an exception that would exempt victims of the Black Codes: Article XIV, Section 2, imposed a lifetime voting ban for people with felony convictions. Section 4 of this same suffrage article directed the legislature to “enact the necessary laws to exclude from ... the right of suffrage, all persons convicted of bribery, perjury, larceny, or of infamous crime” — the same crimes the legislature had recently recognized and expanded through the Black Code. Brennan went on: “Shortly after the 1868 constitution was approved, a moderate Republican leader boasted that he had kept Florida from becoming ‘niggerized.’” Since then, Florida has changed its constitution and laws, Brennan noted, and the felony disenfranchisement law was reformed again after the report, in the 2018 elections. But the roots of its post–Civil War disenfranchisement laws linger. Florida was not alone. Journalists and historians have documented similar efforts in Virginia and other Southern states. And of course, the federal government had to enact the (now-weakened) Voting Rights Act of 1965 to shield black voters from state-level discrimination, as well as other civil rights laws to prohibit other forms of systemic racism. But the criminal justice system remains one path toward disenfranchising voters, with a criminal or felony record often costing people various legal rights and protections even after they get out of jail or prison. And this system is rife with racial disparities, as the Washington Post’s Radley Balko explained in his thorough breakdown of the research. “We use our criminal justice system to label people of color ‘criminals’ and then engage in all the practices we supposedly left behind,” Michelle Alexander argued in her influential (and at times criticized) book The New Jim Crow. “Today it is perfectly legal to discriminate against criminals in nearly all the ways that it was once legal to discriminate against African Americans.” Still, felony disenfranchisement laws have survived legal challenges. Courts, including the US Supreme Court, have generally upheld such voting restrictions under the US Constitution’s 14th Amendment, which suggests that the government may abridge the right to vote due to “participation in rebellion, or other crime.” Without the courts, the only real hope for these efforts is to turn influential politicians and public opinion around on the issue — which is what Sanders seems to be trying to do and what some activists are encouraging. This might have to trickle down to the state level too, because there’s some scholarly debate about whether Congress even has the power to end felony disenfranchisement at the federal level. Where Democrats stand on felony disenfranchisement With the debate about voting from prison, Democrats now have a chance to expand the broader debate about voting rights. But, besides Sanders, most other candidates haven’t committed to full voting rights for people in prison. Sanders has been very explicit in his case: He argues that voting is a right that should never be taken away from anyone in a democracy. And that means people, no matter how terrible they prove to be, should keep their right to vote. “Even if Trump’s former campaign manager and personal lawyer end up in jail, they should still be able to vote — regardless of who they cast their vote for,” he wrote in USA Today. He later added, “In my view, the crooks on Wall Street who caused the great recession of 2008 that hurt millions of Americans are not ‘good’ people. But they have the right to vote, and it should never be taken away.” Some journalists, pundits, and activists have sided with Sanders. Writing in New York magazine, Zak Cheney-Rice argued that people aren’t imprisoned just because of bad decisions or mistakes, but also due to systemic factors that led them on a wrong path. Denying these people the right to vote robs them of the opportunity to express how society has failed them, how society continues to fail them through torturous and unconstitutional prison environments, and how society should and can be corrected, he argued. “A society that expels from its conception of humanity so many people who are sick, or in pain, or who make mistakes based upon which their entire lives are suddenly deprived of the opportunity for redemption, is an immoral society,” Cheney-Rice wrote. “But most Americans will not see that unless prisoners have a voice in that society. Giving them the vote is not the whole answer, nor is it the only one. But it is an essential beginning.” He pointed out that, beyond Maine and Vermont, several countries let people vote from prison to varying degrees, including France, Israel, Japan, and Sweden. But so far, other Democratic candidates have mostly distanced themselves, to varying degrees, from Sanders’s proposal. South Bend, Indiana, Mayor Pete Buttigieg spoke in stark terms, arguing, “I do believe that when you are out, when you have served your sentence, then part of being restored to society is that you are part of the political life of this nation again — and one of the things that needs to be restored is your right to vote.” He added, “But part of the punishment when you’re convicted of a crime and you’re incarcerated is you lose certain rights, you lose your freedom. And I think during that period it does not make sense to have an exception for the right to vote.” Former Rep. Beto O’Rourke (D-TX), meanwhile, suggested that maybe there should be an exception for nonviolent offenders: “I would think especially for nonviolent offenders that we rethink removing the right to vote and allow everyone, or as many as possible, to participate in our democracy. For violent criminals, it’s much harder for me to reach that conclusion.” Other candidates suggested they’re undecided. Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA), for example, said, “Once someone pays their debt to society, they’re out there expected to pay taxes, they’re expected to abide by the law, they’re expected to support themselves and their families. I think that means they’ve got a right to vote. While they’re still incarcerated, I think it’s a different question. And I think that’s something that we could have more conversation about.” Sen. Kamala Harris (D-CA) similarly said, “I think we should have that conversation.” It’s a philosophical question: Can someone at some point do something so terrible that he loses his right to vote? For Sanders, the answer is no. For others, the answer is yes, though just how terrible the act has to be before that right is lost, and how long the right is lost for, varies from candidate to candidate. Sanders’s stance is very unpopular One reason Sanders’s Democratic opponents may be reluctant to support his idea: politics. The idea of letting people in prison vote is very unpopular. A recent poll from the Hill and Harris X found that 69 percent of registered voters — and 61 percent of Democrats — said people who are incarcerated for a felony shouldn’t be allowed to vote. Another poll by YouGov found that 65 percent of Americans disagree with Sanders’s statement that all prisoners, including “terrible people” like the Boston Marathon bomber, should be allowed to vote. There is support for letting people vote after they complete their sentences. YouGov found that 65 percent of Americans agree that people convicted of a nonviolent felony should be allowed to vote after they have completed their sentences. And in Florida, voters approved an initiative, with nearly 65 percent in favor, letting people convicted of felonies vote once they’ve completed their sentences, with exceptions for those convicted of murder or felony sex offenses. But with the poll numbers on prisoners’ voting rights, it’s not hard to guess why a bunch of Democratic candidates might be cautious about supporting the idea. This has come up with some other issues in the Democratic primaries, like reparations. While some Democrats may truly believe that reparations are good policy, they’re still widely viewed as politically toxic. Sanders himself previously took this approach when asked about reparations, calling the idea “very divisive” in 2016. But in other instances, and seemingly with prisoner voting rights, Sanders has stuck his neck out in support of political causes. He is, after all, a self-described socialist willing to take on the establishment. His entire 2016 campaign against Hillary Clinton was widely considered a long shot, but he launched it anyway largely to move the party to the left on issues like college and health care. To Sanders’s credit, this worked. Today, Democrats are tripping over themselves in voicing their support for Medicare-for-all or at least some sort of expansion of public health insurance. It’s hard to see that happening, or the broader conversation about single-payer health care in general, without Sanders putting the issue at the front of his 2016 bid for the White House. For activists, this is what they want to see. As the ACLU explained, “If we can raise the volume on key issues like criminal justice reform, immigration, voting rights and reproductive freedom with presidential candidates before the 2020 primaries, we can make sure civil rights and civil liberties are front and center.” For many Democrats, though, this isn’t the time for stands purely based on principle. An overwhelming focus of the 2020 Democratic primaries is to find a candidate who can beat Trump. The notion of “electability” is one of the reasons that former Vice President Joe Biden is leading in the polls. So taking up a cause that is very unpopular and could help Democrats lose the 2020 election is a nonstarter for many, even those who may in theory support giving people in prison the right to vote nationwide. There may be some political incentives for Democrats to embrace Sanders’s views on prisoner voting rights, though. The research indicates that letting people convicted of felonies vote could disproportionately benefit Democrats. That’s made Republicans more resistant to the idea — Trump and Vice President Mike Pence criticized Sanders’s comments — but it could make Democrats more receptive, too. But, at least for now, most of the public, Democrats, and the presidential candidates are not on board. Content by Vox NEXT 360p 720p HD 1080p HD Auto (360p) About Connatix V60548 About Connatix V60548 Visit Advertiser website GO TO PAGE Skip 1/1 Vox’s guide to where 2020 Democrats stand on policy Health care 16 The metapolitics of Medicare-for-all Bernie Sanders’s Medicare-for-all plan, explained The Sanders-Warren dispute about how to pay for Medicare-for-all, explained Elizabeth Warren’s plan to pay for Medicare-for-all, explained Elizabeth Warren’s new Medicare-for-all plan starts out with a public option Joe Biden’s health care plan, explained Kamala Harris’s Medicare-for-all plan, explained Pete Buttigieg’s Medicare-for-all-who-want-it plan, explained Where 2020 Democrats agree and disagree on Medicare-for-all How the Democratic presidential candidates would combat the opioid epidemic Elizabeth Warren’s $100 billion plan to fight the opioid epidemic, explained Kamala Harris’s plan to reduce prescription drug costs, explained America’s first-ever public option, explained by Gov. Jay Inslee Elizabeth Warren’s ambitious new bill to lower generic drug prices, explained What 2020 Democrats would do about maternal mortality rates Democrats’ confused, and confusing, Medicare-for-all debate Show More Criminal justice 12 Bernie Sanders’s criminal justice reform plan, explained Elizabeth Warren’s criminal justice reform plan, explained Kamala Harris’s criminal justice reform plan, explained Cory Booker is a genuinely distinctive Democrat on one big issue: criminal justice Cory Booker has a plan to reform the criminal justice system — without Congress The controversial 1994 crime law that Joe Biden helped write, explained Amy Klobuchar’s record as a “tough on crime” prosecutor, explained Joe Biden’s long record supporting the war on drugs and mass incarceration, explained Kamala Harris just introduced a bill to decriminalize marijuana Amy Klobuchar has a plan to reverse the war on drugs — and doesn’t need Congress to do it Kamala Harris wants public defenders to get paid as much as prosecutors Thousands of rape kits are currently untested. Kamala Harris has a plan to change that. Show More Taxes and economics 12 Bernie Sanders’s wealth tax proposal, explained Elizabeth Warren’s proposed tax on enormous fortunes, explained Bernie Sanders’s new plan to supercharge the estate tax, explained Elizabeth Warren’s latest big idea is “economic patriotism” Bernie Sanders wants to tax companies that pay their CEOs way more than their workers Elizabeth Warren’s plan to expand Social Security, explained The big divide among 2020 Democrats over trade — and why it matters Presidential hopefuls are promising workers a $15 minimum wage Elizabeth Warren’s vision for changing America’s trade policy, explained Elizabeth Warren’s plan to make farming great again, explained Amy Klobuchar’s $1 trillion infrastructure plan, explained Michael Bennet’s plan to prevent and end recessions, explained Show More Immigration 6 The 2020 Democratic immigration debate, explained Bernie Sanders’s immigration plan puts the rights of workers into focus Elizabeth Warren’s immigration proposal goes much further than a pathway to citizenship Julián Castro wants to radically restrict immigration enforcement Beto O’Rourke’s immigration plan would go even further on executive power than Trump Elizabeth Warren has endorsed the most radical immigration idea in the 2020 primary Climate change 12 A guide to how 2020 Democrats plan to fight climate change Kamala Harris’s climate plan would take polluters to court Bernie Sanders’s Green New Deal, explained Pete Buttigieg wants the US to be carbon-neutral by the time he’s 68 Elizabeth Warren thinks corruption is why the US hasn’t acted on climate change Julián Castro’s Green New Deal frames climate as a civil rights issue Beto O’Rourke now has the most robust climate proposal of any 2020 presidential candidate Andrew Yang’s plan to tackle climate change, explained Jay Inslee promised serious climate policy and he is delivering Jay Inslee has a radical plan to phase out fossil fuel production in the US Kirsten Gillibrand wants the fossil fuel industry to pay for climate damages Jay Inslee is writing the climate plan the next president should adopt Show More Identity and social justice 12 The 2020 Democratic primary debate over reparations, explained Pete Buttigieg has a plan to win over women The one big policy change 2020 Democrats want to make for veterans, explained Julián Castro has an ambitious plan to fix American policing Marianne Williamson presents the 2020 Democratic primary’s first reparations plan Pete Buttigieg lays out his plan to help black Americans Julián Castro released an animal welfare plan. It’s good policy — and smart politics. Julián Castro’s indigenous communities plan is a 2020 first Elizabeth Warren has a plan to narrow the wage gap for women of color Amy Klobuchar releases plan to fight hate crimes in wake of El Paso shooting Study: Cory Booker’s baby bonds nearly close the racial wealth gap for young adults Beto O’Rourke just unveiled a comprehensive proposal to protect LGBTQ people Show More Education 8 Elizabeth Warren’s K-12 education plan, explained Elizabeth Warren’s free college plan, explained Bernie Sanders’s free college proposal just got a whole lot bigger Bernie Sanders is rolling out an education plan that cracks down on charter schools Kamala Harris’s plan to dramatically increase teacher salaries, explained Democrats’ ongoing argument about free college, explained Cory Booker’s massive overhaul of the Newark schools, explained Joe Biden’s plan to triple spending on low-income schools, explained Business, labor, and tech 12 Every 2020 frontrunner’s labor platform, explained Bernie Sanders’s plan to reshape corporate America, explained Elizabeth Warren wants to break up Google, Amazon, and Facebook Amy Klobuchar enters 2020 race ready to take on Big Tech Elizabeth Warren’s new plan to make sure Amazon (and other big companies) pays corporate tax, explained Elizabeth Warren wants CEOs to go to jail when their companies behave badly The 20-year argument between Joe Biden and Elizabeth Warren over bankruptcy, explained Bernie Sanders’s corporate employee ownership plan, explained Elizabeth Warren’s latest Wall Street enemy: private equity The big new plan to save unions endorsed by Bernie Sanders and Pete Buttigieg, explained Bernie Sanders’s ambitious plan to double union membership, explained Facial recognition tech is a problem. Here’s how the Democratic candidates plan to tackle it. Show More Family issues 6 We asked all the 2020 Democrats how they’d fix child care. Here’s what they said. Kamala Harris’s new paid family leave plan is the most generous yet Elizabeth Warren’s universal child care plan, explained Kamala Harris’s plan to close the gender wage gap, explained Kirsten Gillibrand is making paid family leave a defining issue in her 2020 run Kirsten Gillibrand’s new policy platform is about making parenting affordable Foreign policy 8 The 2020 Democrats’ foreign policy divide Democrats want to challenge Trump’s foreign policy in 2020. They’re still working out how. Democrats are increasingly critical of Israel. Not Pete Buttigieg. Bernie Sanders’s political revolution on foreign policy, explained John Delaney has a serious foreign policy plan Why Kirsten Gillibrand’s foreign policy plan is one of the strongest yet Why Joe Biden’s foreign policy experience is both a weakness and a strength in 2020 Joe Biden wants to restore the pre-Trump world order Guns 6 Here’s where every 2020 candidate stands on guns Joe Biden’s gun plan calls for universal background checks and an assault weapons ban Elizabeth Warren has a new plan to reduce gun violence by 80 percent Bernie Sanders’s record on gun control, explained Pete Buttigieg’s plan to combat domestic terrorists and pass gun control laws, explained Cory Booker’s ambitious new gun control plan, explained Abortion 4 Here’s where all the 2020 Democratic candidates stand on abortion rights Elizabeth Warren just announced her abortion platform. It’s aggressive. Kamala Harris has a plan to stop states from restricting abortion access Joe Biden’s evolution on abortion, explained Government reform and anti-corruption 8 Elizabeth Warren’s new remedy for corruption: a tax on lobbying Elizabeth Warren’s first priority as president: ending government corruption 2020 Democrats’ campaign finance pledges, explained Elizabeth Warren has a new plan to make voting easier The Democratic debate over filibuster reform, explained Elizabeth Warren says she wants to make it legal to indict presidents Kirsten Gillibrand’s plan to get more small donors into politics: give every voter $600 Elizabeth Warren’s new policy rollout targets Pentagon corruption Poverty and inequality 4 5 anti-poverty plans from 2020 Democratic presidential contenders, explained Kamala Harris’s new basic income-style bill is so frustratingly close to being great Why Andrew Yang wants to give a random Twitter follower a $12,000 basic income Elizabeth Warren’s plan to fix America’s digital divide, explained Housing 3 Bernie Sanders’s housing-for-all plan, explained Cory Booker’s plan to fix the housing crisis and make renting affordable Cory Booker and Kamala Harris’s affordable housing plans, explained Most Read <img class="c-dynamic-image " alt="A cartoon of a woman wearing a shirt that reads “super mom” sitting at a desk looking at an open laptop and a tablet on a stand." data-chorus-optimize-field="main_image" src="data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAAUEBAAAACwAAAAAAQABAAACAkQBADs" data-cid="site/dynamic_size_image-1601047081_1441_33898" data-cdata='{"image_id":67450083,"ratio":"standard"}'> <noscript><img alt="A cartoon of a woman wearing a shirt that reads “super mom” sitting at a desk looking at an open laptop and a tablet on a stand." src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_image/image/67450083/Header.0.jpg"></noscript> The hell that is remote learning, explained in a comic Here’s what one week of online school is like for my 7- and 5-year-old kids.

People are always asking me where I come from, and they're expecting me to say India, and they're absolutely right insofar as 100 percent of my blood and ancestry does come from India. Except, I've never lived one day of my life there. I can't speak even one word of its more than 22,000 dialects. So I don't think I've really earned the right to call myself an Indian. And if "Where do you come from?" means "Where were you born and raised and educated?" then I'm entirely of that funny little country known as England, except I left England as soon as I completed my undergraduate education, and all the time I was growing up, I was the only kid in all my classes who didn't begin to look like the classic English heroes represented in our textbooks. And if "Where do you come from?" means "Where do you pay your taxes? Where do you see your doctor and your dentist?" then I'm very much of the United States, and I have been for 48 years now, since I was a really small child. Except, for many of those years, I've had to carry around this funny little pink card with green lines running through my face identifying me as a permanent alien. I do actually feel more alien the longer I live there.

The price of a four-year college education has risen faster than inflation for thirty consecutive years. A 2018 Pew survey found that 61 percent of US adults now think that “higher education is going in the wrong direction”. Of those, 84 percent identified rising tuition prices as a reason, higher than any other explanation by far.

only 9 percent of youth from the bottom quartile of the family income distribution completed a four-year college degree, compared to 54 percent of youth in the top family income quartile

“Share our Wealth”

In recent years the participation rate for 25-to-54-year-old females has risen to close to 75 percent, 14 percentage points below the rate for males.

45 percent of all public school teacher turnover takes place in just one-fourth of public schools, with high-poverty, high-minority, urban, and rural schools experiencing the highest rates of turnover.

Unlike most countries, Korea did not implement a lockdown in its battle against COVID-19, instead successfully relying on testing and contact tracing. Only one region, Daegu-Gyeongbuk (DG), had a significant number of infections, traced to a religious sect. This allows us to estimate the causal effect of the outbreak on the labor market using difference-in-differences. We find that a one per thousand increase in infections causes a 2 to 3 percent drop in local employment. Non-causal estimates of this coefficient from the US and UK, which implemented large-scale lockdowns, range from 5 to 6 percent, suggesting that at most half of the job losses in the US and UK can be attributed to lockdowns. We also find that employment losses caused by local outbreaks in the absence of lockdowns are (i) mainly due to reduced hiring by small establishments, (ii) concentrated in the accommodation/food, education, real estate, and transportation industries, and (iii) worst for the economically vulnerable workers who are less educated, young, in low-wage occupations, and on temporary contracts, even controlling for industry effects. All these patterns are similar to what we observe in the US and UK: The unequal effects of COVID-19 are the same with or without lockdowns. Our finding suggests that the lifting of lockdowns in the US and UK may lead to only modest recoveries in employment unless COVID-19 infection rates fall.

Education Northwest | Trauma-Informed Practices for Postsecondary Education: A Guide 6The impact of trauma on learning and developmentThere is nothing new about the presence of learners with histories of trauma in our K–12 schools and postsecondary education institutions; often without realizing it, educators have been responding to trauma’s impact for generations . What is new is that trauma researchers can now explain the hidden story behind many difficulties that hamper our education systems—and research from developmental and cognitive psychologists, as well as advancements in neuroscience, show that educators can moderate the effects of trauma . The impacts of childhood trauma into adulthoodTrauma can occur at all stages of life, and learners of any age may come from a background of trauma . Traumatic events in childhood are often referred to as toxic stress, risk factors, child maltreatment, and ACEs . And according to research, because brain development largely occurs when the brain is most “plastic”—that is, during a child’s early months and years—traumatic experiences (such as poverty, abuse, neglect, and violence) during childhood can profoundly impact and limit brain development . Physiological changes to the developing brain in response to trauma cause cognitive losses and delays in physical, emotional, and social development, and they provoke emotional and behavioral responses that interfere with children’s learning (Burke, Hellman, Scott, Weems, & Carrion, 2011), sensory processing (Streeck-Fischer & van der Kolk, 2000), social relationships (van der Kolk, 2003), and engagement in school (Harvard University, 2007) . Young children who are exposed to five or more significant adverse experiences in their first three years are 76 percent more likely to have at least one delay in their language, emotional, or brain development (U .S . Department of Health and Human Services, 2011) .Individuals who have experienced childhood trauma are also more likely to have a history of chronic absenteeism, behavioral issues, grade repetition, or placement in special education (Shonk & Cicchetti, 2001) .

dates Education City, an area devoted to research and education. The city was host to the first ministerial-level meeting of the Doha Development Round of World Trade Organization negotiations. It was also selected as host city of a number of sporting events, including the 2006 Asian Games, the 2011 Pan Arab Games and most of the games at the 2011 AFC Asian Cup. In December 2011, the World Petroleum Council held the 20th World Petroleum Conference in Doha.[4] Additionally, the city hosted the 2012 UNFCCC Climate Negotiations and is set to host many of the venues for the 2022 FIFA World Cup.[5] The city has also hosted the 140th Inter-Parliamentary Union Assembly in April 2019. Contents 1 Etymology 2 History 2.1 Establishment of Al Bidda 2.2 Formation of Doha 2.3 Arrival of Al Thani 2.4 20th century 2.4.1 Lorimer report (1908) 2.4.2 British protectorate (1916–1971) 2.5 Post-independence 3 Geography 3.1 Climate 4 Demographics 4.1 Ethnicity and languages 4.2 Religion 5 Administration 5.1 Districts 6 Economy 7 Infrastructure 7.1 Architecture 7.2 Atmosphere 7.3 Planned communities 8 Transportation 8.1 Roads 8.2 Rail 8.3 Air 9 Education 10 Sports 10.1 Football 10.2 Basketball 10.3 Volleyball 10.4 Other sports 10.5 Stadiums and sport complexes 11 Culture 11.1 Arts 11.2 Cinema 11.3 Media 11.4 Theatre 12 International relations 13 Gallery 14 See also 15 References 16 External links Etymology[edit] According to the Ministry of Municipality and Environment, the name "Doha" originated from the Arabic term dohat, meaning "roundness"—a reference to the rounded bays surrounding the area's coastline.[6] History[edit] See also: Timeline of Doha and Al Bidda A satellite view of Doha on the East coast of Qatar. As with most world cities, Doha developed on the water front around the Souq Waqif area today. It gradually spread out in a radial pattern with the use of ring roads. Establishment of Al Bidda[edit] The city of Doha was formed seceding from another local settlement known as Al Bidda. The earliest documented mention of Al Bidda was made in 1681, by the Carmelite Convent, in an account which chronicles several settlements in Qatar. In the record, the ruler and a fort in the confines of Al Bidda are alluded to.[7][8] Carsten Niebuhr, a German explorer who visited the Arabian Peninsula, created one of the first maps to depict the settlement in 1765 in which he labelled it as 'Guttur'.[7][9] David Seaton, a British political resident in Muscat, wrote the first English record of Al Bidda in 1801. He refers to the town as 'Bedih' and describes the geography and defensive structures in the area.[10] He stated that the town had recently been settled by the Sudan tribe (singular Al-Suwaidi), whom he considered to be pirates. Seaton attempted to bombard the town with his warship, but returned to Muscat upon finding that the waters were too shallow to position his warship within striking distance.[11][12] In 1820, British surveyor R. H. Colebrook, who visited Al Bidda, remarked on the recent depopulation of the town. He wrote:[11][13] .mw-parser-output .templatequote{overflow:hidden;margin:1em 0;padding:0 40px}.mw-parser-output .templatequote .templatequotecite{line-height:1.5em;text-align:left;padding-left:1.6em;margin-top:0}Guttur – Or Ul Budee [Al‐Bidda], once a considerable town, is protected by two square Ghurries [forts] near the sea shore; but containing no fresh water they are incapable of defence except against sudden incursions of Bedouins, another Ghurry is situated two miles inland and has fresh water with it. This could contain two hundred men. There are remaining at Ul Budee about 250 men, but the original inhabitants, who may be expected to return from Bahrein, will augment them to 900 or 1,000 men, and if the Doasir tribe, who frequent the place as divers, again settle in it, from 600 to 800 men. The same year, an agreement known as the General Maritime Treaty was signed between the East India Company and the sheikhs of several Persian Gulf settlements (some of which were later known as the Trucial Coast). It acknowledged British authority in the Persian Gulf and sought to end piracy and the slave trade. Bahrain became a party to the treaty, and it was assumed that Qatar, perceived as a dependency of Bahrain by the British, was also a party to it.[14] Qatar, however, was not asked to fly the prescribed Trucial flag.[15] As punishment for alleged piracy committed by the inhabitants of Al Bidda and breach of treaty, an East India Company vessel bombarded the town in 1821. They razed the town, forcing between 300 and 400 natives to flee and temporarily take shelter on the islands between the Qatar and the Trucial Coast.[16] Formation of Doha[edit] Doha was founded in the vicinity of Al Bidda sometime during the 1820s.[17] In January 1823, political resident John MacLeod visited Al Bidda to meet with the ruler and initial founder of Doha, Buhur bin Jubrun, who was also the chief of the Al-Buainain tribe.[17][18] MacLeod noted that Al Bidda was the only substantial trading port in the peninsula during this time. Following the founding of Doha, written records often conflated Al Bidda and Doha due to the extremely close proximity of the two settlements.[17] Later that year, Lt. Guy and Lt. Brucks mapped and wrote a description of the two settlements. Despite being mapped as two separate entities, they were referred to under the collective name of Al Bidda in the written description.[19][20] Al Bidda: View from the bay, 1823 In 1828, Mohammed bin Khamis, a prominent member of the Al-Buainain tribe and successor of Buhur bin Jubrun as chief of Al Bidda, was embroiled in controversy. He had murdered a native of Bahrain, prompting the Al Khalifa sheikh to imprison him. In response, the Al-Buainain tribe revolted, provoking the Al Khalifa to destroy the tribe's fort and evict them to Fuwayrit and Ar Ru'ays. This incident allowed the Al Khalifa additional jurisdiction over the town.[21][22] With essentially no effective ruler, Al Bidda and Doha became a sanctuary for pirates and outlaws.[23] ‘Trigonometrical plan of the harbour of El Biddah on the Arabian side of the Persian Gulf’, 1823 In November 1839, an outlaw from Abu Dhabi named Ghuleta took refuge in Al Bidda, evoking a harsh response from the British. A. H. Nott, a British naval commander, demanded that Salemin bin Nasir Al-Suwaidi, chief of the Sudan tribe (Suwaidi) in Al Bidda, take Ghuleta into custody and warned him of consequences in the case of non-compliance. Al-Suwaidi obliged the British request in February 1840 and also arrested the pirate Jasim bin Jabir and his associates. Despite the compliance, the British demanded a fine of 300 German krones in compensation for the damages incurred by pirates off the coast of Al Bidda; namely for the piracies committed by bin Jabir. In February 1841, British naval squadrons arrived in Al Bidda and ordered Al-Suwaidi to meet the British demand, threatening consequences if he declined. Al-Suwaidi ultimately declined on the basis that he was uninvolved in bin Jabir's actions. On 26 February, the British fired on Al Bidda, striking a fort and several houses. Al-Suwaidi then paid the fine in full following threats of further action by the British.[23][24] Isa bin Tarif, a powerful tribal chief from the Al Bin Ali tribe, moved to Doha in May 1843. He subsequently evicted the ruling Sudan tribe and installed the Al-Maadeed and Al-Kuwari tribes in positions of power.[25] Bin Tarif had been loyal to the Al Khalifa, however, shortly after the swearing in of a new ruler in Bahrain, bin Tarif grew increasingly suspicious of the ruling Al Khalifa and switched his allegiance to the deposed ruler of Bahrain, Abdullah bin Khalifa, whom he had previously assisted in deposing of. Bin Tarif died in the Battle of Fuwayrit against the ruling family of Bahrain in 1847.[25] Arrival of Al Thani[edit] The Al Thani migrated to Doha from Fuwayrit shortly after Bin Tarif's death in 1847 under the leadership of Mohammed bin Thani.[26][27] In the proceeding years, the Al Thani assumed control of the town. At various times, they swapped allegiances between the two prevailing powers in the area: the Al Khalifa and the Saudis.[26] Plan of Al Bidda Harbour drawn in 1860 indicating the principal settlements and landmarks In 1867, many ships and troops were sent from Bahrain to assault the towns Al Wakrah and Doha over a series of disputes. Abu Dhabi joined on Bahrain's behalf due to the conception that Al Wakrah served as a refuge for fugitives from Oman. Later that year, the combined forces sacked the two Qatari towns with around 2,700 men in what would come to be known as the Qatari–Bahraini War.[28][29] A British record later stated "that the towns of Doha and Wakrah were, at the end of 1867 temporarily blotted out of existence, the houses being dismantled and the inhabitants deported".[30] The joint Bahraini-Abu Dhabi incursion and subsequent Qatari counterattack prompted the British political agent, Colonel Lewis Pelly, to impose a settlement in 1868. Pelly's mission to Bahrain and Qatar and the peace treaty that resulted were milestones in Qatar's history. It implicitly recognized Qatar as a distinct entity independent from Bahrain and explicitly acknowledged the position of Mohammed bin Thani as an important representative of the peninsula's tribes.[31] A part of Doha as seen in January 1904. Most development was low-rise and use of locally available natural materials like rammed earth and palm fronds was common practice. In December 1871, the Ottomans established a presence in the country with 100 of their troops occupying the Musallam fort in Doha. This was accepted by Mohammad bin Thani's son, Jassim Al Thani, who wished to protect Doha from Saudi incursions.[32] The Ottoman commander, Major Ömer Bey, compiled a report on Al Bidda in January 1872, stating that it was an "administrative centre" with around 1,000 houses and 4,000 inhabitants.[33] Disagreement over tribute and interference in internal affairs arose, eventually leading to the Battle of Al Wajbah in March 1893. Al Bidda fort served as the final point of retreat for Ottoman troops. While they were garrisoned in the fort, their corvette fired indiscriminately at the townspeople, killing a number of civilians.[34] The Ottomans eventually surrendered after Jassim Al Thani's troops cut off the town's water supply.[35] An Ottoman report compiled the same year reported that Al Bidda and Doha had a combined population of 6,000 inhabitants, jointly referring to both towns by the name of 'Katar'. Doha was classified as the eastern section of Katar.[33][36] The Ottomans held a passive role in Qatar's politics from the 1890s onward until fully relinquishing control during the beginning of the first World War.[14] 20th century[edit] The city's coastline in 1904 largely highlights the local community which was based on fishing and pearl diving. Pearling had come to play a pivotal commercial role in Doha by the 20th century. The population increased to around 12,000 inhabitants in the first half of the 20th century due to the flourishing pearl trade.[37] A British political resident noted that should the supply of pearls drop, Qatar would 'practically cease to exist'.[38] In 1907, the city accommodated 350 pearling boats with a combined crew size of 6,300 men. By this time, the average prices of pearls had more than doubled since 1877.[39] The pearl market collapsed that year, forcing Jassim Al Thani to sell the country's pearl harvest at half its value. The aftermath of the collapse resulted in the establishment of the country's first custom house in Doha.[38] Lorimer report (1908)[edit] British administrator and historian J. G. Lorimer authored an extensive handbook for British agents in the Persian Gulf entitled Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf in 1908. In it, he gives a comprehensive account of Doha at the time: "Dohah looking northwest", photographed by the Royal Air Force during a reconnaissance of the Qatar Peninsula on 9 May 1934 Generally so styled at the present day, but Bedouins sometimes call it Dohat-al-Qatar; and it seems to have been formerly better known as Bida' (Anglice "Bidder"): it is the chief town of Qatar and is situated on the eastern side of that peninsula, about 63 miles south of its extremity at Ras Rakan and 45 miles north of Khor-al Odaid Harbour. Dohah stands on the south side of a deep bay at the south-western corner of a natural harbour which is about 3 miles in extent and is protected on the north-east and south-east sides by natural reefs. The entrance, less than a mile wide, is from the east between the points of the reefs; it is shallow and somewhat difficult, and vessels of more than 15 feet draught cannot pass. The soundings within the basin vary from 3 to 5 fathoms and are regular: the bottom is white mud or clay. Town site and quarters, — The south-eastern point of the bay is quite low but the land on the western side is stony desert 40 or 50 feet above the level of the sea. The town is built up the slope of some rising ground between these two extremes and consists of 9 Fanqs or quarters, which are given below in their order from the east to the west and north: the total frontage of the place upon the sea is nearly 2 miles.[40] An old district in Doha planned with narrow streets and rough plastered walls gives a glimpe of the city's past. Lorimer goes on to list and describe the districts of Doha, which at the time included the still-existing districts of Al Mirqab, As Salatah, Al Bidda and Rumeilah.[41] Remarking on Doha's appearance, he states: The general appearance of Dohah is unattractive; the lanes are narrow and irregular the houses dingy and small. There are no date palms or other trees, and the only garden is a small one near the fort, kept up by the Turkish garrison.[42] As for Doha's population, Lorimer asserts that "the inhabitants of Dohah are estimated to amount, inclusive of the Turkish military garrison of 350 men, to about 12,000 souls". He qualified this statement with a tabulated overview of the various tribes and ethnic groups living in the town.[42] British protectorate (1916–1971)[edit] In April 1913, the Ottomans agreed to a British request that they withdraw all their troops from Qatar. Ottoman presence in the peninsula ceased, when in August 1915, the Ottoman fort in Al Bidda was evacuated shortly after the start of World War I.[43] One year later, Qatar agreed to be a British protectorate with Doha as its official capital.[44][45] Camels next to Al Koot Fort, built in 1927 by Abdullah bin Jassim Al Thani. Buildings at the time were simple dwellings of one or two rooms, built from mud, stone and coral. Oil concessions in the 1920s and 1930s, and subsequent oil drilling in 1939, heralded the beginning of slow economic and social progress in the country. However, revenues were somewhat diminished due to the devaluation of pearl trade in the Persian Gulf brought on by introduction of the cultured pearl and the Great Depression.[46] The collapse of the pearl trade caused a significant population drop throughout the entire country.[37] It was not until the 1950s and 1960s that the country saw significant monetary returns from oil drilling.[14] A view of Doha in the 1980s showing the Sheraton Hotel (pyramid-like building in the background) in West Bay without any of the high-rises around it Qatar was not long in exploiting the new-found wealth from oil concessions, and slum areas were quickly razed to be replaced by more modern buildings. The first formal boys' school was established in Doha in 1952, followed three years later by the establishment of a girls' school.[47] Historically, Doha had been a commercial port of local significance. However, the shallow water of the bay prevented bigger ships from entering the port until the 1970s, when its deep-water port was completed. Further changes followed with extensive land reclamation, which led to the development of the crescent-shaped bay.[48] From the 1950s to 1970s, the population of Doha grew from around 14,000 inhabitants to over 83,000, with foreign immigrants constituting about two-thirds of the overall population.[49] Post-independence[edit] The Pearl-Qatar at night The Pearl-Qatar is an artificial island spanning nearly four square kilometers. Qatar Petroleum tower, Palm tower B, Tornado tower, Doha tower and Al Jassimya tower seen (Left to Right) in the West Bay area in 2015 Qatar officially declared its independence in 1971, with Doha as its capital city.[3] In 1973, the University of Qatar was opened by emiri decree,[50] and in 1975 the Qatar National Museum opened in what was originally the ruler's palace.[51] During the 1970s, all old neighborhoods in Doha were razed and the inhabitants moved to new suburban developments, such as Al Rayyan, Madinat Khalifa and Al Gharafa. The metropolitan area's population grew from 89,000 in the 1970s to over 434,000 in 1997. Additionally, land policies resulted in the total land area increasing to over 7,100 hectares (about 17,000 acres) by 1995, an increase from 130 hectares in the middle of the 20th century.[52] In 1983, a hotel and conference center was developed at the north end of the Corniche. The 15-storey Sheraton hotel structure in this center would serve as the tallest structure in Doha until the 1990s.[52] In 1993, the Qatar Open became the first major sports event to be hosted in the city.[53] Two years later, Qatar stepped in to host the FIFA World Youth Championship, with all the matches being played in Doha-based stadiums.[54] Developments in Doha's West Bay district have seen an increase in the population density of the area with the construction of several high-rises. A view of a water feature in Sheraton Park with the West Bay skyline in the background. The Al Jazeera Arabic news channel began broadcasting from Doha in 1996.[55] In the late 1990s, the government planned the construction of Education City, a 2,500 hectare Doha-based complex mainly for educational institutes.[56] Since the start of the 21st century, Doha attained significant media attention due to the hosting of several global events and the inauguration of a number of architectural mega-projects.[57] One of the largest projects launched by the government was The Pearl-Qatar, an artificial island off the coast of West Bay, which launched its first district in 2004.[58] In 2006, Doha was selected to host the Asian Games, leading to the development of a 250-hectare sporting complex known as Aspire Zone.[53] During this time, new cultural attractions were constructed in the city, with older ones being restored. In 2006, the government launched a restoration program to preserve Souq Waqif's architectural and historical identity. Parts constructed after the 1950s were demolished whereas older structures were refurbished. The restoration was completed in 2008.[59] Katara Cultural Village was opened in the city in 2010 and has hosted the Doha Tribeca Film Festival since then.[60] The main outcome of the World Trade Organization Ministerial Conference of 2013 was the Trade Facilitation Agreement. The agreement aims to make it easier and cheaper to import and export by improving customs procedures and making rules more transparent. Reducing global trade costs by 1% would increase world-wide income more than USD 40 billion, 65% of which would go to developing countries. The gains from the Trade Facilitation Agreement are expected to be distributed among all countries and regions, with developing landlocked countries benefitting the most.[61] The Trade Facilitation Agreement will enter into force upon its ratification by 2/3 of WTO Members. The EU ratified the agreement in October 2015.[61] In Bali, WTO members also agreed on a series of Doha agriculture and development issues.[61] Geography[edit] See also: Geography of Qatar A view of Doha from the International Space Station in 2010 highlights the rapid development the city underwent since the discovery of oil in the 1960s. Doha is located on the central-east portion of Qatar, bordered by the Persian Gulf on its coast. Its elevation is 10 m (33 ft).[62] Doha is highly urbanized. Land reclamation off the coast has added 400 hectares of land and 30 km of coastline.[63] Half of the 22 km² of surface area which Hamad International Airport was constructed on was reclaimed land.[64] The geology of Doha is primarily composed of weathered unconformity on the top of the Eocene period Dammam Formation, forming dolomitic limestone.[65] The Pearl is a purpose-built artificial island off the coast of Doha, connected to the mainland by a bridge. The Pearl is an artificial island in Doha with a surface area of nearly 400 ha (1,000 acres)[66] The total project has been estimated to cost $15 billion upon completion.[67] Other islands off Doha's coast include Palm Tree Island, Shrao's Island, Al Safliya Island, and Alia Island.[68] In a 2010 survey of Doha's coastal waters conducted by the Qatar Statistics Authority, it was found that its maximum depth was 7.5 meters (25 ft) and minimum depth was 2 meters (6 ft 7 in). Furthermore, the waters had an average pH of 7.83, a salinity of 49.0 psu, an average temperature of 22.7 °C and 5.5 mg/L of dissolved oxygen.[69] Climate[edit] Doha has a hot desert climate (Köppen climate classification BWh) with long, extremely hot summers and short, warm winters. The average high temperatures between May and September surpass 38 °C (100 °F) and often approach 45 °C (113 °F). Humidity is usually the lowest in May and June. Dewpoints can surpass 30 °C (86 °F) in the summer. Throughout the summer, the city averages almost no precipitation, and less than 20 mm (0.79 in) during other months.[70] Rainfall is scarce, at a total of 75 mm (2.95 in) per year, falling on isolated days mostly between October to March. The winter's days are relativity warm while the sun is up and cool during the night. The temperature rarely drops below 7 °C (45 °F).[71] hideClimate data for Doha (1962–2013, extremes 1962–2013) Month Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Year Record high °C (°F) 32.4(90.3) 36.5(97.7) 39.0(102.2) 46.0(114.8) 47.7(117.9) 49.1(120.4) 50.4(122.7) 48.6(119.5) 46.2(115.2) 43.4(110.1) 38.0(100.4) 32.7(90.9) 50.4(122.7) Average high °C (°F) 22.0(71.6) 23.4(74.1) 27.3(81.1) 32.5(90.5) 38.8(101.8) 41.6(106.9) 41.9(107.4) 40.9(105.6) 38.9(102.0) 35.4(95.7) 29.6(85.3) 24.4(75.9) 33.1(91.5) Daily mean °C (°F) 17.8(64.0) 18.9(66.0) 22.3(72.1) 27.1(80.8) 32.5(90.5) 35.1(95.2) 36.1(97.0) 35.5(95.9) 33.3(91.9) 30.0(86.0) 25.0(77.0) 20.0(68.0) 27.8(82.0) Average low °C (°F) 13.5(56.3) 14.4(57.9) 17.3(63.1) 21.4(70.5) 26.1(79.0) 28.5(83.3) 30.2(86.4) 30.0(86.0) 27.7(81.9) 24.6(76.3) 20.4(68.7) 15.6(60.1) 22.5(72.5) Record low °C (°F) 3.8(38.8) 5.0(41.0) 8.2(46.8) 10.5(50.9) 15.2(59.4) 21.0(69.8) 23.5(74.3) 22.4(72.3) 20.3(68.5) 16.6(61.9) 11.8(53.2) 6.4(43.5) 3.8(38.8) Average precipitation mm (inches) 13.2(0.52) 17.1(0.67) 16.1(0.63) 8.7(0.34) 3.6(0.14) 0.0(0.0) 0.0(0.0) 0.0(0.0) 0.0(0.0) 1.1(0.04) 3.3(0.13) 12.1(0.48) 75.2(2.95) Average precipitation days (≥ 1.0 mm) 1.7 2.1 1.8 1.4 0.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.2 1.3 8.8 Average relative humidity (%) 74 70 63 53 44 41 50 58 62 63 66 74 60 Mean monthly sunshine hours 244.9 224.0 241.8 273.0 325.5 342.0 325.5 328.6 306.0 303.8 276.0 241.8 3,432.9 Mean daily sunshine hours 7.9 8.0 7.8 9.1 10.5 11.4 10.5 10.6 10.2 9.8 9.2 7.8 9.4 Source 1: NOAA[71] Source 2: Qatar Meteorological Department (Climate Normals 1962–2013)[72] Doha mean sea temperature[73] Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec 20.5 °C (68.9 °F) 19.1 °C (66.4 °F) 20.9 °C (69.6 °F) 23.7 °C (74.7 °F) 28.2 °C (82.8 °F) 30.9 °C (87.6 °F) 32.8 °C (91.0 °F) 33.9 °C (93.0 °F) 33.1 °C (91.6 °F) 31.0 °C (87.8 °F) 27.4 °C (81.3 °F) 23.1 °C (73.6 °F) Demographics[edit] See also: Demographics of Qatar Historical populationYearPop.±%1820[11]250—    1893[33]6,000+2300.0%1970[74]80,000+1233.3%1986[3] 217,294+171.6%1998[75] 264,009+21.5%2001[76] 299,300+13.4%2004[3] 339,847+13.5%2005[77][78] 400,051+17.7%2010[79] 796,947+99.2%2015[2] 956,457+20.0% Total population of the Doha metropolitan area[80] Year Metro population 1997 434,000[52] 2004 644,000[81] 2008 998,651[82] A significant portion of Qatar's population resides within the confines of Doha and its metropolitan area.[83] The district with the highest population density is the central area of Al Najada, which also accommodates the highest total population in the country. The population density across the greater Doha region ranges from 20,000 people per km² to 25 people per km².[84] Doha witnessed explosive growth rates in population in the first decade of the 21st century, absorbing the majority of the thousands of people then immigrating to Qatar every month.[85]:6 Doha's population currently stands at around one million, with the population of the city more than doubling from 2000 to 2010.[2] Ethnicity and languages[edit] The population of Doha is overwhelmingly composed of expatriates, with Qatari nationals forming a minority. The largest portion of expatriates in Qatar are from South-East and South Asian countries, mainly India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Philippines, and Bangladesh with large numbers of expatriates also coming from the Levant Arab countries, North Africa, and East Asia. Doha is also home to many expatriates from Europe, North America, South Africa and Australia.[86] A typical bilingual traffic sign in Doha denotes the zone numbers, street names and street numbers of two perpendicular streets. Arabic is the official language of Qatar. English is commonly used as a second language,[87] and a rising lingua franca, especially in commerce.[88] As there is a large expatriate population in Doha, languages such as Malayalam, Tamil, Bengali, Tagalog, Spanish, Sinhala, French, Urdu and Hindi are widely spoken.[86] Registered live births in Doha by nationality[80][89] Year Qatari Non-Qatari Total 2001 2,080 3,619 5,699 2002 1,875 3,657 5,532 2003 2,172 4,027 6,199 2004 2,054 3,760 5,814 2005 1,767 3,899 5,666 2006 1,908 4,116 6,024 2007 1,913 4,708 6,621 2008 1,850 5,283 7,133 2009 2,141 5,979 8,120 2010[90] 1,671 5,919 7,590 2011[91] 1,859 6,580 8,439 In 2004, the Foreign Ownership of Real Estate Law was passed, permitting non-Qatari citizens to buy land in designated areas of Doha, including the West Bay Lagoon, the Qatar Pearl, and the new Lusail City.[57] Prior to this, expatriates were prohibited from owning land in Qatar. Ownership by foreigners in Qatar entitles them to a renewable residency permit, which allows them to live and work in Qatar.[83] Religion[edit] Main article: Religion in Qatar The majority of residents in Doha are Muslim.[92] Catholics account for over 90% of the 150,000 Christian population in Doha.[93] Following decrees by the Emir for the allocation of land to churches, the first Catholic church, Our Lady of the Rosary, was opened in Doha in March 2008. The church structure is discreet and Christian symbols are not displayed on the outside of the building.[94] Several other churches exist in Doha, including the [1] St.Isaac and St. George Greek Orthodox Church of Qatar the Syro-Malabar Church, Malankara Orthodox Church, Mar Thoma Church (affiliated with the Anglicans, but not part of the Communion), CSI Church, Syro-Malankara Church and a Pentecostal church. A majority of mosques are either Muwahhid or Sunni-oriented.[95] Administration[edit] Districts[edit] Main article: List of communities in Doha At the turn of the 20th century, Doha was divided into 9 main districts.[96] In the 2010 census, there were more than 60 districts recorded in Doha Municipality.[97] Some of the districts of Doha include: Qatar's Central Bank is situated in the Al Souq district, close to the waterfront. Al Bidda (البدع) Al Dafna (الدفنة) Al Ghanim (الغانم) Al Markhiya (المرخية) Al Sadd (السد) Al Waab (الوعب) Bin Mahmoud (فريج بن محمود) Madinat Khalifa (مدينة خليفة) Musheireb (مشيرب) Najma (نجمه) Old Airport (المطار القديم) Qutaifiya (القطيفية) Ras Abu Aboud (راس أبو عبود) Rumeilah (الرميلة) Umm Ghuwailina (ام غو يلينه) West Bay (الخليج الغربي) Shortly after Qatar gained independence, many of the districts of old Doha including Al Najada, Al Asmakh and Old Al Hitmi faced gradual decline and as a result much of their historical architecture has been demolished.[98] Instead, the government shifted their focus toward the Doha Bay area, which housed districts such as Al Dafna and West Bay.[98] Economy[edit] See also: Economy of Qatar West Bay serves as the commercial district of Doha and houses offices of many local and global companies. Doha is the economic centre of Qatar. The city is the headquarters of numerous domestic and international organizations, including the country's largest oil and gas companies, Qatar Petroleum, Qatargas and RasGas. Doha's economy is built primarily on the revenue the country has made from its oil and natural gas industries.[99] Doha was included in Fortune's 15 best new cities for business in 2011.[100] Beginning in the late 20th century, the government launched numerous initiatives to diversify the country's economy in order to decrease its dependence on oil and gas resources. Doha International Airport was constructed in a bid to solidify the city's diversification into the tourism industry.[99] This was replaced by Hamad International Airport in 2014. The new airport is almost twice the size of the former and features two of the longest runways in the world.[101] Thirty-nine new hotels were under construction in the city in 2011.[102] Qatar Airways aircraft on the apron of Hamad International Airport As a result of Doha's rapid population boom and increased housing demands, real estate prices rose significantly through 2014.[103] Real estate prices experienced a further spike after Qatar won the rights to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup.[104] Al Asmakh, a Qatari real estate firm, released a report in 2014 which revealed substantial increases in real estate prices following a peak in 2008. Prices increased 5 to 10% in the first quarter of 2014 from the end of 2013.[103][105] A 2015 study conducted by Numbeo, a crowd-sourced database, named Doha as the 10th most expensive city to live in globally.[106] This rate of growth led to the development of planned communities in and around the city.[107] Although the fall in oil prices since 2014 and a diplomatic crisis with Qatar's neighbors slowed growth in the city's population, government spending was increased to maintain the growth in real estate in metropolitan Doha.[108] Expatriate workers remitted $60bn between 2006 and 2012, with 54 percent of the workers' remittances of $60bn routed to Asian countries, followed by Arab nations that accounted for nearly half that volume (28 percent). India was the top destination of the remittances, followed by the Philippines, while the US, Egypt and the neighbouring UAE followed.[109] Remittances in 2014 totaled $11.2 billion, amounting to 5.3% of Qatar's GDP.[110]:45 Infrastructure[edit] See also: List of tallest buildings in Qatar Architecture[edit] Museum of Islamic Art park in the Doha Port area with the West Bay district in the background (across the bay) Most traditional architecture in the Old Doha districts have been demolished to make space for new buildings.[98] As a result, a number of schemes have been taken to preserve the city's cultural and architectural heritage, such as the Qatar Museums Authority's 'Al Turath al Hai' ('living heritage') initiative.[111] Katara Cultural Village is a small village in Doha launched by sheikh Tamim Al Thani to preserve the cultural identity of the country.[112] Doha's Al Dafna area with the high-rises seen on the water front and the villa compounds and other residential areas seen in the background In 2011, more than 50 towers were under construction in Doha,[102] the largest of which was the Doha Convention Center Tower.[113] Constructions were suspended in 2012 following concerns that the tower would impede flight traffic.[114] In 2014, Abdullah Al Attiyah, a senior government official, announced that Qatar would be spending $65bn on new infrastructure projects in upcoming years in preparation for the 2022 World Cup as well as progressing towards its objectives set out in the Qatar National Vision 2030.[115] Atmosphere[edit] Due to excessive heat from the sun during the summer, some Doha-based building companies have implemented various forms of cooling technology to alleviate the extremely torrid climatic conditions. This can include creating optical phenomena such as shadows, as well as more expensive techniques like ventilation, coolants, refrigerants, cryogenics, and dehumidifiers.[116] Discussions regarding temperature control have also been features of various scheduled events involving large crowds.[117] There are other initiatives that attempt to counter the heat by altering working hours, weather alteration methods such as cloud seeding,[118][119] and using whiter and brighter construction materials to increase the albedo effects.[120] Nonetheless, despite these measures, Doha and other areas of Qatar could become uninhabitable for humans due to climate change by the 2070s.[121] Planned communities[edit] One of the largest projects underway in Qatar is Lusail City, a planned community north of Doha which is estimated to be completed by 2020 at a cost of approximately $45bn. It is designed to accommodate 450,000 people.[122] Al Waab City, another planned community under development, is estimated to cost QR15 bn.[123] In addition to housing 8,000 individuals, it will also have shopping malls, educational, and medical facilities.[123] Transportation[edit] Main article: Transportation in Doha Since 2004, Doha has been undergoing a huge expansion to its transportation network, including the addition of new highways, the opening of a new airport in 2014, and the currently ongoing construction of an 85 km metro system. This has all been as a result of Doha's massive growth in a short period of time, which has resulted in congestion on its roads. The first phase of the metro system is expected to be operational by 2019.[124] Roads[edit] Dukhan Highway connects the city of Dukhan on the West coast of the country with the country's capital, Doha. In 2015, the Public Works Authority declared their plan to construct a free-flowing road directly linking Al-Wakrah and Mesaieed to Doha in order to decrease traffic congestion in the city. It is set for completion by 2018.[125] Commutes between Doha and the municipality of Al Khor are currently facilitated by Al Shamal Road and Al Khor Coastal Road, with the latter road running through Al Daayen and the former running through Umm Salal.[126] Doha is linked to the country's western settlements, namely Dukhan, through Dukhan Highway. The Public Works Authority carried out the Dukhan Highway Central Project in 2017 to enhance the road network.[127] Rail[edit] Doha Metro will consist of four lines: the Red Line, the Gold Line, the Blue Line and the Green Line. The Blue Line is expected to be completed in the second phase.[128] Msheireb Station will be the point of intersection for all of the metro lines.[124] Doha International Airport The Red Line (also known as Coast Line) will extend through Doha, running from Al Wakrah to Al Khor. It is separated into two divisions: Red Line North and Red Line South. The former will run from Mushayrib Station to Al Khor City, over a length of 55.7 km. Doha Metro's Green Line will connect Doha to Education City and is also known as the Education Line. Starting in Old Airport, the Gold Line (also known as Historic Line) will end in Al Rayyan and cover a distance of 30.6 km. Lastly, the Blue Line, or City Line, will only cover the city of Doha, and is planned to be circular with a length of 17.5 km.[129] Air[edit] Doha is served by Hamad International Airport which is Qatar's principal international gateway. The airport opened in 2014, replacing Doha International Airport. Education[edit] See also: Education in Qatar, Education City, and List of schools in Qatar Stone steps at Carnegie Mellon University in Qatar, located in Education City Doha is the educational center of the country and contains the highest preponderance of schools and colleges.[74] In 1952, the first formal boys' school was opened in Doha. This was proceeded by the opening of the first formal girls' school three years later.[130] The first university in the state, Qatar University, was opened in 1973.[131] It provided separate faculties for men and women.[132] Education City, a 14 km2 education complex launched by non-profit organization Qatar Foundation, began construction in 2000.[133] It houses eight universities, the country's top high school, and offices for Al Jazeera's children television channel.[133] It is geographically located in Al Rayyan municipality's Al Luqta, Al Gharrafa, Gharrafat Al Rayyan and Al Shagub districts, but falls under the umbrella of Metropolitan Doha.[6] In 2009, the government launched the World Innovation Summit for Education (WISE), a global forum that brings together education stakeholders, opinion leaders and decision makers from all over the world to discuss educational issues.[134] The first edition was held in Doha in November 2009.[135] Some of the universities in Doha include: Carnegie Mellon University in Qatar Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar Hamad Bin Khalifa University Cornell University[136] HEC Paris Northwestern University in Qatar Texas A&M University at Qatar UCL Qatar[137] Virginia Commonwealth University Weill Cornell Medical College in Qatar Stenden University Qatar College of the North Atlantic Qatar University Qatar Faculty of Islamic Studies University of Calgary Sports[edit] Main article: Sport in Qatar Football[edit] Al Sadd is the most successful team in the Qatar Stars League See also: List of football stadiums in Qatar Football is the most popular sport in Doha. There are six Doha-based sports clubs with football teams currently competing in the Qatar Stars League, the country's top football league. They are Al Ahli, Al Arabi, Al Sadd, Al-Duhail and Qatar SC.[138] Al Sadd, Al Arabi and Qatar SC are the three most successful teams in the league's history.[139] Numerous football tournaments have been hosted in Doha. The most prestigious tournaments include the 1988 and 2011 editions of the AFC Asian Cup[140] and the 1995 FIFA World Youth Championship.[54] In December 2010, Qatar won the rights to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup.[141] Three of the nine newly announced stadiums will be constructed in Doha, including Sports City Stadium, Doha Port Stadium, and Qatar University Stadium. Additionally, the Khalifa International Stadium is set to undergo an expansion.[142] Considering the country's rapid development for 2022 World Cup, FIFA awarded the hosting rights of 2019 FIFA Club World Cup and 2020 FIFA Club World Cup also to Qatar.[143] Basketball[edit] Doha was the host of the official 2005 FIBA Asia Championship, where Qatar's national basketball team finished 3rd, its best performance to date, and subsequently qualified for the Basketball World Cup.[144] The majority of the teams that make up the official Qatari Basketball League are based in Doha. Volleyball[edit] Doha four times was the host of the official FIVB Volleyball Men's Club World Championship and three times host FIVB Volleyball Women's Club World Championship. Doha one time Host Asian Volleyball Championship.[145] Other sports[edit] Orry the Oryx, mascot of the 15th Asian Games, on the Doha Corniche in 2014 In 2001, Qatar became the first country in the Middle East to hold a women's tennis tournament with the inauguration of its Qatar Ladies Open tournament.[146] Doha also hosts International Tennis Federation (ITF) ladies tournaments. Since 2008, the Sony Ericsson Championships (equivalent to the ATP's season-ending Championships) has taken place in Doha, in the Khalifa International Tennis Complex, and features record prize money of $4.45 million, including a check of $1,485,000 for the winner, which represents the largest single guaranteed payout in women's tennis.[147] Doha hosted the 15th Asian Games, held in December 2006, spending a total of $2.8 billion for its preparation.[148] The city also hosted the 3rd West Asian Games in December 2005.[149] Doha was expected to host the 2011 Asian Indoor Games; but the Qatar Olympic Committee cancelled the event.[150] Powerboat races in Doha Bay The city submitted a bid for the 2016 Olympics.[151] On June 4, 2008, the city was eliminated from the shortlist for the 2016 Olympic Games. On August 26, 2011 it was confirmed that Doha would bid for the 2020 Summer Olympics.[152] Doha however failed to become a Candidate City for the 2020 Games.[153] The MotoGP motorcycling grand prix of Doha is held annually at Losail International Circuit, located just outside the city boundaries.[154] The city is also the location of the Grand Prix of Qatar for the F1 Powerboat World Championship, annually hosting a round in Doha Bay.[155] Beginning in November 2009, Doha has been host of The Oryx Cup World Championship, a hydroplane boat race in the H1 Unlimited season. The races take place in Doha Bay.[156] In April 2012 Doha was awarded both the 2014 FINA World Swimming Championships[157] and the 2012 World Squash Championships.[158] The fourth World Mindsports Championships took place in Doha from August 19 to August 27, 2017 with the participation of more than 1,000 competitors.[159] In 2014, Qatar was selected as the host of the 2019 World Athletics Championships, which is the seventeenth edition of the IAAF World Athletics Championships.[160] Doha won the bid to host the event over Barcelona and Eugene.[161] In 2020, Doha hosted the Qatar ExxonMobil Open, which received the Tournament of the Year award in the 250 category from the 2019 ATP Awards. The tournament won the award for the third time in five years.[162] Stadiums and sport complexes[edit] An indoor stadium in the Aspire Zone sporting complex Aspire Academy was launched in 2004 with the aim of creating world-class athletes. It is situated in the Doha Sports City Complex, which also accommodates the Khalifa International Stadium, the Hamad Aquatic Centre, the Aspire Tower and the Aspire Dome. The latter has hosted more than 50 sporting events since its inception, including some events during the 2006 Asian Games.[163] Sporting venues in Doha and its suburbs include: Hamad bin Khalifa Stadium – Al-Ahli Stadium Jassim Bin Hamad Stadium (Al Sadd Stadium) Al-Arabi Stadium – Grand Hamad Stadium Hamad Aquatic Centre Khalifa International Stadium – Main venue for the 2006 Asian Games. Khalifa International Tennis and Squash Complex Qatar Sports Club Stadium Culture[edit] Main article: Culture of Qatar Doha was chosen as the Arab Capital of Culture in 2010.[164] Cultural weeks organized by the Ministry of Culture, which featured both Arab and non-Arab cultures, were held in Doha from April to June to celebrate the city's selection.[165] Arts[edit] Main article: Qatari art Further information: Public art in Qatar and Collecting practices of the Al-Thani Family The five-storeyed Museum of Islamic Art designed by Pritzker Prize-winning architect I. M. Pei[166] The Museum of Islamic Art in Doha, opened in 2008, is regarded as one of the best museums in the region.[167] This, and several other Qatari museums located in the city, like the Arab Museum of Modern Art, falls under the Qatar Museums Authority (QMA) which is led by Sheikha Al-Mayassa bint Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the sister of the emir of Qatar.[168] The National Museum of Qatar, which was constructed in place of the original Qatar National Museum, opened to the public on 28 March 2019. Cinema[edit] Main article: Cinema of Qatar The Doha Film Institute (DFI) is an organisation established in 2010 to oversee film initiatives and create a sustainable film industry in Qatar. DFI was founded by H.E. Sheikha Al Mayassa bint Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani.[169] The Doha Tribeca Film Festival (DTFF), partnered with the American-based Tribeca Film Festival, was held annually in Doha from 2009 to 2012.[170] Media[edit] Main article: Media of Qatar See also: Television in Qatar Al Jazeera Arabic Building Qatar's first radio station, Mosque Radio, began broadcasting in the 1960s from Doha.[171] The multinational media conglomerate Al Jazeera Media Network is based in Doha with its wide variety of channels of which Al Jazeera Arabic, Al Jazeera English, Al Jazeera Documentary Channel, Al Jazeera Mubasher, beIN Sports Arabia and other operations are based in the TV Roundabout in the city.[172] Al-Kass Sports Channel's headquarters is also located in Doha.[173] Theatre[edit] Main article: Theatre in Qatar Theatre was introduced to Qatar in the mid-20th century. Theatrical performances are held at Qatar National Theater and at the Qatar National Convention Centre in Doha. International relations[edit] Algeirs, Algeria (since 2013)[174] Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina (since 2018)[175] Brasília, Brazil (since 2014)[176] Sofia, Bulgaria (since 2012)[177] Beijing, China (since 2008)[178] Alameda, California (since 2004)[179] San Salvador, El Salvador (since 2018)[180] Banjul, Gambia (since 2011)[181] Tbilisi, Georgia (since 2012)[182] Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (since 2011)[183] Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan (since 2018)[184] Port Louis, Mauritius (since 2007)[185] Mogadishu, Somalia (since 2014)[186] Tunis, Tunisia (since 1994)[187] Ankara, Turkey (since 2016)[188] Los Angeles, California, United States (since 2016)[189] Miami, Florida, United States (since 2016)[190] Libertador, Venezuela (since 2015)[191] Beit Sahour, Palestine (since 2009)[192] Gallery[edit] Click on the thumbnail to enlarge. Skyline of Doha West Bay from Sheraton Park. The spring festival at Souq Waqif, Doha An old mosque minaret stands out in front of the under-construction National Archive building in the Diwan Amiri Quarter of the Musheireb downtown Doha development. Qatar's Amir (ruler) is housed in the Amiri Diwan located in the historic Al Bidda district. These twin towers are among the earliest towers in Doha and serve as a great example of post-modern architecture. Msheireb Enrichment Centre moored off Doha Corniche is a learning center focused on the history and developments of Doha, particularly the Musheirib district. Aspire Park, Al Waab is one of the city's green spaces that forms a part of the Aspire zone. Doha skyline from the Museum of Islamic Art. Doha skyline at night. Doha Corniche is the 7 km long water front that connects the new district of West Bay with the old district of Al-Bidda and Al-Souq on the other end. Aerial view of a part of the city. The Katara cultural village is designed to be a hub of human interaction connecting theatre, literature, music, visual art, conventions and exhibitions in a planned development on the waterfront.[193] The post office building in Qatar sits located on the main Corniche street. See also[edit] Doha Declaration Doha Development Round of World Trade Organization (WTO) talks Qatar National Day which is held in Doha every year on December 18 References[edit] ^ "Doha municipality accounts for 40% of Qatar population". Gulf Times. 20 October 2015. Retrieved 23 October 2015..mw-parser-output cite.citation{font-style:inherit}.mw-parser-output .citation q{quotes:"\"""\"""'""'"}.mw-parser-output .id-lock-free a,.mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-free a{background-image:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/65/Lock-green.svg/9px-Lock-green.svg.png");background-image:linear-gradient(transparent,transparent),url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/65/Lock-green.svg");background-repeat:no-repeat;background-size:9px;background-position:right .1em center}.mw-parser-output .id-lock-limited a,.mw-parser-output .id-lock-registration a,.mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-limited a,.mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-registration a{background-image:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/d6/Lock-gray-alt-2.svg/9px-Lock-gray-alt-2.svg.png");background-image:linear-gradient(transparent,transparent),url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/d6/Lock-gray-alt-2.svg");background-repeat:no-repeat;background-size:9px;background-position:right .1em center}.mw-parser-output .id-lock-subscription a,.mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-subscription a{background-image:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/a/aa/Lock-red-alt-2.svg/9px-Lock-red-alt-2.svg.png");background-image:linear-gradient(transparent,transparent),url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/aa/Lock-red-alt-2.svg");background-repeat:no-repeat;background-size:9px;background-position:right .1em center}.mw-parser-output .cs1-subscription,.mw-parser-output .cs1-registration{color:#555}.mw-parser-output .cs1-subscription span,.mw-parser-output .cs1-registration span{border-bottom:1px dotted;cursor:help}.mw-parser-output .cs1-ws-icon a{background-image:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/4c/Wikisource-logo.svg/12px-Wikisource-logo.svg.png");background-image:linear-gradient(transparent,transparent),url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/4c/Wikisource-logo.svg");background-repeat:no-repeat;background-size:12px;background-position:right .1em center}.mw-parser-output code.cs1-code{color:inherit;background:inherit;border:inherit;padding:inherit}.mw-parser-output .cs1-hidden-error{display:none;font-size:100%}.mw-parser-output .cs1-visible-error{font-size:100%}.mw-parser-output .cs1-maint{display:none;color:#33aa33;margin-left:0.3em}.mw-parser-output .cs1-subscription,.mw-parser-output .cs1-registration,.mw-parser-output .cs1-format{font-size:95%}.mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-left,.mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-wl-left{padding-left:0.2em}.mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-right,.mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-wl-right{padding-right:0.2em}.mw-parser-output .citation .mw-selflink{font-weight:inherit} ^ Jump up to: a b c The Report: Qatar 2016. 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Retrieved 2 October 2015. ^ "Al Kass Selects BFE as Integrator". Finance.yahoo.com. 23 August 2012. Retrieved 2 October 2015. ^ "Amir's visit to Algeria significant: envoy". Gulf Times. 26 February 2020. Retrieved 6 May 2020. ^ "Qatar and Bosnia vow to boost ties". The Peninsula. 20 February 2018. Retrieved 31 May 2018. ^ "اتفاقية توأمة بين مدينتي الدوحة وبرازيليا" (in Arabic). Al Sharq. 23 February 2014. Retrieved 31 May 2018. ^ "HE Prime Minister Presides Over Cabinet Regular Meeting". Press Arabia. 28 November 2012. Retrieved 31 May 2018. ^ "Sister cities". eBeijing. Retrieved 18 July 2015. ^ "Alameda California cuts ties with the emir". Gulf Times. 11 July 2019. Retrieved 22 September 2019. ^ "توقيع اتفاقية توأمة بين بلديتي الدوحة وسان سلفادور" (in Arabic). Ministry of Municipality and Environment. 29 March 2018. Retrieved 31 May 2018. ^ Momodou Faal (28 October 2011). "Gambia: Banjul Signs Twinnng Pact With Doha". The Daily Observer (Banjul). Retrieved 31 May 2018. ^ "Legal Framework". Embassy of Georgia to the State of Qatar. Retrieved 31 May 2018. ^ "زيارة الأمير الأخيرة لكازاخستان أعطت زخماً للعلاقات الثنائية" (in Arabic). Al Raya. 11 December 2015. Retrieved 31 May 2018. ^ "HH The Amir Issues Two Decrees". Government of the State of Qatar. 19 February 2018. Retrieved 31 May 2018. ^ "International Links". City Council of Port Louis. Retrieved 31 May 2018. ^ "Mungaab seeks Doha's help in reviving Mogadishu". Somali Agenda. 13 November 2014. Retrieved 31 May 2018. ^ "International Cooperation". Municipality of Tunis. Retrieved 31 May 2018. ^ "Doha, Ankara sign twinning agreement". Gulf Times. 24 August 2016. Retrieved 31 May 2018. ^ "Joint Statement by the United States and Qatar on the Conclusion of the Second Annual Economic and Investment Dialogue". U.S. Department of State. 13 December 2016. Retrieved 31 May 2018. ^ "Twinning Agreement between Miami and Doha". Istithmar USA. 5 June 2016. Retrieved 31 May 2018. ^ "HH the Emir, Venezuelan President Witness Signing of Agreements". Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Qatar). 25 November 2015. Retrieved 31 May 2018. ^ "Twinning". Beit Sahour Municipality Palestine. Archived from the original on 9 July 2018. Retrieved 30 May 2018. ^ "About Katara". Katara.net. Retrieved 2018-05-14. External links[edit] Wikimedia Commons has media related to Doha. Wikivoyage has a travel guide for Doha. Doha travel guide from Wikivoyage Projects in Doha and Major Construction and Architectural Developments Information and History of Doha showArticles related to Doha showvteMunicipality of Ad-Dawhah topicsHistory Al Bidda Battle of Al Wajbah Isa bin Tarif Mohammed bin Thani Qatari–Bahraini War Timeline of Doha Administration Ad-Dawhah Municipality Amiri Diwan of the State of Qatar Old Amiri Palace Zones Zone 4 Zone 5 Zone 6 Zone 7 Zone 13 Zone 14 Zone 15 Zone 16 Zone 17 Zone 18 Zone 20 Zone 21 Zone 22 Zone 23 Zone 24 Zone 25 Zone 26 Zone 27 Zone 28 Zone 30 Zone 31 Zone 32 Zone 33 Zone 34 Zone 35 Zone 36 Zone 37 Zone 38 Zone 39 Zone 40 Zone 41 Zone 42 Zone 43 Zone 44 Zone 45 Zone 46 Zone 47 Zone 48 Zone 49 Zone 50 Zone 57 Zone 58 Zone 61 Zone 63 Zone 64 Zone 65 Zone 66 Zone 67 Zone 68 DistrictsCensus-designated districts See List of communities in Doha District centers Al Sadd Town Center Airport Capital City Center Downtown Doha Capital City Center Fereej Kulaib District Center Najma District Center Nuaija District Center Old Al Matar Town Center Qatar University District Center Rawdat Al Khail District Center The Pearl-Qatar District Center Umm Ghuwailina District Center West Bay Capital City Center Geography Al Safliya Island Banana Island Doha Bay Doha Corniche Halul Island The Pearl-Qatar Economy andtransport Al Dafna Financial District Barwa Financial District Doha International Airport Doha Metro Gold Line Hamad International Airport Orbital Highway Demographicsand culture Abdulla Bin Zaid Al Mahmoud Islamic Cultural Center Doha Tribeca Film Festival Imam Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab Mosque Katara Cultural Village Mathaf: Arab Museum of Modern Art Museum of Islamic Art Qatar National Museum Qatar National Theater National Museum of Qatar Souq Waqif Education Carnegie Mellon University in Qatar Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar Hamad Bin Khalifa University Cornell University in Qatar HEC Paris in Qatar Northwestern University in Qatar Texas A&M University at Qatar UCL Qatar Virginia Commonwealth University in Qatar Weill Cornell Medical College in Qatar Stenden University Qatar College of the North Atlantic in Qatar Qatar University in Qatar University of Calgary in Qatar See also Education City SportsVenues Abdullah bin Khalifa Stadium Aspire Zone Aspire Academy Doha Golf Club Doha Sports Stadium Grand Hamad Stadium Hamad Aquatic Centre Hamad bin Khalifa Stadium Jassim Bin Hamad Stadium Khalifa International Stadium Khalifa International Tennis and Squash Complex Suheim bin Hamad Stadium Clubs Al Ahli SC Al Arabi SC Al Bidda SC Al Sadd SC Al-Duhail SC Qatar SC showvteCapitals of AsiaDependent territories and states with limited recognition are in italicsNorth AsiaSouth AsiaSoutheast AsiaWestern Asia Moscow, Russia Central Asia Ashgabat, Turkmenistan Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan Dushanbe, Tajikistan Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan Tashkent, Uzbekistan East Asia Beijing, China Hong Kong (China) Macau (China) Pyongyang, North Korea Seoul, South Korea Taipei, Taiwan * Tokyo, Japan Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Camp Justice, BIOT (UK) * Dhaka, Bangladesh Islamabad, Pakistan Kabul, Afghanistan Kathmandu, Nepal Malé, Maldives New Delhi, India Sri Jayawardenepura Kotte, Sri Lanka Thimphu, Bhutan Bandar Seri Begawan, Brunei Bangkok, Thailand Dili, East Timor Flying Fish Cove, Christmas Island (Australia) Hanoi, Vietnam Jakarta, Indonesia Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Manila, Philippines Naypyidaw, Myanmar Phnom Penh, Cambodia Singapore Vientiane, Laos West Island, Cocos (Keeling) Islands (Australia) Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates Amman, Jordan Ankara, Turkey Baghdad, Iraq Baku, Azerbaijan Beirut, Lebanon Cairo, Egypt Damascus, Syria Doha, Qatar Episkopi Cantonment, Akrotiri and Dhekelia (UK) * Jerusalem, Israel * Kuwait City, Kuwait Manama, Bahrain Muscat, Oman Nicosia, Cyprus North Nicosia, Northern Cyprus * Ramallah, Palestine (de facto) * Riyadh, Saudi Arabia Sana'a, Yemen Stepanakert, Artsakh * Sukhumi, Abkhazia * Tbilisi, Georgia Tehran, Iran Tskhinvali, South Ossetia * Yerevan, Armenia * Disputed. See: Political status of Taiwan, Chagos Archipelago sovereignty dispute, Cyprus dispute, Status of Jerusalem, Artsakh-Azerbaijani conflict, Abkhaz-Georgian conflict and Georgian-Ossetian conflict showvteCapitals of Arab countriesAfricaAsia Algiers, Algeria Cairo, Egypt Djibouti, Djibouti El Aaiun (proclaimed) Tifariti (de facto), Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic1 Hargeisa, Somaliland1 Khartoum, Sudan Mogadishu, Somalia Moroni, Comoros Nouakchott, Mauritania Rabat, Morocco Tripoli, Libya Tunis, Tunisia Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates Amman, Jordan Baghdad, Iraq Beirut, Lebanon Damascus, Syria Doha, Qatar Jerusalem (proclaimed) Ramallah (de facto), Palestine1 Kuwait City, Kuwait Manama, Bahrain Muscat, Oman Riyadh, Saudi Arabia Sana'a, Yemen 1 An unrecognised or partially-recognised nation showvteArab Capital of Culture Cairo 1996 (Egypt) Tunis 1997 (Tunisia) Sharjah 1998 (United Arab Emirates) Beirut 1999 (Lebanon) Riyadh 2000 (Saudi Arabia) Kuwait City 2001 (Kuwait) Amman 2002 (Jordan) Rabat 2003 (Morocco) Sanaʽa 2004 (Yemen) Khartoum 2005 (Sudan) Muscat 2006 (Oman) Algiers 2007 (Algeria) Damascus 2008 (Syria) Jerusalem 2009 (State of Palestine) Doha 2010 (Qatar) Sirte 2011 (Libya) Manama 2012 (Bahrain) Baghdad 2013 (Iraq) Tripoli 2014 (Libya) Constantine 2015 (Algeria) Sfax 2016 (Tunisia) showvteHost cities of Asian GamesSummer 1951: Delhi 1954: Manila 1958: Tokyo 1962: Jakarta 1966: Bangkok 1970: Bangkok 1974: Tehran 1978: Bangkok 1982: Delhi 1986: Seoul 1990: Beijing 1994: Hiroshima 1998: Bangkok 2002: Busan 2006: Doha 2010: Guangzhou 2014: Incheon 2018: Jakarta-Palembang 2022: Hangzhou Winter 1986: Sapporo 1990: Sapporo 1996: Harbin 1999: Kangwon 2003: Aomori 2007: Changchun 2011: Astana-Almaty 2017: Sapporo Authority control BNF: cb15084063c (data) GND: 4219005-8 LCCN: n81076793 MusicBrainz: 29aae758-4c4f-4d77-899c-1dcb67196b24 NKC: ge463353 SELIBR: 143052 VIAF: 136649381 WorldCat Identities: lccn-n81076793 <img src="//en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:CentralAutoLogin/start?type=1x1" alt="" title="" width="1" height="1" style="border: none; position: absolute;" /> Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Doha&oldid=963332295" Categories: DohaCapitals in AsiaMunicipalities of QatarPopulated coastal places in QatarPopulated places established in 1825Populated places in QatarBurial sites of the House of Thani1825 establishments in AsiaHidden categories: CS1 maint: uses authors parameterCS1 Arabic-language sources (ar)Articles with short descriptionArticles containing Arabic-language textCoordinates on WikidataCommons category link is on WikidataWikipedia articles with BNF identifiersWikipedia articles with GND identifiersWikipedia articles with LCCN identifiersWikipedia articles with MusicBrainz area identifiersWikipedia articles with NKC identifiersWikipedia articles with SELIBR identifiersWikipedia articles with VIAF identifiersWikipedia articles with WorldCat identifiers Navigation menu Personal tools Not logged inTalkContributionsCreate accountLog in Namespaces ArticleTalk Variants Views ReadEditView history More Search Navigation Main pageContentsCurrent eventsRandom articleAbout WikipediaContact usDonateWikipedia store Contribute HelpCommunity portalRecent changesUpload file Tools What links hereRelated changesUpload fileSpecial pagesPermanent linkPage information

if Ohio could bring its average students up to the levels seen in Massachusetts or Minnesota, it could expect average GDP per capita (compared to a no-improvement economy) to be some 5.5 percent larger over the remainder of the century.

A recent study of four network newsmagazines found that over one-half of all stories focused on lifestyle, human interest, and celebrity news. Just 8 percent of reports were about politics, economics, social wel-fare and education.2

Thirty-two percent of all higher education students now take at least one course online.

classroom as a space that ruptures, engages, unsettles and inspires. Education as democratic public space cannot exist under modes of governance dominated by a business model, especially one that subjects faculty to a Walmart model of labor relations designed “to reduce labor costs and to increase labor servility,” as Noam Chomsky writes. In the US, over 70 percent of faculty occupy nontenured and part-time positions, many without benefits and with salaries so low that they qualify for food stamps. Faculty need to be given more security, full-time jobs, autonomy and the support they need to function as professionals. While many other countries do not emulate this model of faculty servility, it is part of a neoliberal legacy that is increasingly gaining traction across the globe.

Unz’s argument won the day. Proposition 227 was voted into law with 61 percent of the vote. Now part of California’s extensive education code, the law holds that “all children in California public schools shall be taught English by being taught in English.” For the most part, that has been interpreted as: Don’t teach in Spanish. “I am in the camp that says it’s just a terrible waste,” said Patricia Gandara, an education professor at the University of California, Los Angeles. “There are all kinds of social, cognitive and tangible benefits that accrue to those with more than one language. It’s a terrible loss.”

Adult enrollment in higher education grew by more than 50 percent between 1991 and 2011, according to U.S. News & World Report. This trend shows that today’s educators and corporate trainers must adapt to the different needs, learning styles and challenges presented by teaching adult students. By understanding adult students, you can become a better educator or trainer. Here are six key teaching strategies for making lessons more applicable for adult learners. Keep It Relevant Adult students truly latch onto lessons they feel are relevant. They have to understand how the skills they learn will improve their daily lives. If they believe a lesson will have a measurable impact, they will be far more likely to be engaged and internalize the lesson. How can this be achieved? Education resource eLearning Industry recommends considering the “real value in the educational experience you’re providing.” While teaching adults, educators and trainers should consider the real-world impact on how a person works or interacts with  family. Remind adult students that a math lesson can help them better understand what they do every day or that the course will give them the experience they need to advance in their careers. Real-world outcomes will inspire an adult student to put forth more effort in a course. Remember Student Backgrounds One of the many differences between adult learners and their younger counterparts is experience. Adult education has to draw on the fact that stu

After a full day of teaching at Boston College, Karen Arnold had to find time to read her students’ contributions to an online discussion board. Each was required to write at least one post, and, as usual, they seemed to have waited to do it until the night before the deadline. “They would just blather something,” said Arnold, who teaches higher education and educational administration. “They didn’t have a conversation. It was more like a hoop-jumping exercise.” That was around 2008, and Arnold has avoided assigning online discussions ever since. Student and instructor at Bronx Community College (Photo by Ryan Brenizer) Like other faculty with memories of failed experiments such as these, she’s pushing back against the widespread notion that technology can necessarily improve teaching and cut costs. “We are fooling ourselves that we’re getting more efficient,” she said. Related: MOOC bandwagon shows signs of slowing down It’s been a high-stakes bet. Universities and colleges are marketing themselves to tech-savvy teenagers while promising higher productivity and financial savings. They will pour $10.4 billion into education technology this year, according to the Center for Digital Education, from computers to in-class gadgets such as digital projectors and wireless “clickers” that let students answer questions electronically. “We are fooling ourselves that we’re getting more efficient.” Karen Arnold, Boston College But professors say they don’t have enough help to use this technology effectively, haven’t seen results from it, and fear that the cost savings administrators keep insisting that technology will bring could mean their own careers are on the line. That’s left many in the university ranks rolling their eyes when the next “innovation” pops up. “We’ve been hearing over the last four or five years that technology is going to reduce costs, increase quality and increase access,” said Diane Harley, director of the Higher Education in the Digital Age project at University of California, Berkeley. She doesn’t think it can do all three of those things. “I always say, pick two.” Not that professors have completely resisted the trend. Nearly 75 percent have tried a new technology in their classes in the past year, according to a survey of 1,600 of them by Faculty Focus, a newsletter that shares effective teaching practices. Yet 34 percent said keeping up with technology was either “moderately” or “very” problematic. Related: As online courses expand, so do questions about ownership One of the most common complaints from faculty is that much of this technology creates more work, not less, a survey of 42 professors by David R. Johnson, a sociology researcher at Rice University, found. One of the reasons for this inefficiency is that professors adopt educational technology from companies that market it to them directly, even when their universities aren’t equipped to troubleshoot or upgrade it, said Gary W. Matkin, dean of continuing education, distance learning, and summer session at the University of California, Irvine. Then, when something even better comes along, faculty and universities chase after that. “It produces this technology war,” said Matkin. He thinks more universities will eventually switch to the model used by many corporations in which only certain technology is allowed. That way they’ll be better able to manage it — and track the results. Related: Want higher-ed reform? You may be surprised where you’ll find it Many schools have used this model to adopt the wireless clickers — or “student response systems” — in large classrooms. Allowing students to use the TV remote-style clickers to collectively answer questions can keep them engaged in lecture classes, according to a study at Canisius College, which found that student grades increased by 4.7 percent in classes that used clickers. But the technology’s impact goes only so far. In another study released this year, by Butler University professor Juan Pablo Rodriquez Prieto, language students who took clicker-based quizzes performed about 4.5 percent worse than classmates who used pencil and paper. Clare O’Connor, a Boston College biology professor who teaches several large classes and uses clickers regularly, agrees that they have limitations. She doesn’t use them for quizzes or tests, she said. “I like students to have the opportunities to change their answers,” she said. “If students have to answer when a question appears on the screen, you eliminate the possibility of more reflective answers.” One way schools have tried to lower the cost of education is by using another kind of technology: online courses. Yet even after teaching English online for 15 years, Wright State University-Lake Campus’ Martin Kich believes in-person courses offer students far more. Related: Colleges take cues from private business to improve their customer service He said he has to assign what he calls “busy work” to online classes simply to check that students are completing assignments, since there’s no opportunity to gather and discuss. “Academically, they are very suspect,” Kich said of online courses. Instead of lectures, online courses often use PowerPoint to present material. But studies have found that students, when given the ability to see lectures via PowerPoint — both online and in person — slack on doing their own assigned reading. “Students perceive the teachers will highlight all of the material worth considering in the textbook,” University of Central Missouri professor Thomas M. Mitchell wrote in a study of the use of PowerPoint in classes. “Unfortunately, students accept this efficient and time-saving system as a normal way of learning and disregard reading as an effective method of acquiring information.” As for Arnold, she abandoned discussion boards until her university upgraded to Canvas — an online learning management system — and encouraged professors to use it starting this year. After getting student feedback, she assigned two students to moderate the discussion board each week, filling it with questions that would drive conversation. At the start of class, the two students recap the results, saving Arnold the need to keep daily tabs on the board. “The good and bad thing about technology is it will do anything,” she said. But “you have to have time at the expense of other things you could be doing to figure it out.”   This story was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news website focused on inequality and innovation in education. This article was originally published on The Heching Report and authored by Ryan Derousseau. Read the original article. Spread the love

In 1999 74 percent of full-time students worked while attending college, and nearly half of them worked at least 25 hours a week. Unfortunately, many of those student workers say that holding a job hurts their grades, as well as limits their choice of courses. By one estimate, college students typically spend less than half the time on their studies than the faculty expects.

Chemical bonds form when electrons can be simultaneously close to two or more nuclei, but beyond this, there is no simple, easily understood theory that would not only explain why atoms bind together to form molecules, but would also predict the three-dimensional structures of the resulting compounds as well as the energies and other properties of the bonds themselves. Unfortunately, no one theory exists that accomplishes these goals in a satisfactory way for all of the many categories of compounds that are known. Moreover, it seems likely that if such a theory does ever come into being, it will be far from simple. When we are faced with a scientific problem of this complexity, experience has shown that it is often more useful to concentrate instead on developing models. A scientific model is something like a theory in that it should be able to explain observed phenomena and to make useful predictions. But whereas a theory can be discredited by a single contradictory case, a model can be useful even if it does not encompass all instances of the phenomena it attempts to explain. We do not even require that a model be a credible representation of reality; all we ask is that be able to explain the behavior of those cases to which it is applicable in terms that are consistent with the model itself. An example of a model that you may already know about is the kinetic molecular theory of gases. Despite its name, this is really a model (at least at the level that beginning students use it) because it does not even try to explain the observed behavior of real gases. Nevertheless, it serves as a tool for developing our understanding of gases, and as a starting point for more elaborate treatments. Given the extraordinary variety of ways in which atoms combine into aggregates, it should come as no surprise that a number of useful bonding models have been developed. Most of them apply only to certain classes of compounds, or attempt to explain only a restricted range of phenomena. In this section we will provide brief descriptions of some of the bonding models; the more important of these will be treated in much more detail in later parts of this chapter. Ionic Bonding Ever since the discovery early in the 19th century that solutions of salts and other electrolytes conduct electric current, there has been general agreement that the forces that hold atoms together must be electrical in nature. Electrolytic solutions contain ions having opposite electrical charges, opposite charges attract, so perhaps the substances from which these ions come consist of positive and negatively charged atoms held together by electrostatic attraction. It turns out that this is not true generally, but a model built on this assumption does a fairly good job of explaining a rather small but important class of compounds that are called ionic solids. The most well known example of such a compound is sodium chloride, which consists of two interpenetrating lattices of Na+ and Cl– ions arranged in such as way that every ion of one type is surrounded (in three dimensional space) by six ions of opposite charge. The main limitation of this model is that it applies really well only to the small class of solids composed of Group 1 and 2 elements with highly electronegative elements such as the halogens. Although compounds such as CuCl2 dissociate into ions when they dissolve in water, the fundamental units making up the solid are more like polymeric chains of covalently-bound CuCl2 molecules that have little ionic character. According to the ionic electrostatic model, solids such as NaCl consist of positive and negative ions arranged in a crystal lattice. Each ion is attracted to neighboring ions of opposite charge, and is repelled by ions of like charge; this combination of attractions and repulsions, acting in all directions, causes the ion to be tightly fixed in its own location in the crystal lattice. Since electrostatic forces are nondirectional, the structure of an ionic solid is determined purely by geometry: two kinds of ions, each with its own radius, will fall into whatever repeating pattern will achieve the lowest possible potential energy. Surprisingly, there are only a small number of possible structures Covalent Bonding This model originated with the theory developed by G.N. Lewis in 1916, and it remains the most widely-used model of chemical bonding. The essential element s of this model can best be understood by examining the simplest possible molecule. This is the hydrogen molecule ion H2+, which consists of two nuclei and one electron. First, however, think what would happen if we tried to make the even simpler molecule H22+. Since this would consist only of two protons whose electrostatic charges would repel each other at all distances, it is clear that such a molecule cannot exist; something more than two nuclei are required for bonding to occur. In the hydrogen molecule ion H2+ we have a third particle, an electron. The effect of this electron will depend on its location with respect to the two nuclei. If the electron is in the space between the two nuclei, it will attract both protons toward itself, and thus toward each other. If the total attraction energy exceeds the internuclear repulsion, there will be a net bonding effect and the molecule will be stable. If, on the other hand, the electron is off to one side, it will attract both nuclei, but it will attract the closer one much more strongly, owing to the inverse-square nature of Coulomb's law. As a consequence, the electron will now help the electrostatic repulsion to push the two nuclei apart. We see, then, that the electron is an essential component of a chemical bond, but that it must be in the right place: between the two nuclei. Coulomb's law can be used to calculate the forces experienced by the two nuclei for various positions of the electron. This allows us to define two regions of space about the nuclei, as shown in the figure. One region, the binding region, depicts locations at which the electron exerts a net binding effect on the new nuclei. Outside of this, in the antibinding region, the electron will actually work against binding. This simple picture illustrates the number one rule of chemical bonding: chemical bonds form when electrons can be simultaneously close to two or more nuclei. It should be pointed out that this principle applies also to the ionic model; as will be explained later in this chapter, the electron that is "lost" by a positive ion ends up being closer to more nuclei (including the one from whose electron cloud it came) in the compound. The polar covalent model: A purely covalent bond can only be guaranteed when the electronegativities (electron-attracting powers) of the two atoms are identical. When atoms having different electronegativities are joined, the electrons shared between them will be displaced toward the more electronegative atom, conferring a polarity on the bond which can be described in terms of percent ionic character. The polar covalent model is thus an generalization of covalent bonding to include a very wide range of behavior. The Coulombic model: This is an extension of the ionic model to compounds that are ordinarily considered to be non-ionic. Combined hydrogen is always considered to exist as the hydride ion H–, so that methane can be treated as if it were C4+ H–4. This is not as bizarre as it might seem at first if you recall that the proton has almost no significant size, so that it is essentially embedded in an electron pair when it is joined to another atom in a covalent bond. This model, which is not as well known as it deserves to be, has considerable predictive power, both as to bond energies and structures. The VSEPR model: The "valence shell electron repulsion" model is not so much a model of chemical bonding as a scheme for explaining the shapes of molecules. It is based on the quantum mechanical view that bonds represent electron clouds- physical regions of negative electric charge that repel each other and thus try to stay as far apart as possible. Summary The covalent bond is formed when two atoms are able to share electrons: whereas the ionic bond is formed when the "sharing" is so unequal that an electron from atom A is completely lost to atom B, resulting in a pair of ions: The two extremes of electron sharing represented by the covalent and ionic models appear to be generally consistent with the observed properties of molecular and ionic solids and liquids. But does this mean that there are really two kinds of chemical bonds, ionic and covalent? Contributors Stephen Lower, Professor Emeritus (Simon Fraser U.) Chem1 Virtual Textbook   /*<![CDATA[*/ $(function() { if(!window['autoDefinitionList']){ window['autoDefinitionList'] = true; $('dl').find('dt').on('click', function() { $(this).next().toggle('350'); }); } });/*]]>*/ /*<![CDATA[*/ var front = "auto"; if(front=="auto"){ front = "3.2: Chemical Bonds"; if(front.includes(":")){ front = front.split(":")[0]; if(front.includes(".")){ front = front.split("."); front = front.map((int)=>int.includes("0")?parseInt(int,10):int).join("."); } front+="."; } else { front = ""; } } front = front.replace(/_/g," "); MathJaxConfig = { TeX: { equationNumbers: { autoNumber: "all", formatNumber: function (n) { if(false){ return front + (Number(n)+false); } else{return front + n; } } }, Macros: { PageIndex: ["{"+front+" #1}",1], test: ["{"+front+" #1}",1] }, SVG: { linebreaks: { automatic: true } } } }; MathJax.Hub.Config(MathJaxConfig); /*]]>*/ /*<![CDATA[*/window.addEventListener('load', function(){$('iframe').iFrameResize({warningTimeout:0});})/*]]>*/ Back to top 3.1: Hydrogen, Oxygen, and Water 3.3: Representing Compounds: Chemical Formulas and Molecular Models Recommended articles There are no recommended articles. 3.1: Hydrogen, Oxygen, and WaterUnder construction3.3: Representing Compounds: Chemical Formulas and Molecular ModelsA chemical formula is a format used to express the structure of atoms. The formula tells which elements and how many of each element are present in a...3.4: An Atomic-Level Perspective of Elements and CompoundsMetals (particularly those in groups 1 and 2) tend to lose the number of electrons that would leave them with the same number of electrons as in the p...3.5: Ionic Compounds: Formulas and NamesChemists use nomenclature rules to clearly name compounds. Ionic and molecular compounds are named using somewhat-different methods. Binary ionic comp...3.6: Molecular Compounds: Formulas and NamesMolecular compounds can form compounds with different ratios of their elements, so prefixes are used to specify the numbers of atoms of each element i... 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If students who attended a four-year college had parents with no education after high school, only 50 percent graduated within six years. If at least one parent had some college but no degree, the graduation rate was 57 percent. But if at least one parent had an associate degree or higher, the rate jumped to 72 percent.

In one-sixth of all pre-K classrooms, more than 90 percent of students come from the same racial or ethnic group, whereas only one-eighth of all kindergarten classrooms has that same level of racial homogeneity.

For example, adults without a high school degree have an unemployment rate of 8 percent, compared to 5.4 percent for those who have one.

The Ferguson-Florissant school district’s at-large voting system, which makes every school board seat election district-wide, has historically allowed the majority white population to dominate the school board, despite the fact that black students make up 77 percent of the district’s student body.

Hanushek estimates that a one-standard-deviation increase in student cognitive ability leads to a 13 percent increase in lifetime earnings.

However, there is a strong sense in the international education field that whatever interactions may be occurring naturally are not enough, and that universities need to do a much better job of bringing domestic and international students together in an intentional way. The issue has taken on increasing salience as campuses have seen huge influxes of international undergraduate students from two main countries, China and Saudi Arabia, in recent years. A study published in the Journal of International and Intercultural Communication in 2012 found that nearly 40 percent of international students in the U.S. report having no close American friends. 

the maximum Pell Grant covers only about 30 percent of the cost of a four-year public college education

After more than 40 hours of research and over a month of testing 13 devices, we think the GreatCall Lively Mobile is the best medical alert system for most people. Unlike most devices, it can reach either 911 or a call center from anywhere in your home or out in the world. That means the GreatCall Lively Mobile can help in all manner of situations, from getting EMTs and loved ones on the scene after a fall to contacting a friend for you if you can’t find your phone (yes, really; we tried it). Share this review on Facebook Share this review on Twitter Save this review on Pocket Share this review on Pinterest Share this review with E-mail It’s less expensive per month than any similar device, and relatively stylish, too. But choosing a medical alert is a personal decision, so there are different factors to consider: If you won’t wear a medical alert that looks vaguely like a medical device, won’t remember to charge a medical alert, or will have trouble pushing a button during an emergency, we have picks for you, too. Our pick GreatCall Lively Mobile The best medical alert system Our favorite medical alert system is comfortable to wear around your neck or on a belt clip. We found that the call center picks up faster than the competition, typically 15 seconds after you push the button. $40 from GreatCall $34 from Walmart The water-resistant GreatCall Lively Mobile can dial a call center or 911 directly (the ability to do both is a rare feature) from anywhere, and it’s easier to wear than the competition: It can go on a lanyard (with a magnetic clasp) that’s long enough to slide over your head, or on a belt clip. The silver box and plain white indicator light are more understated than the competition, and GreatCall offers the lowest-cost month-to-month plan of anything we looked at. The battery lasts 24 hours, according to GreatCall, though we found it could go up to 50 hours with minimal use. The advertised battery life is on the low end of the models we tested, but our experts recommended getting in the habit of charging your medical alert every day anyway. The GreatCall Lively Mobile works anywhere there’s Verizon cell service, which we’ve found to be the most reliable network. Advertisement googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1524661673579-0'); }); Also great Lifestation At Home An at-home medical alert system Call for help from a room or two in your house with this less-expensive and easier-to-wear system, available in versions that connect to a landline or cell service. $26 from LifeStation If you are with someone whenever you leave your house and have a small living space, or just want protection in one place (like the shower), you might not need a mobile medical alert like our pick. An at-home medical alert is less expensive with a less bulky button to carry, but the range is very limited. Most at-home systems are similar, but we found the Lifestation At Home to be a little easier to use and less expensive than the competition (month-to-month plans are $30 per month for a device that connects to a landline, and $37 per month for one with cellular service). The major downside of the Lifestation At Home is that you cannot speak directly into the device. If you fall, you can push the button from a few hundred feet away from the base station to dial the call center, but you’ll need to be within shouting distance of the base station to communicate whether you’re in need of 911 help or just want an emergency contact to come help you get up. (If you are unable to speak, or the call center cannot hear you, they will follow a course of action that you specify when you sign up: call a family member, call EMTs, or some combination thereof.) The battery in the wearable button lasts three years, and the base unit plugs into the wall. The button connects to the base via radio signal. Also great Apple Watch Series 3 (aluminum) No call center and no contract Bare-bones emergency features, but the most stylish. $330 from Apple If looks matter to you and you have an iPhone, or if you may have trouble pushing a button in an emergency, consider the Apple Watch Series 3. Though it’s bare-bones in emergency functions, it’s much more discreet to wear than other devices we tested. Because compliance matters more than anything when it comes to these devices, wearability is important. At a one-time cost of a few hundred dollars, the Apple Watch works out to be less expensive than buying a separate medical alert with a monthly bill after about a year of use (not including the cost of iPhone service, which is required for the Apple Watch to place phone calls). A button on the side of the watch allows you to place a call to 911 and can alert your emergency contacts that you placed a call when you are in range of your phone or connected to the same Wi-Fi network, and you can speak directly into the watch. You can also place an ordinary nonemergency call through the watch, either by scrolling through your contacts list or saying, “Hey, Siri, call [contact].” The Apple Watch battery lasts 18 hours with some use (less if you’re using it to make frequent phone calls). In September 2017, Apple announced a version of the watch with LTE, but we recommend the one without cellular connectivity for now. Budget pick Ask My Buddy A bare-bones option for home A voice-controlled app that can give you added peace of mind, but can’t call 911. Buy from Ask My Buddy Amazon Echo Our favorite voice-controlled device It’s relatively easy to set up Ask My Buddy on the Amazon Echo, which can also play music, tell you the weather, and control smart devices. $180 from Amazon Buy from Amazon Buy from Amazon Buy from Amazon If you want an extra layer of security at home and are considering getting a voice-controlled smart-home device anyway, Ask My Buddy is a free service available on the Amazon Echo (here’s our full guide on Amazon’s Alexa devices). If you need help and are in the same room, you can say “Alexa, ask my buddy to send help” and your emergency contacts will get a notification via email, text, or robocall. You can also place a call through the Echo to anyone with an Alexa device, or the app. Of all the medical-alert-capable devices, the Echo plus Ask My Buddy is one of the least expensive and least intrusive options. However, it offers very minimal protection: It can’t travel with you, and it can’t actually call 911 or reach anyone who is constantly available to dial 911 for you if you ask. We wouldn’t rely on any medical alert alone to save us in an emergency where every second counts, anyway, but this one ranks the lowest in terms of how much it can help in a variety of situations. Keep up with everything Wirecutter from your inbox Wirecutter Weekly: New reviews and picks, sent weekly Deals We Love: The best deals we can find, sent daily Please choose a newsletter to subscribe to. Sign up for Wirecutter's Newsletter Subscribe That wasn't a valid email address. Please try again. Feel free to opt out or contact us at any time. Opt out or contact us at any time. Thanks for subscribing! You'll be hearing from us soon. The research Expand all Why you should trust us Who should get this Can I just use a cell phone, a smart watch, or Alexa/Google Voice? How we picked How we tested What medical alerts are like to use and wear Our pick: GreatCall Lively Mobile Flaws but not dealbreakers Also great: Lifestation At Home Also great: Apple Watch Also great: Amazon Echo with Ask My Buddy What to ask in a test call Why we don’t recommend Life Alert The competition Sources Why you should trust us Medical alert systems (sometimes referred to as personal emergency response systems) have been around for decades. Perhaps the most recognizable name brand, Life Alert, with its ear-worm of a slogan “I’ve fallen and I can’t get up,” was founded in the 1980s. To understand how people use medical alerts, I spoke to George Demiris, PhD, a professor in the department of biomedical informatics and medical education at the University of Washington; Marita Kloseck, PhD, director of the Sam Katz Community Health and Aging Research Unit at Western University in Ontario, Canada; and Majd Alwan, senior vice president of technology and executive director of the LeadingAge Center for Aging Services Technologies. I also spoke to experts who help people select medical alerts: Mindy Renfro, who has worked as a physical therapist and is currently a research assistant professor at the Rural Institute On Disabilities, part of the University of Montana; Richard Caro, who writes about medical alerts at Tech-enhanced Life; Tony Rovere, chair of the Long Island chapter of the National Aging in Place Council and blogger at StuffSeniorsNeed.com; and Melissa Kantor, the executive director of Long Island at Home, which sells medical alerts and aging-in-place services to local seniors. I fall well below the typical age at which people purchase a medical alert, so I approached the research as though I were selecting one for a loved one to use. According to experts, I’m not far off from a typical customer: Many medical alerts are purchased by adult children looking for ways to better support a parent who is aging in place. I spent weeks trying out the devices for myself. I also consulted a family member who already uses one, my great-aunt Kay. Who should get this Pull QuoteOut of the 30 medical alert users in Ontario, Canada, that Kloseck and her colleagues spoke to, 90 percent agreed that the devices helped them maintain their independence. My great-aunt Kay lives alone in Erie, Pennsylvania, near the farm where she and my grandma grew up. She’s had a couple nasty falls in the past five years, but she doesn’t want to live in a nursing home. She prefers her own house and her daily routines. But she wants to know that if she needs to, she’ll be able to call for help quickly. Her medical alert device helps her maintain an independent lifestyle, as it does for many. “I dread just being an ill person who can’t cope with daily looking after yourself,” said one participant in the focus groups researcher Marita Kloseck conducted on what it’s like to live with a medical alert. “The last thing I want to do is lose my independence and be an invalid, it’s my biggest fear.” If you’re living independently and at risk for falling or another medical emergency, a medical alert is one safety measure to consider. Out of the 30 medical alert users in Ontario, Canada, that Kloseck and her colleagues spoke to, 90 percent agreed that the devices helped them maintain their independence. Though many people, like Aunt Kay, turn to medical alert systems after they’ve had a scary incident, the best time to get one is before you need it. If you are having trouble standing up to get out of a chair, said Renfro, it’s a good time to consider one—especially if you live somewhere where neighbors are few and far between, as is the case in Montana, where Renfro works. It’s not just for falls. One interviewee in Kloseck’s focus group reported successfully contacting EMTs via a medical alert after indigestion-like pain for over a day. “I think they must have flew here!” Another said she liked having a medical alert in case someone suspicious showed up at the door. A medical alert might simply relieve anxiety about emergencies. “You hear about people who fall and then can’t get help and they lay there for sometimes hours, but it just scares you when you think that could happen,” noted one participant in Kloseck’s survey on what motivated her to get a medical alert. “Subscribers reported feeling a sense of security or peace of mind,” Kloseck writes. As Aunt Kay puts it: “I feel protected.” Pull QuoteYou should get a medical alert only if you’re committed to wearing and using it. A medical alert should be just one line of defense against any medical emergency, along with working with a physician or physical therapist to monitor or improve your health and eliminating any hazards around the house, said Alwan. No devices we tested worked perfectly, and no medical alert will undo the damage of a fall (or anything else). Though all experts I spoke to agreed that medical alert systems made you safer, it’s hard to tell by how much. Studies suggest that these systems can reduce the amount of time spent on the floor after a fall, but there’s nothing conclusive in the way of peer-reviewed work showing how many lives they save per year. (In fact, experts I spoke to mostly said that their own parents didn’t have medical alerts, preferring to rely instead on check-ins with a friend or neighbor). You should get a medical alert only if you’re committed to wearing and using it. “I don’t even move without it,” Aunt Kay said. It doesn’t do any good sitting atop your dresser, or if you don’t feel comfortable pushing the button in an emergency. They make poor surprise gifts, says Renfro. If you’d like to foot the bill for a device for a loved one, make sure it’s something they want, and involve them in the process of picking it out. Can I just use a cell phone, a smart watch, or Alexa/Google Voice? Today, many of us already carry around a emergency help button: our cell phones. In fact, for some, the ability to dial 911 is the main appeal of having a wireless device at all, according to the Federal Communications Commission. If you’re in the habit of carrying around a phone constantly, it might be a good alternative to a medical alert. There are a few downsides: Most important, your phone might not be water-resistant, or at least might be awkward to take in the shower and hard to reach if you slip. It doesn’t have an option for automatic fall detection, which some medical alerts do. In a nonemergency it can’t reach a call center, so you’ll have to dial family until someone picks up. And it’s not set up by default to automatically share your location, as many medical alerts will with the call center agent. A phone’s battery also doesn’t last as long as a medical alert system’s, if you’re using it to do other things. However, if you know you’ll have trouble remembering to wear a medical alert, or can’t afford $20+ per month, committing to keeping your phone on you at all times is better than nothing. Some companies have apps that provide access to a call center just like medical alerts do, at about a third of the price of a monthly medical alert subscription. However, some can be confusing to use, slow to load, and even sometimes freeze, according to Caro, who tested out three of the apps. They’re also stuck behind a lock screen. There are a few devices that offer medical-alert-like features that are not technically medical alerts, including the Apple Watch and other smart watches, Amazon Alexa devices, and Google Home. Though these devices can offer emergency features, none will be as reliable as a device that has the sole purpose of reaching help. If you know you won’t wear a traditional medical alert, these are better than nothing. How we picked There’s a medical alert for every lifestyle. The most important feature of a medical alert system is that it’s something you are willing to use. Not even the most reliable device will be of use if it’s stashed in a drawer. Comfort and stylishness tended to decrease with range, I found. (A notable exception to this was the Apple Watch, which was the most comfortable and stylish of the bunch, and can go anywhere as long as your iPhone goes too.) We ended up testing a wide range of devices that covered all the possible configurations, but here’s how to figure out which kind works best for you. (Finding a device that you like might involve some trial and error: it took Aunt Kay two tries to find a medical alert that works well for her needs, and some time after that to figure out how to wear the device in a way that’s comfortable.) If you have a living space that’s bigger than a couple rooms, or if you leave your house alone, a mobile medical alert, which can go anywhere there’s a cell signal, will work best to keep you safe. They consist of a unit a little smaller than a deck of cards that you wear around your neck or on a belt clip that houses a GPS system, a speaker, and a microphone. The button calls someone directly from the device, and you speak to them through the unit. The button on most mobile medical alerts dials a call center (though our favorite can also reach 911). Agents are available 24/7, and pick up anywhere between 15 seconds and two minutes after you press the button. They can send 911 to your house, call a friend or family member on your behalf, or simply keep you company while you troubleshoot the situation yourself. They typically have a $20 to $70 monthly fee that includes the cost of the service and the device. (There’s often an activation or equipment fee, too.) Mobile medical alerts work off mobile carriers (e.g., AT&T, Verizon), so you’ll need to check the coverage in your area before making a purchase. They also need to be charged daily, or every few days, depending on the model. If you don’t want to call 911 directly in a minor emergency or if you slip in the shower while you’re naked, mobile medical alerts offer a way to get a variety of help, via a call center. The call center employees are there 24/7, unlike family members who will inevitably be sleeping, in work meetings, or on vacation sometimes. Further, mobile systems that connect to a call center almost always come with an option for automatic fall detection for about $10 extra per month (if you don’t like it, you can turn it off). When the device senses a change in vertical acceleration, it calls for help. If you are totally knocked out, the operator will attempt to figure out your location via the GPS signal from the device. Fall detection is a great idea, in theory, said experts. In practice, it’s prone to registering false positives, or failing to detect actual falls. “It can be embarrassing, it can [disrupt] activities, it can be costly,” said Demiris. (Part of the problem: Stunt actors falling accidentally on purpose are often used to calibrate fall detection.) Even if the device does successfully make a call after you’ve slipped, if you’ve been knocked unconscious, the operator at the call center could still have trouble figuring out where to send help. Most mobile systems have built-in GPS, but the little dot that shows operators where you are is subject to drift around. (Have you ever opened Google Maps on your phone and had the blue dot appear somewhere you aren’t? That’s it.) There are technical improvements that can be made on bare-bones GPS—like a device that checks in with Wi-Fi signals, when possible—but no device will always pinpoint your location accurately. At-home medical alerts are devices that are for use just at home, with a base station that can be connected to cell service or a landline. With just a few exceptions, these consist of a small, light button that can be worn on your wrist or around your neck. Push the button within about 600 feet of the base station (they’re connected via a radio signal), and you can speak to an operator through the base, which looks kind of like an answering machine. These medical alert systems tend to have lower monthly costs, and a device that’s far less bulky and annoying to wear (it’s about the weight and diameter of a quarter). There’s nothing to remember to charge, either. But the limited range can be frustrating, according to participants in a survey conducted by researchers at Jönköping University in Sweden, not just because it limits movement. “In particular, they felt that the lack of new technical innovations in the alarm system, such as the inclusion of a global positioning system (GPS), was a clear indication that their needs were not considered priorities in society,” the researchers write. A homebound system can make you feel homebound, which isn’t useful for people who want to be active outside of the house. Some companies offer affordable devices that can be used to call a loved one or even 911 directly. They do not reach call centers or have their own cell service (the two features are typically paired). These are less expensive because they lack a monthly service fee; rather, they rely on Wi-Fi, a smartphone, or a landline. They range from specialized medical alerts to the Apple Watch. No matter what style of medical alert you want—mobile or traditional, with a call center or not—you have a few options for how you’ll wear the device. Medical alerts can hang around your neck or wrist, or clip to your belt; for any particular device, there are often at least two options. What works best is largely personal preference, though Demiris notes that a device worn around your neck can be easier to make a habit of wearing if you’re used to putting on jewelry in the morning (it’s also necessary if you are using automatic fall detection). Battery life varies broadly for medical alerts, anywhere from just a day to a week. Experts advised getting in the habit of charging the device every night, so we didn’t prioritize long battery life. There’s typically no volume control on medical alert systems, which are about as loud as a cell phone at top volume and on speaker. The advantage is that there’s no way to accidentally turn the volume down. However, if you’re hard of hearing, volume could potentially be an issue. We looked only at devices that came with the option to make monthly payments or required no payments at all, and we discarded any that require you to have an annual contract for the service on the advice of Tony Revere, who blogs at StuffSeniorsNeed.com. You should be able to send the device back without breaking a contract if you try a particular one and realize it—or the whole concept—just isn’t for you. There are various certifications that medical alert equipment and call center equipment can have to make sure they’re up to certain safety standards. For example, companies can pay Underwriter Laboratories to verify their device has certain features. Experts we spoke to disagreed on the level of importance of these certifications, but no one thought that it was a dealbreaker to not have one. And because we did our own testing, we were able to learn firsthand if a system was reliable. Some companies will advertise that their call center is based in the US. Caro, who writes about how to pick a medical alert on Tech-enhanced Life and logged many hours himself testing medical alerts, pointed out to me that all the call centers he’s encountered sounded like they were based in the States. How we tested It’s hard to tell a lot about how easy, effective, and comfortable a medical alert is from descriptions online or from people who may have only used one on their own with no point of comparison, so we decided to try the devices ourselves. I spent several weeks integrating the devices into my life, and then pushing their limits as much as possible. I went through the setup process for each device, which ranged from placing the device in a charging cradle (which all mobile medical alerts use) and following a few verbal instructions, to leafing through a fine-print manual. One device required a traditional landline; I trekked to a coworker’s parents’ apartment on the Upper West Side to use one after it wasn’t compatible with our VoIP system at work. I used each medical alert for at least a day, wearing the mobile medical alerts to work and out with friends, making test calls in all manner of locations. For a while in February, my outfit was consistently punctuated by a low-hanging, blinking device, my kitchen counter and bedside table littered with in-home devices and charging cradles. I made several test calls with each device and compared both response time and the quality of customer service. We prioritized devices that could be worn a variety of ways and made accommodations for people without fine motor skills, like a lanyard with a magnetic clasp that doesn’t need to be looped over a head. Some devices require dexterity not everyone has, like pushing a lanyard through a small hole, or attaching them to a belt clip. What medical alerts are like to use and wear When I wore the Medical Guardian Premium Guardian, a former runner-up pick, out one night with my coworkers, the diamond indicator light blinked red as I ate my food. In the course of chatting about work, I mentioned that I was trying out medical alerts. “Oh that’s what that thing is,” one coworker said. “I thought maybe you had an allergy.” While I was getting used to having a medical alert on me, they still read as a medical device and a little bit strange to the outside world. I was surprised and delighted to learn during this process that, despite the fact that advertising for these devices seems to prey on our fear of mortality and disaster, I didn’t have to be in a life-or-death situation in order to buzz the call centers. The operators are just as happy to help talk through a situation and provide support from afar, and never seemed to be itching to push me into declaring an emergency. The buttons for in-home medical alerts are all tiny and barely noticeable. Mobile medical alerts were the biggest nuisance to wear, in part because of their size, and in part because they tag along for all manner of social situations. They are heavier and can draw considerable attention. I got in the habit of tucking the medical alerts into my shirt, per Aunt Kay’s advice. Some made their presence known even when they were out of sight, chiming to indicate their charge status when I was in a crowded elevator at work, or even speaking up at inopportune times. One day at work, the Premium Guardian verbally announced to me and everyone in a two-cubicle range that its battery was low. I spent a lot of time doing the dreaded thing—pushing the button to ask for help—just to see what would happen. Some devices made chiming sounds, some vibrated, and some noted that they were dialing the call center. The best medical alerts continuously did something as I waited for someone to pick up, as long spaces of silence would leave me wondering if I had accidentally hung up or lost signal. For medical alerts with call centers, someone typically picked up within 30 seconds. Longer than that felt like an eternity, even from the safety of my desk or bed; I wouldn’t want a loved one waiting that long during an emergency. All call centers say more or less the same line when they pick up: “Hello, do you need help?” I usually said no, I was just placing a test call. In one instance, curious if the call center would be willing to help out in a truly minor situation, I asked the operator to call my boyfriend to tell him I was running late to meet him. The operator was happy to oblige. Voice-controlled units like the Amazon Echo don’t require you to wear anything, but work reliably only when you’re in the same room. I set up the Echo in my kitchen, and when the dishwasher was running, even when I was screaming “Hey, Alexa!”—the signal that you’re about to give the device a command—over and over from a room away, it could not hear me. (This is also a pitfall of relying on a device to play music and be able to hear you in an emergency.) I had similar experiences with traditional in-home medical alerts. The range on these devices is technically several hundred feet from the base station, and though the call center operators could hear me yelling from a room away, they had trouble understanding me. (I just moved closer to the base station, but in the event that you fall and they can’t hear you, they’ll follow a preplanned course of action that you decide when you sign up, like calling a family member and then EMTs.) Services that try to use both the button and a base station to communicate were suboptimal. In the case of one hybrid mobile and home device, an operator first tries to talk to you via a stationary home box, and then switches to the wearable if you don’t respond there. After pushing the button at work, I sat in an empty conference room for a full two minutes while, presumably, someone first tried asking my empty apartment if anyone needed help before switching over to the speaker around my neck. During test calls, I asked operators to identify my location. No GPS was consistently accurate, though they were often correct within a couple blocks. This makes backup measures attractive, like the GreatCall Lively Mobile’s Web interface where you can log your typical schedule. Sometimes the GPS was way off. Once, while testing the Bay Alarm Medical GPS Alert System, an operator said that I was at the New York Times building in midtown where the device had lost power, when in fact I’d gone home to Brooklyn. The device lost power downtown, and had only just been recharged when I placed the test call; I suspect that it hadn’t been on long enough to update its location. On another occasion, the GPS on a device wasn’t working at all, and took two phone calls to customer service to fix. I found that operators were rarely able to troubleshoot problems with the device or answer questions about service. Though call center employees were willing and able to help with even minor incidents, they weren’t inclined to make small talk. Once, after noting my location an operator did exclaim that she used to live on my street, and we had a short conversation about the rising rents in Brooklyn. But with few exceptions, the call center people hung up quickly after addressing my requests. Despite being vaguely worried when I started this project about accidentally having EMTs show up at my house, I never once pushed the button on a medical alert unintentionally during testing, including a few occasions when I just threw them in my purse. If you do accidentally hit the button, chances are you will be connected to a call center, and you can just clarify what happened with an operator. (Medical alerts make noise when they are placing a call, so a butt-dial will not go unnoticed.) Most medical alerts do not call 911 directly, and those that do require a more deliberate, prolonged push to reach emergency services. At first I skipped providing my emergency contacts, in part because I didn’t expect to be in immediate danger, but also because it was such an easy step to overlook. In all but one case, it was possible to get through the activation process without providing them, which you typically have to do over email, fax, or via snail mail to ensure that the contact information is entered correctly. Only one model, the GreatCall Lively Mobile, allowed you to enter them in an online interface. Our pick: GreatCall Lively Mobile The GreatCall Lively Mobile is intuitive to use, and has a plain design that won’t draw too much attention. Our pick GreatCall Lively Mobile The best medical alert system Our favorite medical alert system is comfortable to wear around your neck or on a belt clip. We found that the call center picks up faster than the competition, typically 15 seconds after you push the button. $40 from GreatCall $34 from Walmart The GreatCall Lively Mobile was one of the easiest mobile medical alerts to wear and use, and costs less than any other medical alert of its kind that we considered, with service starting at $20 per month, with one-time fees totaling $80. The rectangular silver and black (or gold and black) design draws minimal attention, and the call center consistently picks up quickly—up to eight times as fast as others. The battery life is 24 hours, according to the company, among the the shortest we considered, though I found it lasted nearly twice that long with minimal use. The device is a little smaller and lighter than a deck of cards. One big button in the middle dials the call center or—if you hold it down—911. A small button on the back turns it on and off. A small battery-indicator light changes colors when the Lively is low on charge, but it doesn’t draw a ton of attention to itself. When the Lively shuts off from low battery, it announces that it’s doing so. (It was loud enough to wake me up at 4 a.m. one day, a good feature if you’ve forgotten to charge it and have missed the battery light.) The Lively Mobile can go anywhere there’s Verizon cell service, including your shower, as it’s waterproof. In separate tests, we’ve found Verizon to be the most reliable network, though it doesn’t cover every part of the country. Check here to see if your area is covered. The Lively Mobile is one of the only medical alerts we looked at that has the option to call either a call center, or—by holding down the button—911 directly. The speaker and microphone in the device provide sound quality that’s better than that of many other devices we considered. If you dial an agent from the Lively, they’ll typically pick up about 15 seconds after you push the button; other devices left us hanging for what felt like forever. If you are lost, or unable to speak, the agent can look at a GPS signal and a list of places you frequent to help identify your location. The Lively Mobile is the only device that has an easy-to-use online interface where you can store emergency contact information. With all other devices, you have to email or snail mail your emergency contact information (this ensures accuracy compared with speaking the information over the phone). GreatCall offers the most affordable basic service packages of all the mobile medical alerts we tested, at $20. Fall detection costs an extra $15. GreatCall also has a middle tier, for $25, with access to doctors via the device (though they emphasize that this feature should not be used in an emergency), and allows family and friends to tell when you leave home or return via the GreatCall Link app. The first tier of service should work well for most people, though if the idea of being able to loosely track a loved one’s movements appeals to you, or if you want the extra security of (somewhat unreliable) fall detection, consider upgrading. The Lively Mobile has a separate on-off button, which means it’s impossible to accidentally turn it off when you’re calling for help. The lanyard is soft and black, shorter than those of much of the competition, and has a magnetic clasp so you don’t need to be able to lift your arms above your head to put it on or mess with a complicated closure. (There’s also an option to wear the device on a belt clip). The instruction booklet for the Lively Mobile is easy to read. This is a small point, but it was much better than the thick, tiny-print instruction books that some of the competition had. GreatCall has been around since 2006—the company is best known for making Jitterbug flip phones—and debuted the Lively Mobile in mid-2016. The device is an upgraded version of GreatCall’s previous mobile medical alert, the Splash, which garnered positive reviews. Medical alert reviewer Caro praised the Splash for the call center’s fast response time, ability to call 911 directly, and easy online interface, all qualities that the Lively shares. Flaws but not dealbreakers No medical alert is actively enjoyable to wear, and the Lively Mobile is no exception. It will likely take some time to get used to having the device around your neck. On the Lively, a white light flashes consistently to indicate that it’s in an area with service. Though this was less intrusive than the more colorful lights on some other devices, it could still be annoying; there were no mobile medical alerts without lights. The length of the Lively Mobile’s lanyard is not adjustable. Though I found the relatively short lanyard to be easier to wear than the competition’s, this might not be the case for everyone. Even though the lanyard can be easily swapped out, most traditional lanyards (which have a clasp that attaches to a badge) will be a little awkward. If you want a different lanyard with a specific length, you’ll need a little DIY savvy. If your area is not covered by Verizon, the Lively Mobile won’t work for you. Check your coverage here. Another flaw that all medical alerts share: the GPS signal can be unreliable. However, the Lively helps skirt this by prompting you to enter information into an online database (from a computer or a smartphone app) about your schedule and where you go during your days so the call center staff have something to fall back on. It’s the only medical alert that has this feature. Of all the medical alerts we tested, the Lively Mobile has one of the shortest advertised battery lives: 24 hours, as opposed to 36 hours or even several days. I found the battery lasted over 50 hours with minimal use, though I wouldn’t want a loved one counting on it working for that long on a single charge. Experts recommend getting in the habit of charging your medical alert nightly, so that you don’t have to think about it. If this will be hard for you, consider an in-home medical alert, which doesn’t need to be charged. Also great: Lifestation At Home The LifeStation At Home system has a small button and a base station. Also great Lifestation At Home An at-home medical alert system Call for help from a room or two in your house with this less-expensive and easier-to-wear system, available in versions that connect to a landline or cell service. $26 from LifeStation If you just need a medical alert to cover you in a couple rooms of your house, consider the Life Station At Home system, which is about $30 per month (there’s no activation fee). Like all in-home medical alert systems, it consists of a small button that you can wear around your neck or on your wrist that wirelessly connects to an answering-machine-like base station that lets you speak to a call center agent (there’s no option to dial 911 directly). Though it can’t leave your house, and you can’t speak through the button, it’s easier to wear than our top picks. There’s no charging required; the button’s battery lasts about three years. Home medical alert systems are all very similar, but Life Station’s is a little less expensive than other options we looked at, and didn’t give us any trouble during testing. The main perk of an at-home system is that the device is much easier to wear than those in mobile systems: The Life Station button is about the weight and diameter of a quarter, and just a little thicker. In comparison, our main pick and runner-up are just a little smaller and lighter than a deck of cards. If you don’t need a medical alert that you can leave the house with, are mostly concerned about slipping in one room—the bathroom, for example—or know that you just won’t wear anything but the least-intrusive device, the Life Station At Home might be a good option. The major downside of this or any at-home system is that its range is incredibly limited, even if you’re just using it in your home. The range of this device is several hundred feet—that is, the button can still communicate with the base station if you are on the other side of a small house. Though it’s difficult to communicate through the base station if you’re even one room away, you can choose at the time of setup what course of action the call center should take if you push the button and they don’t hear anything. Also great: Apple Watch A medical ID screen has a few details for paramedics. Apple Watch can dial 911 at the push of a button. The Emergency SOS feature dials 911 and texts your emergency contacts. Press the button on the right once to get this screen, or hold down to activate the SOS feature immediately. A medical ID screen has a few details for paramedics. Apple Watch can dial 911 at the push of a button. 1 of 3 Also great Apple Watch Series 3 (aluminum) No call center and no contract Bare-bones emergency features, but the most stylish. $330 from Apple Apple Watch Series 3 has basic emergency functions compared with most medical alerts we looked at, and requires a little tech savvy to use. Out of everything we tested, it’s the only wearable device that’s stylish and doesn’t look at all like a medical device. (We tested the Series 2 but it is no longer available). You will need to have an iPhone for the watch to work, but if you’re already paying for that service and you are comfortable with navigating Apple services, the watch may be relatively affordable—it currently costs $330, which will buy you less than 10 months of service with a typical mobile medical alert. (We recommend the version without cellular service; more on that in a minute.) The SOS feature (which was introduced on the Series 2 model) allows users to dial 911 by pushing and holding down the button on the side of the watch, and can automatically text up to three emergency contacts and give them your location when you do so. Apple Watch hasn’t had emergency features long enough for our experts to evaluate its usefulness as a medical alert, though they agreed it could be useful. Apple Watch’s battery lasts 18 hours with some use. You can speak to a 911 responder directly through the watch, or if it’s a nonemergency, you can dial a friend or family member through the watch verbally, by saying (for example), “Siri, call [name].” The sound quality of Apple Watch is better than any medical alert we considered. There are a variety of bands to choose from (some costing hundreds of dollars themselves, like a Hermes band), making Apple Watch Series 2 the most customizable of all the devices we looked at. Aside from the limited functionality, the major downside of Apple Watch is that you have to be within Bluetooth range or connected to the same Wi-Fi network as your phone for it to place a call. This means that you can’t necessarily just set your phone down in your house, wander away from it, and know that your Apple Watch is going to keep you safe in the event of an emergency (one of the key advantages of a true mobile medical alert system). There is an LTE version of the Series 3 that allows you to place calls without being in range of your phone, but we can’t recommend it. Preliminary reviews have noted connectivity and battery issues with the LTE version, plus you’ll need to pay about $10 a month for the Watch to have its own service. We plan to test the service for ourselves, and we’ll keep an eye out for improvements. I found that navigating the tiny screen on the watch could be challenging, though this was mostly an issue for using functions other than the SOS feature. (However, if you buy Apple Watch, you’ll likely want it to work for other things, too.) If you find yourself fairly comfortable with most Apple devices, and okay with the size of newspaper print (the font can be enlarged on some apps, like text messaging, but not all), scrolling through apps on your wrist shouldn’t be too much of an adjustment. Also great: Amazon Echo with Ask My Buddy At your verbal request, the Amazon Echo can send an alert to loved ones. Budget pick Ask My Buddy A bare-bones option for home A voice-controlled app that can give you added peace of mind, but can’t call 911. Buy from Ask My Buddy Amazon Echo Our favorite voice-controlled device It’s relatively easy to set up Ask My Buddy on the Amazon Echo, which can also play music, tell you the weather, and control smart devices. $180 from Amazon Buy from Amazon Buy from Amazon Buy from Amazon If you don’t carry your phone around in your home, won’t remember or want to wear even a small button, would have trouble using a button in an emergency but can vocalize and enunciate pretty clearly, or just want another layer of security, consider using Ask My Buddy paired with the Amazon Echo (you’ll need to have a smartphone or tablet to use it). When you say, “Alexa, ask my buddy for help” the service will send a text, email, and phone call to a list of contacts to let them know they should check in. You can also place a phone call through the Echo to anyone who has the free Amazon Alexa app on their phone. Though the Echo may be the easiest and least expensive device to fit into your lifestyle, this setup would not be helpful at all in emergencies, and only marginally helpful in nonemergencies. Still, it would be better than nothing. Pull Quote I wouldn’t want a loved one of mine counting on any medical alert alone to keep them safe, but especially not the Echo. There’s nothing to remember to wear or charge, and the device doesn’t look anything like a medical device because it’s not. You’ll get all the other capabilities of the Echo (here’s our full guide), and at $180, it costs less than four months’ worth of service with a traditional medical alert company. Unlike other services, this one can’t connect you to 911 directly or via a call center or confirm that someone received your request. The range is small; the feature works reliably only if you’re in the same room as the Echo (that said, multiple Echos or Echo Dots can all be linked together to cover many rooms or a larger home). As such, Ask My Buddy should be treated only as an additional tool for a little added peace of mind in addition to thoughtful design of a home around the person using it. I wouldn’t want a loved one of mine counting on any medical alert alone to keep them safe, but especially not the Echo. We think that the Echo will be the best device to pair with Ask My Buddy for most people, though it also works with other Amazon Alexa devices and Google Home (our full guide). The Echo indicates that it heard you with a ring of light at the top of the device, and it’s taller than Google Home (which has a slanted face with indicator lights) and other Alexa options, making it easier to see from across the room. Ask My Buddy was a little easier to set up and use on the Echo than on Google Home (you’ll still need a little app savvy, or have someone around who does, as you’ll need to connect the device to a smartphone and Wi-Fi). The range on any voice-controlled device is smaller than that of a home medical alert system with a base station. When I tried screaming “Hey, Alexa” over and over from a room away while the dishwasher was running, it didn’t pick up my voice. The sound quality on either end of the phone call placed through the Alexa wasn’t as good as it is on a traditional medical alert device. Though you may run into range problems with a home medical alert with a base station, it’s easier to get someone on the line (you just push a button), at which point, they’d at least know that you needed help even if you were unable to communicate; the same can’t be said of a call that’s not picked up or a text that goes unseen. Another concern we have about Ask My Buddy: It’s a free app run by volunteers. There’s no guarantee that it’s sticking around, and you can’t contact people otherwise through an Echo. There’s an email to send issues and questions to, but you can’t get in touch with a representative right away if you run into a problem with its service. Amazon does have a customer service line to help with Echo setup. Amazon’s Echo Connect, launched in September 2017, is the first Echo device with phone calling capabilities (rather than just Echo-to-Echo intercom communication). You can use it to call any landline, including 911 calls. It also has built-in speakerphone and caller ID features. We are looking into the possibility of using the Echo Connect as a medical alert system, and if we think it’s a better option than an Echo paired with Ask My Buddy we’ll update this section with our thoughts. What to ask in a test call For medical alerts that come with a monitoring service, experts recommend pushing the button on your medical alert at least once a month to confirm that it’s working well. This step is especially important when you first start using your medical alert. Pushing the button should feel like second nature during a true emergency. One participant in the University of Western Ontario focus group recalled forgetting about the device during a heart attack: “The button didn’t even come into my mind. All I knew I was in trouble.” Plus, you need to make sure that the device works the way you think it does. Aunt Kay fell outside her house, and, thinking she had a mobile system, pushed the button to call for help to no avail. Though she was able to crawl to her car to retrieve her cell phone, the incident left her and our family shaken. It’s scary to find out you don’t have help at the ready when you think you do. Through expert advice, and some trial and error, I learned that there are a few things that I’d want my loved ones doing during a test call to ensure that their device is working properly. Confirm that the company has your correct home address on file. In particular, if the device was shipped to another location, this could be wrong—and cause problems if you fall and say you’re at home. Ask the operator if they can tell you where you are right now. If they are off by more than a block, call customer service. In one case during my tests, the GPS wasn’t working at all, a problem that might not have come to light if I hadn’t asked about it. Again, in another case, when I called from my home in Brooklyn, the operator informed me that I was at the New York Times Building, in midtown Manhattan. If you think you have automatic fall detection, confirm that this is the case with the operator. Many devices will announce that they are activating automatic fall detection when you first plug them in, even if this feature isn’t something you are paying for and therefore won’t be able to use. If you do have automatic fall detection, do a test fall by dropping the device on the ground. I also learned that the agents at the call center are typically not able to help you troubleshoot any issues that the device itself is having. If you learn during a test call that anything is amiss, you’ll need to hang up and call customer service. Why we don’t recommend Life Alert We quickly eliminated Life Alert—the brand so ubiquitous it’s name is often used to describe medical alerts in general—from the running. The company requires users to sign a 36-month contract that can be broken only if you go into 24/7 care or die. That’s a dealbreaker because it’s hard to know if a particular medical alert (or any medical alert at all) is something you’ll use until you try it out. The ability to cancel your service with minimal penalties is key to a good medical alert. Beyond that, Life Alert’s marketing is aggressive, making perusing its products annoying at best. There are outsized claims about its products’ lifesaving abilities on the website, but minimal information on the devices themselves. When I called the customer service line for more information, a representative immediately asked for my address. As I asked questions about the service, a rep encouraged me to give my mom “the gift of life”—meaning its product—for Mother’s Day. The competition Our former runner-up pick, the Medical Guardian Premium Guardian, is no longer available. Medical Guardian now offers a different device, the Active Guardian instead. We tried this device, and don’t like it enough to recommend it as a pick, though if you don’t care about looks and are better covered in your area by AT&T service (as opposed to Verizon) it’s a fine choice.

Building capacity between the private emergency food system and the local food movement: Working toward food justice and sovereignty in the global NorthMcEntee, Jesse C; Naumova, Elena N. Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development; Ithaca Vol. 3, Iss. 1,  (Fall 2012): 235-253. 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[[missing key: loadingAnimation]]The full text may take 40-60 seconds to translate; larger documents may take longer.Cancel OverlayEndTurn on search term navigationTurn on search term navigationJump to first hitListen   Headnote Abstract One area of food system research that remains overlooked in terms of making urban-rural distinctions explicit is the private emergency food system of food banks, food pantries, soup kitchens, and emergency shelters that exists throughout the United States. This system is an important one for millions of food-insecure individuals and today serves nearly as many individuals as public food assistance. In this article, we present an exploratory case that presents findings from research looking at the private emergency food system of a rural county in northern New England, U.S. Specifically, we examine the history of this national network to contextualize our findings and then discuss possibilities for collaboration between this private system and the local food movement (on behalf of both the public and the state). These collaborations present an opportunity in the short term to improve access to high quality local foods for insecure populations, and in the long term to challenge the systemic income and race-based inequalities that increasingly define the modern food system and are the result of prioritizing market-based reforms that re-create inequality at the local and regional levels. We propose alternatives to these approaches that emphasize the ability to ensure adequate food access for vulnerable populations, as well as the right to define, structure, and control how food is produced beyond food consumerism (i.e., voting with our dollars), but through efforts increasingly aligned with a food sovereignty agenda. Keywords emergency food, food justice, food sovereignty, rural and urban Introduction The rural private emergency food system is an overlooked area of research. The popularity of local food has increased in urban and rural areas alike, yet despite the social and economic capital driving this innovative food movement, foodinsecure populations remain ignored to a large degree. We know that the rural food environment is substantively different than the urban food environment (Sharkey, 2009). People in rural areas generally have less money to spend on food and they live further from markets where local food producers sell their products (Morton & Blanchard, 2007). Producers are predominantly located in rural areas where land and water resources are abundant, yet the most profitable markets for their products more often than not are located in urban centers where they can more easily access a concentrated population center with greater financial capital. These urban-rural distinctions can be made about multiple aspects of food systems research. For instance, early applications of the food desert concept (and the corresponding efforts to identify them) were overwhelmingly situated in urban places. Today, there is recognition that there is not a single food desert definition that can be universally applied. Researchers as well as government authorities have recognized this; for instance, the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) has adopted different criteria for urban and rural food deserts. In examinations of local food, some have identified key urban-rural distinctions. For example, McEntee's (2010) contemporary and traditional conceptualization has been used to distinguish between a broad base of activities that are local in terms of geographical scale, but potentially exclusive in terms of their social identity and obstacles to adequate access. Access in this sense is not represented by a Cartesian notion of physical proximity, however; it is also indicative of access barriers in terms of financial ability as well as structural and historical (e.g., institutional racism) processes that privilege some, but harm others (McEntee 2011a).1 These concerns are increasingly recognized as part of growing food justice and food sovereignty agendas. The private emergency food system (PEFS) is a national network of food banks, food pantries, soup kitchens, and shelters that operate largely to redistribute food donated by individuals, businesses, and the state. This is a tremendously important system that serves both urban and rural food-insecure populations. Based on a review of this system's functionality, urban-based critiques of this system, and findings from an exploratory qualitative study, we propose that there are key distinctions between the urban and rural PEFSs that have been overlooked (in the same manner that urban and rural local food systems are conflated). The PEFS serves as a safety net for many, yet it struggles financially and lacks access to the high-quality foods (e.g., fresh produce and meat) that clients of this system often prefer. In this article we present emergent opportunities to develop the collaborative capacity between the PEFS and the rural local food system in ways that address the needs of the PEFS and utilize the assets of the burgeoning local food movement. Furthermore, we explain how these synergies potentially contribute to food justice by providing high-quality food to low-income populations. We begin the article with a review of pertinent literatures. This is followed by a depiction of the PEFS, summary of existent critiques, and presentation of our data. We propose that livelihood strategies related to traditional localism (McEntee, 2010) contribute to food justice and food sovereignty agendas by focusing on the natural and social assets of rural communities. We conclude with a discussion of the possibilities for not only remediating the PEFS, but challenging the corporate food regime that currently institutionalizes it. Local Foods, Food Justice, and Food Sovereignty Consumer confidence in the conventional food sector has decreased as a result of food scares (Morgan, Marsden, & Murdoch, 2006), with consumers feeling alienated from modern-day food production (Sims, 2009). From these consumerbased concerns over food safety and a general alienation from modern-day food production, alternative food initiatives and movements have surfaced (including local food initiatives). Feenstra (1997) made the case for local foods as an economically viable alternative to the global industrial system by providing specific steps to be taken by citizens to facilitate the transition between the local and the global; it is these forces that have become the focus of food provisioning studies (Winter, 2003). These efforts include more sustainable farming methods, fair trade, and food and farming education, among others; these have been reviewed extensively elsewhere, such as by Kloppenburg, Lezberg, De Master, Stevenson, and Hendrickson (2000) and Allen, FitzSimmons, Goodman, and Warner (2003). Essentially, all are categorized by a desire to create socially just, economically viable, and environmentally sustainable food systems (Allen et al., 2003) and the majority are now collectively referred to as the dominant food movement narrative (Alkon & Agyeman, 2011). It is from this narrative that the local food movement emerges. Food justice efforts have successfully utilized food localization efforts to improve food access opportunities for low-income and minority communities. These efforts typically occur in urban areas and target low-income minority populations (Alkon & Norgaard, 2009; Gottlieb and Joshi 2010; Wekerle, 2004; Welsh & MacRae, 1998). The concept of food justice supports the notion that people should not be viewed as consumers, but as citizens (Levkoe, 2006); by linking low-income and minority populations with alternative modes of food production and consumption, advocates prioritize human well-being above profit and alongside democratic and social justice values (Welsh & MacRae, 1998). This represents "more than a name change" departure from conventional food security concerns; it is rather a systemic transformation that alters people's involvement in food production and consumption (Wekerle, 2004, p. 379). Increasingly substantiated by racial and income-based exclusion, food justice operates to prioritize just production, distribution, and access to food within the communities being impacted. This is the focus of the food justice movement, though environmental and economic benefits often result from these efforts as well. A recently published volume edited by Alkon and Agyeman (2011) unpacks various forms of food justice, ranging from issues of production (e.g., farmworker rights) to distribution, consumption, and access. In this article we are concerned with the consumption element of the food chain; food justice efforts in this realm often take the form of alternative food initiatives that create new market-based or charity-based solutions to inadequate food access (e.g., farm-to-school programming that link schools and local farmers, slidingscale payment plans for low-income consumers at farmers' markets that are subsidized by wealthier patrons, or agricultural gleaning programs) that stress social equity and solutions that are implemented by and for the people impacted by inadequate access to food. This latter element is a definitive characteristic of food justice initiatives. Most recently, Alkon and Mares (2012) situated food justice in relation to food sovereignty, finding that although food justice and community food security frameworks often challenge conventional agricultural and food marketing systems, the food sovereignty framework is the only one to explicitly underscore "direct opposition to the corporate food regime" (p. 348). This is because both contemporary food justice and (community) food security frameworks often operate within traditional markets that are agents of the industrial agricultural system representative of a neoliberal political economy. This marks a departure between food justice and food sovereignty; La Via Campesina, a major proponent of food sovereignty, defines the concept as: the right of peoples to healthy and culturally appropriate food produced through sustainable methods and their right to define their own food and agriculture systems. It develops a model of small scale sustainable production benefiting communities and their environment. It puts the aspirations, needs and livelihoods of those who produce, distribute and consume food at the heart of food systems and policies rather than the demands of markets and corporations. (La Via Campesina, 2011, para. 2) Whereas food justice often works to create solutions in sync with market structures by filling the gaps in government services, food sovereignty focuses on dismantling the corporate food regime. History and Structure of the PEFS An area of the food system where food justice advocates have increasingly engaged in an urban setting is the PEFS. Operating on a charity basis, emergency food assistance provides food to individuals whose earnings, assets, and social insurance options have not met their needs (Wu & Eamon, 2007). Public government-run assistance programs include welfare, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), Medicaid, and subsidized housing. Private emergency food assistance is provided by nonprofit organizations and includes soup kitchens, food pantries, food banks, food rescue operations (Poppendieck, 1998), and "emergency shelters serving short-term residents" (emphasis added) (Feeding America, 2010a, p. 1). Largely in reaction to dissatisfaction with the federal food stamp program, Congress passed the Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act in 1982. This act allowed federally owned surplus commodity food to be distributed by the government for free to needy populations. Prior to its passage, the vast majority of food assistance in the U.S. was governmentally provided through the food stamp program (now the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program [SNAP]) and the majority of food that food pantries received came from individuals and businesses. The act's success was followed by the Temporary Emergency Food Assistance Act (TEFAP) in 1983, which began the process of routinely distributing excess commodities through private emergency food programs, such as food banks and food pantries (Daponte & Bade, 2006). Food pantries flourished as a result of commoditysourcing, since they now began receiving a reliable stream of food. Businesses that previously did not want to be involved in emergency food provisioning activities could now dispose of unwanted inventory for a much cheaper rate by giving it away (Daponte & Bade, 2006) (see figure 1). In fiscal year 2009, Congress appropriated USD299.5 million for the program, made up of USD250 million for food purchases and USD49.5 million for administrative support (USDA FNS, 2010). In the U.S., companies defined as C corporations by tax code (the majority of U.S. companies) can collect an enhanced tax deduction for donating surplus property, including food. Thus when food businesses donate food to a charity, including food banks and pantries, the businesses can take a deduction equal to 50 percent of the donated food's appreciated value. In addition, the Bill Emerson Good Samaritan Food Donation Act of 1996 provides safeguards for entities donating food and groceries to charitable organizations by minimizing the risk of legal action against donors. Companies are not required to publicly disclose deductions for food donations, though in 2001 corporations wrote offUSD10.7 billion in deductions (Alexander, 2003). Feeding America received USD663,603,071 in charitable donations in 2006. In a 2003 Chicago Tribune article, Delroy Alexander described how America's Second Harvest received USD450 million in donated provisions in 2001, USD210 million of which came from just 10 major food companies, such as Kraft, Coca-Cola, General Mills, ConAgra Foods, Pfizer, and Tropicana (Alexander, 2003). The top five donors each gave more than USD20 million in food, with the top contributor at USD38 million. Current figures are unavailable, though many companies proudly display pounds of food donated on their websites. For instance, Walmart's website states: From November 2008 to November 2009, the Walmart stores and Sam's Club locations have already donated more than 90 million pounds [41,000,000 kg] of food....By giving nutritious produce, meat, and other groceries, we've become Feeding America's largest food donor. (Walmart, 2010) This arrangement allows for unwanted food (food that would otherwise be considered waste) to be utilized; it acts as a vent for unwanted food, allowing large corporate entities to dump surplus product of questionable nutritional quality upon the PEFS. Simultaneously, these corporations are receiving tax breaks and benefiting from policies that minimize their legal risk. Approximately 80 percent of food banks belong to Feeding America, a member organization that acts as an advocate and mediator in soliciting food from major food companies and bulk emergency food providers. This network has 205 food bank members that distribute food and grocery products to charitable organizations. Nationwide, more than 37 million people accessed Feeding America's private food assistance network in 2009 (up 46 percent from 2005), while 127,200 accessed it in New Hampshire (Feeding America, 2010b). Critiques of the PEFS Critical assessments of the PEFS range from those focused on political-economic relations to on-theground implementation of this redistributive system. In the following section we have grouped these appraisals into four main points. First, the PEFS is largely "emergency" in name only. Second, distribution of food in the PEFS is largely unregulated. Third, nutritional content of donated items is frequently overlooked for the sake of its quantity. Fourth, because of their limited budget and foodstorage capacity, the PEFS requests nonperishable, and resultantly, low-nutrition donations. Related to this point, perpetuation of the PEFS as it currently operates supports a short-term food strategy that supports immediate caloric need while sacrificing long-term health (and ignoring its associated costs). A prominent critique of the PEFS is that it is "emergency" in name only, and examples highlight the emergency programmatic emphasis of programs even though their services appear to be operating in a nonemergency manner. The U.S. government describes TEFAP as a program that "helps supplement the diets of low-income needy persons...by providing them with emergency food" (USDA FNS, 2010). Feeding America, "the nation's largest organization of emergency food providers," describes food pantries as "distributing food on a short-term or emergency basis" (the NHFB shares this definition) (Feeding America, 2010a, p. 13). According to Feeding America's Hunger in America 2010 report, approximately 79.2 percent of clients interviewed reported that they had used a pantry in the past year, indicating that they were not new clients. Multiple researchers have observed that many food pantries are being used on a regular, long-term basis (Beggs, 2006; Bhattarai, Duffy, & Raymond, 2005; Daponte, Lewis, Sanders, & Taylor, 1998; Hilton, 1993; Molnar, Duffy, Claxton, & Conner, 2001; Mosley & Tiehen, 2004; Tarasuk & Eakin, 2005; Warshawsky, 2010). Along these lines, others have cited how the PEFS is unregulated to its detriment; for instance, many private donations do not have any federal or state laws regulating their distribution (Bhattarai et al., 2005). The unregulated nature of any charity brings both benefits and burdens, and one benefit to the PEFS has been the ability to utilize the efforts of a large volunteer base. However, it has been proposed that pantries that operate with a largely volunteer workforce employ subjective eligibility criteria and a "they should be satisfied with whatever they get" mindset on behalf of workers (volunteers as well as paid staff) (Tarasuk & Eakin, 2005, p. 182). Food pantry clients may have limited rights and entitlement to the food being distributed, "further reinforcing that people are unable to provide for themselves" (Molnar et al., 2001, p. 189) in this redistributive system. In fact, it has been shown that workers "routinely eschew the aesthetic values that dominate our retail system" where "distribution of visibly substandard or otherwise undesirable products is achieved because clients have few if any rights" and "are in desperate need of food" (Tarasuk & Eakin, 2005, p. 184). The belief of some workers that clients should be satisfied with whatever items they receive underlies the non-nutritional focus threaded throughout the private emergency food system. This is especially evident from the supply side. Government commodities serve as a major source of food for the PEFS. Commodity foods are provided to food banks, directly to independent agencies, and to Feeding America (Feeding America, 2012c). The original intents of this commodity program were to distribute surplus agricultural commodities and reduce federal food inventories and storage costs, while simultaneously helping food-insecure populations. In 1988, however, much of the federal government's surplus had been exhausted, and as a result the Hunger Prevention Act of 1988 appropriated funds for the purchase of commodities for TEFAP (USDA FNS, 2010). The PEFS's other major contributor, private corporations, do not explicitly concentrate on the nutritional content of their donations. Corporations benefit from considerable tax incentives along with liability protection; they can donate food that would otherwise be wasted, forgoing dumping costs while engaging in what many of these entities now call "corporate social responsibility." For instance, pounds of donated food are showcased and used as progress markers to show how successfully hunger is being combated. Feeding America states that it distributes 3 billion pounds (1.4 billion kg) of food every year (Feeding America, 2012a). Clicking on a few of Feeding America's "Leadership Partners" on its homepage website (Feeding America, 2012b) yields similar language. For instance, ConAgra states that, "In the last dozen years, ConAgra Foods has provided more than 166 million pounds of food to families in need" (ConAgra, 2009, para. 5), Food Lion (part of the Delhaize Group) has "donated more than 21 million pounds of food" (Food Lion, 2010), and "just last year, Procter & Gamble contributed nearly 30 million pounds of product" (Procter & Gamble, 2010). These figures provide no indication of nutritional content, although one pound of naturally flavored drink boxes has different nutritional composition than one pound of fresh produce. If success is measured in terms of quantity, then this will be the criterion that drives emergency food provisioning. Charities are easy targets for critique; they often operate on a shoestring, use labor with different levels of knowledge and experience, and much of the time are put in a financially and socially powerless position, at the whims of donors. One result is that nonperishable or lowperishability items are preferred (Tiehen, 2002; Verpy, Smith, & Reicks, 2003); these last longer and do not require refrigeration. Their long shelf life means handling and transport is not timesensitive. These products cost less and are more likely to be donated. Nutrient-poor foods are less healthy overall (Monsivais & Drewnowski, 2007); previous food pantry investigations discovered the poor nutrient composition of donated items, especially in regards to adequate levels of calcium, vitamin A, and vitamin C (Akobundu, Cohen, Laus, Schulte, & Soussloff, 2004; Irwin, Ng, Rush, Nguyen & He, 2007). Donating large amounts is important since donation quantity is prioritized by agency recipients. Rock, McIntyre, and Rondeau (2009) found a misalignment between donor intent and client preference indicative of the "ignorance among food-secure people of what it is like to be food-insecure" (p. 167). Food banks and food pantries are pressured to accept foods on unfair grounds, just as clients are pressured to accept whatever food is handed to them. In at least one other case, food pantry donors "did not consciously consider nutrition when deciding which foods to donate" (Verpy et al., 2003, p.12). A demand-side perspective of private emergency food provisioning reveals somewhat complementary conditions that support the acquisition and distribution of low-quality foods. The longterm health consequences associated with the consumption of low-quality foods can be overlooked to satisfy immediate food needs, thereby reinforcing the value placed on the low-quality supply being donated. While expenses like shelter, heat, and medical expenses are relatively inelastic, food is flexible and can be adjusted based on these demands. On a limited budget, it is often the case that whatever money is leftover is used for food (Furst, Connors, & Bisogni, 1996; McEntee, 2010). As reported by McEntee, a homeless shelter resident commented: It's likes this, your oil's almost out, your electricity's high and they're going to shut it off, what are going to do? Well, we're going to have to cut down on our food budget. Do what you gotta do. . . you can buy your family packs and suck it up and eat ramen noodles. (McEntee, 2010, p. 795) Sometimes these types of food are chosen out of necessity (that is the only type of food offered) and other times it is out of habit (they are used to eating it).2 With the recent recession in the U.S. economy, purchases of cheap, ready-to-eat processed foods have increased. An Associated Press article entitled, "ConAgra Foods 3Q profit rises, maintains outlook" (Associated Press, 2010, para. 1) states: Strong sales of low-priced meals such as Banquet and Chef Boyardee and lower costs pushed ConAgra Foods Inc.'s third-quarter profit up 19 percent. Cheap prepared foods like those that ConAgra offers have appealed to customers during the recession as they look for ways to save money and eat at home more. Methods and Research Setting Approximately 7.7 percent of New Hampshire's population is food-insecure (Nord, Andrews & Carlson, 2008); 8 percent of the state's population lives in poverty, while 9.4 percent of Grafton County's population lives in poverty (U.S. Census Bureau, 2008). Grafton County was selected as the research site based on proximity to researchers as well as the existence of food insecurity. Grafton County (figure 2) has a population of 81,743 and a population density of 47.7 people per square mile (18.4 people per square kilometer) (U.S. Census Bureau, 2008). Unlike the other two primarily rural northern counties of New Hampshire (Carroll and Coos counties), Grafton County contains two universities that serve as educational and cultural centers (Dartmouth University in Hanover and Plymouth State University in Plymouth). Accordingly these areas attract residents with above-average educational attainment and income, thus offering a variegated set of social and economic conditions which are differentiated from the rest of the county. There are 14 registered food pantries in Grafton County (of a total of 165 in New Hampshire) (New Hampshire Food Bank, 2010). In 2012, there were 92 SNAP-authorized stores within the county, marking a 13 percent increase from 2008 (USDA FNS, 2012a). Approximately 16 percent of students were free lunch eligible in 2008 (USDA FNS, 2012b). In terms of local food potential, there were 10 farmers' markets in 2010 (USDA AMS, 2012) with 3.3 percent of farm sales attributable to direct to consumer sales ; U.S. Census of Agriculture, 2012). A purposive sampling method (Light, Singer, & Willett, 1990) was used to identify respondents (N = 16) who work regularly in Grafton County's PEFS. This included state employees, although the majority were workers and volunteers at food banks, soup kitchens, food pantries, and homeless shelters. These respondents were selected based on their above-average knowledge about hunger, food insecurity, and private emergency food provisioning in Grafton County (beyond their personal experience). Although some questions were specific to the respondent's area of expertise, the same general open-ended question template was used to facilitate informative discussion on topics related to food access, such as affordability, nutrition, and food provisioning (see table 1). The one-on-one semistructured interviews (Morgan & Krueger, 1998) with this group of respondents lasted between 60 and 90 minutes and took place in an office setting, community center, or over the phone (when in-person meetings were difficult to arrange). All interviews were recorded, transcribed, and coded. Participant observation (Flowerdew & Martin, 1997) was conducted at a Plymouth-area soup kitchen that served weekly hot meals for free to attendees. Data from interviews as well as field notes were coded and analyzed using NVivo, qualitative analysis software ( QSR International, 2010). After data was cleaned, data was examined as a whole to gain a general sense of overall meaning and depth. Open coding was undertaken, where material was organized into groups or segments of related information (Rossman & Rallis, 1998). We developed a qualitative codebook for efficient and consistent code assignment. Codes were examined, as well as the overall corpus of information. We identified underlying themes based primarily on respondent narratives. Over time, themes and trends emerged. Overlaps and differences between themes were identified, thus allowing their properties to be refined, ultimately resulting in progressively clear theme categories. Following theme assessment, interconnections and relations between themes were identified through concept mapping and triangulation (Fielding & Fielding, 1986). The authors conducted all interviews and observation, processed all data, and conducted all analysis. Institutional Review Board approval was obtained and all standard research protocols used. Findings from Grafton County Some of the data emerging out of the Grafton County case echoes previous observations about the PEFS. The preliminary data we present in this article is the product of field work, policy evaluation, and literature review. We do not claim that these findings are externally generalizable, although we do see similarities between our observations and those of other researchers, indicating that our data may be indicative of trends elsewhere, especially in rural areas of the northeastern United States where similar demographic and cultural traits exist. In this way, we also see potential in terms of research trajectories and policy reforms for those looking to build capacity between the PEFS and the local food system. Reliance upon Volunteers In relation to the existing criticisms that the PEFS is actually serving a long-term and sustained need and not a short-term or emergency one, many food pantry workers indicated that longterm usage by clients was common. For instance, one pantry worker explained that "most of the people that come in here are...I don't know if I would say chronic, but regulars" (0607).3 In these pantries, representatives talked about getting to know clients over the course of months and years of use; some clients stay and talk with pantry workers for emotional support during food pickups. This long-term usage has been critiqued and connected to the fact that the PEFS is so heavily reliant upon volunteer labor that resultantly there are opportunities for inconsistencies to develop (Lipsky, 1985; Molnar et al., 2001). Ad hoc administration of private emergency food distribution has consequences, such as inconsistent eligibility requirements and quality control (Daponte & Bade, 2006). In Grafton County pantries, eligibility was determined through a combination of criteria, such as pantry worker's personal judgment and preset income criteria. In one large pantry, more refined conditions were followed by staffand volunteers. In this pantry, if it was a client's first visit, then they were allowed to get food no matter what. However, in order to get food on subsequent visits they would need to bring proof of income (their income had to be below a certain amount based on number of household members). The director of this pantry explained, "the only time I turn them away is if they're using the other food pantries....Most of the time they trip themselves up" (0505). When asked about the consequences of using more than one pantry, the same respondent said, "I turn them offfor a whole year....To me, that's stealing food because that's government food involved in both places" (0505). This was not a set rule or policy of the pantry, but a guideline created by the director. Another worker explained that clients needed to fill out a TEFAP form (which determines eligibility under the rubrics of "Program" (already receiving a form of public assistance) and "Income" (one-person weekly income at or below USD370)), but that "it [the form] doesn't turn anybody away" (1215). The downside of a more subjective, informal system is that pantries can be run in a potentially inequitable manner (Daponte & Bade, 2006). In addition, a client who offended a staffmember or volunteer in the past will not be safeguarded against as they would be in a government-run system. A pantry director from a small church-run pantry was asked about assistance eligibility and replied that: We don't ask a lot of questions...We don't take any financial information and you don't need to qualify. I just tell people, "if you need it, you can use it."...You can tell by looking at them, you know? The car they drive, their clothes, you could tell they're not living high offthe hog, so to speak. (0607, emphasis added) In New Hampshire, 92 percent of food pantries and 100 percent of soup kitchens use volunteer labor, while 64 percent of pantries and 46 percent of soup kitchens rely completely on volunteer labor (Feeding America, 2010b). Volunteers partnered with pantry staffto perform tasks. Food has to be inspected, sorted, organized, and in some cases cleaned before it is handed out; how these tasks are carried out varies by pantry. In all pantries visited as part of this research, clients waited in line with other recipients (visible to each other) where nonpantry visitors to the agency could see them openly. In one venue, while pantry clients picked their food from a closet in a church, people working to set up a church dinner worked in the same room; these individuals and the pantry clients were visible openly to each other. These patterns show that by engaging in this private form of food assistance, clients give up any right to confidentiality they may be afforded through other forms of assistance, such as those offered by federal or state forms of food assistance. Another consequence of reliance on volunteer labor is that food standards are frequently disregarded. A set of pantry workers explained how they went to great lengths to utilize some squash donated from a nearby farm: We discovered a couple years ago that he can't keep it here [the pantry] because it will spoil...and then I said I'll take it, I got a place....So now I've got squashes and I keep an eye on them to make sure they aren't spoiling....So I have a room downstairs [in her house] that has no windows and it's about 55 [degrees]. And I put them down in the basement and then I bring them up into the garage and they're stored in the garage where it doesn't freeze. (0506) Pantry and food bank workers often clean and repackage food that is inconveniently packaged (e.g., in bulk) or has been broken open.4 These findings not only underscore the role of volunteer subjectivity, but they more broadly illustrate the negative externalities that can emerge in this unregulated system. Food Preferences: "Change Your Taste Buds" Depending on the agency, food preferences of clients may have minimal influence over foods received. Nutritional, cultural, or taste preferences can be disregarded, while pantry staffbeliefs dictate allotments. A volunteer who worked at a pantry and soup kitchen and also served on the board of the pantry said, "the younger ones [clients] are very, very fussy, they are turning their nose up at different things....Whereas if you're hungry, you accept and you learn to do it and change your taste buds" (0506, emphasis added). In the same interview as the one quoted above, this respondent reflected that "we're a spoiled society" and "there's a lot of honest need, but I think there's also those that are needy who don't help themselves" (0506). This respondent seems to believe that clients should be thankful for whatever they get, no matter what, since it is better than nothing. This is similar in a sense to how pantries are pressured into being thankful for all donations out of fear that refusal of items would jeopardize future giving (for an example, see Winne (2005)). Believing that clients should "change their taste buds" to accommodate the food available at the pantry food represents a misalignment between clients' nutritional well-being and the pantry objective of efficiently distributing all donated food. This respondent held a position of power within the pantry and was able to make managerial-level decisions. Following through on her sentiments means that clients should adjust their personal taste preferences to whatever donors decide to donate. Client preferences are interpreted by pantry staffin number of ways; consider the experience of this employee who worked at a smaller pantry in a northern part of the county: I had a guy call me today and wanted me to take his name offthe list here and I said "OK." I said "did you get a job?" I know he was looking for a job, "no, but I can't eat that crap." He said, "I like to eat organic now, natural food." He said, "I can't eat this stuff, processed kind of food." He said, "not that I don't appreciate what you're doing for me, but I just can't eat that kind of food." I said, "well, get a job" or that's what I felt like saying....Do you know how much that stuffcosts? We're not the end all, we're just supplemental here, we can't provide food for you for the week. I mean its just not going to happen. (0607) This employee appeared offended by this man's decision to stop accessing the pantry. By participating in the PEFS, these individuals relinquish rights and standards they may have in the public retail sphere (i.e., where federally and state enforced food safety regulations are upheld) and as a result are forced to gamble on the whims of the largely unregulated PEFS . This removal of food rights places food-insecure individuals in an even more food-precarious state, disempowering them beyond that which is accomplished through retail markets. One pantry worker explained that when individuals donate food, "lots of times it's ramen noodles because you can donate a lot at a low price" (0709). Food-pantry representatives working with a food-insecure population indicated that this group prefers quick and easy meals in the form of processed products, and also lacks adequate knowledge about nutrition and cooking to make informed food selections. Simultaneously, those accessing pantries revealed that food was a flexible budget item that could be adjusted according to the demands of other expenses. This often leads to trading down of items purchased - from more expensive, healthy items to cheaper, less healthy items. Food pantry representatives commented on how clients, especially young ones, prefer quick and easy products because "it's so much easier to open a can...things that are quick" (0506). Another pantry worker commented that "it's great when they say they cook....It just makes it so much easier to give them bags of nutritional food, but sometimes they'll just want the canned spaghetti, macaroni and cheese, hot dogs...foods that are easy to prepare for families," which she acknowledged as "a problem" (0709). Efforts to reform these eating habits were evident; one pantry worker reflected on how they had tried to switch from white to wheat bread, but found that "the wheat bread was not a hit" (1215). A nutrition professional working at a nonprofit described an attempt to change her clients' eating habits. She explained that her efforts were aimed at making people more nutritionally informed by showing them that eating healthier can be more affordable: We will do a comparison and we will make a meal with Hamburger Helper and we'll make basically homemade Hamburger Helper....I'll do a comparison of what Hamburger Helper costs and what it costs to make it from scratch. It's always of course cheaper to make it from scratch and then we do a taste test. And unfortunately many of the people have grown up with Hamburger Helper so that's what they like....They don't see the difference; how salty and awful it tastes....We'll do a whole cost analysis and they'll see it's about 59 cents a serving if you make it from scratch compared to about 79 cents a serving for Hamburger Helper. (1013) Another pantry worker explained: I think it's pricing, but then we have people, you know I believe it comes from how you grew up. You know, a lot of people shop the way their moms or dads shopped. And some people were just brought up on frozen boxed food and not cooked homemade meals and so that's all they know how to purchase. (0303) This may explain why pantries experience a demand for these easy-to-cook processed foods. While some pantries might push more nutritional options, others send contradictory nutritional messages. Not far from where the abovementioned nutritional professional worked, another pantry worker at the same agency remarked that "the stuffthat's easy for us to get is pasta, canned stuff, pasta mixes, and it's not highly nutritional....Tuna or some kind of a tinned meat, you know, with a Tuna Helper, that's the kind of stuffwe get here because we don't have any way to give them fresh meat" (0607). The food being donated is free for the pantry and free for the clients, made possible through private, often corporate donors. This represents a seemingly collaborative alignment between the need to dispose of unwanted food on behalf of corporate donors and the need for foodinsecure clients to consume food, yet this arrangement is rooted in a short-term outlook and power imbalance where corporate food entities are able to dump unwanted food for free upon a foodinsecure population, thereby realizing short-term profit gains (for the business) at the cost of longterm health of food-insecure individuals and its effect on governments. Assessing Collaborative Potential The rural PEFS appears to be similar to the urban PEFS in a number of ways. It is heavily reliant upon volunteer labor and it serves a significant proportion of the population, often on a regular basis. In the rural context there is a dispersed population. While centralized population centers like cities provide efficient and short-distance transportation networks, rural networks are decentralized with people living in remote areas, often requiring automobile access. This has a few practical consequences. A dispersed population also means that community food-growing opportunities like neighborhood gardens are more difficult to organize and implement when compared to a city where a group of neighbors can have a small vegetable plot within walking distance. Contrastingly, in many rural places the transportation cost of getting to a community space where a garden may be located represents another financial and logistical barrier. Cities are also places where people can more easily congregate to meet and organize reactive and proactive responses to inadequate food access (for example, to grow a neighborhood garden in response to being located in a "food desert"). In urban areas for instance, these have manifested in food justice efforts. In rural areas, the PEFS is the chief response to hunger and food insecurity (in addition to federal and state mandated programs). However, the rural PEFS operates on a smaller scale with fewer numbers of people accessing it and a high degree of malleability. As described earlier in this essay, this informality has been criticized; however, this ability to adapt means that individuals who operate PEFS entities (like food pantries) can take advantage of opportunities without having to obtain approval from higher levels of bureaucracy. In addition, the rural PEFS is often located where the land, soil, water, and air resource base for growing food is abundant. In contrast to the literature that supports the claims that low-income populations prefer processed foods (Drewnowski & Specter, 2004), data from the Grafton County case shows that in the pantries that were able to obtain small amounts of fresh, perishable foods (meats and fresh fruits and vegetables), these quickly became the most popular items. As one pantry worker explained: Most people know that an apple is healthier than a hot dog, but those [hot dogs] are way cheaper, you know, not that they're the same in any way....Here [at the food pantry] they would go for the things that they don't normally get their hands on, which is why those dairy products go fast and those veggies go fast. But I think in general when they are shopping they go for the cheapest, easiest thing to get through to the next week. (1215) In another study of Grafton County, a food pantry employee described how a local hunter donated moose meat: Interviewer: What are the most popular items that you have here in the pantry? Respondent 1: Meat. It's the most expensive... Respondent 2: Oh, was it last year we got the moose meat? We got 500 pounds [230 kg]. And we're thinking, what are we gonna do with all this moose meat? And it flew out of here. I mean, people were calling us and asking us for some. (McEntee, 2011b, p. 251) A key question emerging from this research is, "how do we harness the assets of both the PEFS and local food system to better serve the needs of food-insecure populations?" There is a demand for locally produced produce and meat on behalf of food-insecure individuals (as others have shown; see Hinrichs and Kremer (2002)). The desires of low-income consumers to eat fresh meat and produce (which often is locally produced) as well as to participate in some local food production activities (whether it be hunting or growing vegetables) have been overlooked by researchers. People accessing the PEFS in rural areas are accessing pantries, but also growing their food because it is an affordable way to obtain high-quality food they may otherwise not be able to afford (McEntee, 2011b). Based on the information provided in this article, potential synergies between the PEFS and the local food system in the rural context exist. Specifically, a traditional localism engages "participants through non-capitalist, decommodified means that are affordable and accessible" where "food is grown/raised/hunted, not with the intention to gain profit, but to obtain fresh and affordable food" (McEntee, 2011, pp. 254-255). Traditional localism allows for local food to become an asset for many food-insecure and poor communities that are focusing on the need to address inadequate food access. How could the rural PEFS source more food locally, thereby strengthening the local economy? How could private emergency food entities like food pantries and local food advocates promote food-growing, food-raising, and hunting activities as a means to increase grassroots, local, and affordable access to food? Like many places throughout the U.S., Grafton County is home to small-scale local agriculture operations supported by an enthusiastic public and sympathetic state. Simultaneously, there is the presence of food insecurity and a PEFS seeking to remediate this persistent problem. The actual structure of the PEFS could be thoroughly assessed (beyond the borders of Grafton County). If warranted, this system could be redesigned to prioritize privacy and formalize procedures in terms of ensuring that client food choices are respected. A crucial next step in reforming this system to benefit lowincome and minority clients is to emphasize the ability to grow, raise, and hunt food for their own needs5 through the traditional local concept. This would represent a transformation in which these activities could not only be supported by the PEFS, but also draw upon the social capital of communities in the form of memories and practices of rural people from the near past, all while reducing reliance upon corporate waste. If traditional local efforts were organized on a cooperative model, based on community need and not only the needs of individuals, it would benefit all those participating, drawing on collective community resources, such as food-growing knowledges and skills, access to land, and tools, thereby enhancing the range of rural livelihood strategies. In this sense, these activities are receptive to racial and economic diversity as well as alliance-formation across social groups and movements, all of which are characteristic of the food sovereignty movement (Holt- Giménez & Wang, 2011). In moving forward additional research is needed. While our findings highlight potential shortcomings, there is a lack of data exploring the rural PEFS experience. Specifically, from the demand side, we need more data about the users of this system, specifically in regard to their satisfaction with food being given to them. Are they happy with it? Do they want something different that is not available? Do they lack the ability to cook certain foods being handed out by the pantry? Feeding America's Hunger in America survey asks about client satisfaction; in its 2010 report, only 62.7 percent of surveyed clients were "very satisfied" with the overall quality of the food provided.6 Additionally, the fact that this survey is administered by the same personnel who are distributing food donations raises methodological biases. More needs to be discovered about why such a large proportion of users is not "very satisfied." From the supply side, we need to know more about food being distributed and its nutritional value. Currently, the food being donated and distributed is unregulated to a large degree, especially in rural pantries. Also on the supply side, the source of food provided to Feeding America as well as individual state food banks and food pantries needs to be inventoried with more information beyond just its weight. Knowing the quantity of specific donated products as well as the financial benefit (in terms of tax write-offs) afforded to donors would add transparency. Conclusion: Neoliberal Considerations and Future Directions The findings we have presented in this article are intended to reveal important policy questions about the PEFS and local food movement; we do acknowledge, however, that it also has raised some important questions. In summary, we see opportunities to move forward in enacting a food sovereignty agenda with both local and global scales in mind. First, value-added, market-based local solutions used to address the inadequacies of the current food system are immediately beneficial. However, these should not be accepted as the endall solution. Looking beyond them to determine what else can be accomplished to change the structure of the food system to shiftpower away from oligarchic food structures of the corporate food regime to food citizens, not only food consumers, would result in systemic change. A key consideration in realizing any reform in the PEFS, and simultaneously challenging and transforming the unsustainable global food regime, is recognizing the neoliberal paradigm in which government and economic structures exist. Neoliberalism can be defined as a political philosophy that promotes market-based rather than state-based solutions to social problems, while masking social problems as personal deficiencies. The PEFS is essentially acting as a vent for unwanted food in this system that also provides a financial benefit to the governing food entities (i.e., food businesses). Too often alternatives are hailed as opposing the profit-driven industrial food system simply because they are geographically localized; in reality, they may re-create the classist and racist structures that permeate the larger global system.7 The PEFS is an embedded neoliberal response to food insecurity; while public-assistance enrollment is on the rise, so is participation in the PEFS. This is a shiftin responsibility in who is providing assistance to food-insecure populations from the government to the private sector. In this sense it is a market-based approach to addressing food insecurity (i.e., by dumping food on the private charity sector, market retailers cut their own waste disposal costs), and the result is continual scarcity and the establishment of a system that reinforces the idea that healthy food is a privilege, only accessible to those with adequate financial and social capital. Along these same lines, a form of food localism exists that is arguably detrimental to those without financial and social capital; these efforts have and continue to frame food access solely as an issue of personal responsibility related to economic status and nutritional knowledge (a narrative thoroughly discussed by Guthman (2007, 2008)). This prioritizes market-based solutions to developing local food systems as well as universal forms of food education that emphasize individual health. As Alkon and Mares (2012) explain, Neoliberalism creates subjectivities privileging not only the primacy of the market, but individual responsibility for our own wellbeing. Within U.S. food movements, this refers to an emphasis on citizen empowerment, which, while of course beneficial in many ways, reinforces the notion that individuals and community groups are responsible for addressing problems that were not of their own making. Many U.S. community food security and food justice organizations focus on developing support for local food entrepreneurs, positing such enterprises as key to the creation of a more sustainable and just food system. The belief that the market can address social problems is a key aspect of neoliberal subjectivities. (p. 349) Though elements of both the PEFS and the local food system have arguably been folded into neoliberalization processes through market-based mechanisms, incremental steps to change these dynamics are possible. Reframing issues of food accessibility (including food insecurity, hunger, food deserts, etc.) as issues of food justice moves us beyond an absolute spatial understanding of food issues. For instance, when we only look at physical access to food, we often disregard the more important considerations of class, race, gender (see Alkon and Agyeman, 2011), and sexual orientation that define a person's present position (and over which they often have no control) and which dictate how they engage with the food system. These considerations are present in current food-justice efforts, which seek to ensure that communities have control over the food grown, sold, and consumed there. Rural food justice has been defined using the traditional localism concept: Traditional localism in rural areas engages participants through non-capitalist, decommodified means that are affordable and accessible. Food is grown/raised/hunted, not with the intention to gain profit, but to obtain fresh and affordable food. A traditional localism disengages from the profit-driven food system and illustrates grassroots food production where people have direct control over the quality of the food they consume - a principal goal of food justice. (McEntee, 2011b, pp. 254-255) Utilizing this rural form of food justice involves more than promoting individual food acquiring techniques; it involves developing organizational and institutional strategies that improve the quality of food available to PEFS entities. This is currently accomplished by some, such as when pantries obtain fresh produce through farmer donations or when a food bank develops food-growing capacity. 8 But these types of entities are in the minority. The next stage of realizing food justice, we posit, is to determine how a food sovereignty approach can be utilized in a global North context. Food justice predominantly operates to find solutions within a capitalist framework (and it has been criticized as such) while food sovereignty is explicitly geared toward the dismantling of this system in order to achieve food justice. Regime change and transformation requires more than recognition and control over food-growing resources; it requires alliance and partnership-building between groups to "to address ownership and redistribution over the means of production and reproduction" (Holt- Giménez & Wang, 2011, p.98). Adopted by organizations predominantly located in the global South, food sovereignty is focused on the causes of food system failures and subsequently looks toward "local and international engagement that proposes dismantling the monopoly power of corporations in the food system and redistributing land and the rights to water, seed, and food producing sources" (Holt-Giménez, 2011, p. 324). There is an opportunity for people in the global North not only to learn from the global South food sovereignty movements, but to form connections and alliances between North and South iterations of these movements.9 As discussed above, the dominant food movement narrative is in sync with the economic and development goals of government (e.g., state-sanctioned buy-local campaigns) as well as marketing prerogatives of global food corporations (e.g., "local" being used as marketing label). Building a social movement powerful enough to place meaningful political pressure upon government to support a food system that prioritizes human wellbeing, not profit, is an immediate challenge. Incremental solutions are necessary in order to improve the lives of people now. However, these local solutions, such as innovative farm-to-school programming and other viable models between the local food environment and the PEFS that we have discussed in this article, would be more effective at affecting long-term systemic change if they were coupled with collective approaches to acknowledge and limit the power of the corporate food regime to prevent injustice, while also holding the state accountable for its responsibility to citizens, which it has successfully "relegated to voluntary and/or market-based mechanisms" (Alkon and Mares, 2012, p. 348). Food sovereignty offers more than an oppositional view of neoliberalism, however. The food sovereignty movement advances a model of food citizenship that asserts food as a nutritional and cultural right and the importance of democratic on-the-ground control over one's food. These qualities resonate with food-insecure and disenfranchised communities, urban and rural, in both the global North and South. Sidebar Citation: McEntee, J. C., & Naumova, E. N. (2012). Building capacity between the private emergency food system and the local food movement: Working toward food justice and sovereignty in the global North. Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development, 3(1), 235-253. http://dx.doi.org/10.5304/jafscd.2012.031.012 Copyright © 2012 by New Leaf Associates, Inc. Footnote 1 Cartesian understandings of space utilize a grid-based measurement of physical proximity. These types of proximitybased understandings of food access (i.e., food access is primarily a matter of bringing people physically closer to food retailers, as is promoted by the USDA Food Desert Locator) tend to overlook other nuanced forms of food access based on knowledge, culture, race, and class. 2 The amount of processed food, especially in the form of prepared meals and meals eaten outside the home, is steadily increasing in the United States (Stewart, Blisard, & Jolliffe, 2006). 3 The four-digit number indicates interview location and respondent IDs. 4 A leading antihunger effort in New Hampshire is the New Hampshire Food Bank (NHFB), the state's only food bank and a member of Feeding America. In 2008 the NHFB "distributed over 5 million pounds of donated, surplus food to 386 food pantries, soup kitchens, shelters, day care centers and senior citizen homes" (N.H. Food Bank, 2010). In total N.H. has 441 agencies registered with NHFB that provide food to 71,417 people annually. Grafton County has 18 food pantries, which "distribute non-prepared foods and other grocery products to needy clients, who then prepare and use these items where they live" and where "[F]ood is distributed on a short-term or emergency basis until clients are able to meet their food needs" (N.H. Food Bank, 2010). 5 A noteworthy example of an organization that has begun to accomplish these objectives is The Stop Community Food Centre in Toronto, which was recently described by Levkoe and Wakefield (2012). 6 The remaining categories are: "Somewhat satisfied" (31.3 percent), "Somewhat dissatisfied" (4.8 percent), and "Very dissatisfied" (1.3 percent). 7 For additional discussion of the political economic transition from government to governance, such as the transfer of state functions to nonstate and quasistate entities, see Purcell (2002). 8 An example of this type of effort is that of the Vermont Food Bank, which purchased a farm in 2008 in order to supply the food bank with fresh, high-quality produce as well as to sell the produce. 9 The U.S. Food Sovereignty Alliance has recognized the importance of building these coalitions: "As a US-based alliance of food justice, anti-hunger, labor, environmental, faith-based, and food producer groups, we uphold the right to food as a basic human right and work to connect our local and national struggles to the international movement for food sovereignty" (US Food Sovereignty Alliance, n.d., para. 1). 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Journal of Planning Education and Research, 23(4), 378-386. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739456X04264886 Welsh, J., & MacRae, R. (1998). Food citizenship and community food security. Canadian Journal of Development Studies, 19, 237-55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02255189.1998.9669786 Winne, M. (2005). Waste not, want not? Agriculture and Human Values, 22(2), 203-205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10460-004-8279-8 Winter, M. (2003). Embeddedness, the new food economy and defensive localism. Journal of Rural Studies, 19(1), 23-32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0743-0167(02)00053-0 Wu, C., & Eamon, M. K. (2007). Public and private sources of assistance for low-income households. Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare, 34(4), 121-149. AuthorAffiliation Jesse C. McEntee a Food Systems Research Institute and Tufts Initiative for the Forecasting and Modeling of Infectious Diseases Elena N. Naumova b Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Tufts University, and Tufts Initiative for the Forecasting and Modeling of Infectious Diseases Submitted 2 May 2012 / Revised 28 June and 26 July 2012 / Accepted 27 July 2012 / Published online 4 December 2012 aCorresponding author: Jesse C. McEntee, PhD, Managing Partner, Food Systems Research Institute LLC; P.O. Box 1141; Shelburne, Vermont 05482 USA; +1-802-448-2403; www.foodsystemsresearchinstitute.com; jmcentee@foodsri.com b Elena N. Naumova, PhD, Associate Dean for Research, School of Engineering; Professor, Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Tufts University; also Tufts Initiative for the Forecasting and Modeling of Infectious Diseases (InForMID) (http://informid.tufts.edu/); elena.naumova@tufts.edu Acknowledgments: The authors are grateful to the Economic and Social Research Council's Centre for Business Relationships, Accountability, Sustainability and Society at CardiffUniversity as well as the Center for Rural Partnerships at Plymouth State University for financial support during this research. The authors are also grateful to the three anonymous reviewers who provided constructive feedback on earlier drafts of this article. Word count: 11055Show lessYou have requested "on-the-fly" machine translation of selected content from our databases. This functionality is provided solely for your convenience and is in no way intended to replace human translation. 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More like this Building capacity between the private emergency food system and the local food movement: Working toward food justice and sovereignty in the global NorthMcEntee, Jesse C; Naumova, Elena N. Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development; Ithaca Vol. 3, Iss. 1,  (Fall 2012): 235-253. 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[[missing key: loadingAnimation]]The full text may take 40-60 seconds to translate; larger documents may take longer.Cancel OverlayEndTurn on search term navigationTurn on search term navigationJump to first hitListen   Headnote Abstract One area of food system research that remains overlooked in terms of making urban-rural distinctions explicit is the private emergency food system of food banks, food pantries, soup kitchens, and emergency shelters that exists throughout the United States. This system is an important one for millions of food-insecure individuals and today serves nearly as many individuals as public food assistance. In this article, we present an exploratory case that presents findings from research looking at the private emergency food system of a rural county in northern New England, U.S. Specifically, we examine the history of this national network to contextualize our findings and then discuss possibilities for collaboration between this private system and the local food movement (on behalf of both the public and the state). These collaborations present an opportunity in the short term to improve access to high quality local foods for insecure populations, and in the long term to challenge the systemic income and race-based inequalities that increasingly define the modern food system and are the result of prioritizing market-based reforms that re-create inequality at the local and regional levels. We propose alternatives to these approaches that emphasize the ability to ensure adequate food access for vulnerable populations, as well as the right to define, structure, and control how food is produced beyond food consumerism (i.e., voting with our dollars), but through efforts increasingly aligned with a food sovereignty agenda. Keywords emergency food, food justice, food sovereignty, rural and urban Introduction The rural private emergency food system is an overlooked area of research. The popularity of local food has increased in urban and rural areas alike, yet despite the social and economic capital driving this innovative food movement, foodinsecure populations remain ignored to a large degree. We know that the rural food environment is substantively different than the urban food environment (Sharkey, 2009). People in rural areas generally have less money to spend on food and they live further from markets where local food producers sell their products (Morton & Blanchard, 2007). Producers are predominantly located in rural areas where land and water resources are abundant, yet the most profitable markets for their products more often than not are located in urban centers where they can more easily access a concentrated population center with greater financial capital. These urban-rural distinctions can be made about multiple aspects of food systems research. For instance, early applications of the food desert concept (and the corresponding efforts to identify them) were overwhelmingly situated in urban places. Today, there is recognition that there is not a single food desert definition that can be universally applied. Researchers as well as government authorities have recognized this; for instance, the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) has adopted different criteria for urban and rural food deserts. In examinations of local food, some have identified key urban-rural distinctions. For example, McEntee's (2010) contemporary and traditional conceptualization has been used to distinguish between a broad base of activities that are local in terms of geographical scale, but potentially exclusive in terms of their social identity and obstacles to adequate access. Access in this sense is not represented by a Cartesian notion of physical proximity, however; it is also indicative of access barriers in terms of financial ability as well as structural and historical (e.g., institutional racism) processes that privilege some, but harm others (McEntee 2011a).1 These concerns are increasingly recognized as part of growing food justice and food sovereignty agendas. The private emergency food system (PEFS) is a national network of food banks, food pantries, soup kitchens, and shelters that operate largely to redistribute food donated by individuals, businesses, and the state. This is a tremendously important system that serves both urban and rural food-insecure populations. Based on a review of this system's functionality, urban-based critiques of this system, and findings from an exploratory qualitative study, we propose that there are key distinctions between the urban and rural PEFSs that have been overlooked (in the same manner that urban and rural local food systems are conflated). The PEFS serves as a safety net for many, yet it struggles financially and lacks access to the high-quality foods (e.g., fresh produce and meat) that clients of this system often prefer. In this article we present emergent opportunities to develop the collaborative capacity between the PEFS and the rural local food system in ways that address the needs of the PEFS and utilize the assets of the burgeoning local food movement. Furthermore, we explain how these synergies potentially contribute to food justice by providing high-quality food to low-income populations. We begin the article with a review of pertinent literatures. This is followed by a depiction of the PEFS, summary of existent critiques, and presentation of our data. We propose that livelihood strategies related to traditional localism (McEntee, 2010) contribute to food justice and food sovereignty agendas by focusing on the natural and social assets of rural communities. We conclude with a discussion of the possibilities for not only remediating the PEFS, but challenging the corporate food regime that currently institutionalizes it. Local Foods, Food Justice, and Food Sovereignty Consumer confidence in the conventional food sector has decreased as a result of food scares (Morgan, Marsden, & Murdoch, 2006), with consumers feeling alienated from modern-day food production (Sims, 2009). From these consumerbased concerns over food safety and a general alienation from modern-day food production, alternative food initiatives and movements have surfaced (including local food initiatives). Feenstra (1997) made the case for local foods as an economically viable alternative to the global industrial system by providing specific steps to be taken by citizens to facilitate the transition between the local and the global; it is these forces that have become the focus of food provisioning studies (Winter, 2003). These efforts include more sustainable farming methods, fair trade, and food and farming education, among others; these have been reviewed extensively elsewhere, such as by Kloppenburg, Lezberg, De Master, Stevenson, and Hendrickson (2000) and Allen, FitzSimmons, Goodman, and Warner (2003). Essentially, all are categorized by a desire to create socially just, economically viable, and environmentally sustainable food systems (Allen et al., 2003) and the majority are now collectively referred to as the dominant food movement narrative (Alkon & Agyeman, 2011). It is from this narrative that the local food movement emerges. Food justice efforts have successfully utilized food localization efforts to improve food access opportunities for low-income and minority communities. These efforts typically occur in urban areas and target low-income minority populations (Alkon & Norgaard, 2009; Gottlieb and Joshi 2010; Wekerle, 2004; Welsh & MacRae, 1998). The concept of food justice supports the notion that people should not be viewed as consumers, but as citizens (Levkoe, 2006); by linking low-income and minority populations with alternative modes of food production and consumption, advocates prioritize human well-being above profit and alongside democratic and social justice values (Welsh & MacRae, 1998). This represents "more than a name change" departure from conventional food security concerns; it is rather a systemic transformation that alters people's involvement in food production and consumption (Wekerle, 2004, p. 379). Increasingly substantiated by racial and income-based exclusion, food justice operates to prioritize just production, distribution, and access to food within the communities being impacted. This is the focus of the food justice movement, though environmental and economic benefits often result from these efforts as well. A recently published volume edited by Alkon and Agyeman (2011) unpacks various forms of food justice, ranging from issues of production (e.g., farmworker rights) to distribution, consumption, and access. In this article we are concerned with the consumption element of the food chain; food justice efforts in this realm often take the form of alternative food initiatives that create new market-based or charity-based solutions to inadequate food access (e.g., farm-to-school programming that link schools and local farmers, slidingscale payment plans for low-income consumers at farmers' markets that are subsidized by wealthier patrons, or agricultural gleaning programs) that stress social equity and solutions that are implemented by and for the people impacted by inadequate access to food. This latter element is a definitive characteristic of food justice initiatives. Most recently, Alkon and Mares (2012) situated food justice in relation to food sovereignty, finding that although food justice and community food security frameworks often challenge conventional agricultural and food marketing systems, the food sovereignty framework is the only one to explicitly underscore "direct opposition to the corporate food regime" (p. 348). This is because both contemporary food justice and (community) food security frameworks often operate within traditional markets that are agents of the industrial agricultural system representative of a neoliberal political economy. This marks a departure between food justice and food sovereignty; La Via Campesina, a major proponent of food sovereignty, defines the concept as: the right of peoples to healthy and culturally appropriate food produced through sustainable methods and their right to define their own food and agriculture systems. It develops a model of small scale sustainable production benefiting communities and their environment. It puts the aspirations, needs and livelihoods of those who produce, distribute and consume food at the heart of food systems and policies rather than the demands of markets and corporations. (La Via Campesina, 2011, para. 2) Whereas food justice often works to create solutions in sync with market structures by filling the gaps in government services, food sovereignty focuses on dismantling the corporate food regime. History and Structure of the PEFS An area of the food system where food justice advocates have increasingly engaged in an urban setting is the PEFS. Operating on a charity basis, emergency food assistance provides food to individuals whose earnings, assets, and social insurance options have not met their needs (Wu & Eamon, 2007). Public government-run assistance programs include welfare, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), Medicaid, and subsidized housing. Private emergency food assistance is provided by nonprofit organizations and includes soup kitchens, food pantries, food banks, food rescue operations (Poppendieck, 1998), and "emergency shelters serving short-term residents" (emphasis added) (Feeding America, 2010a, p. 1). Largely in reaction to dissatisfaction with the federal food stamp program, Congress passed the Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act in 1982. This act allowed federally owned surplus commodity food to be distributed by the government for free to needy populations. Prior to its passage, the vast majority of food assistance in the U.S. was governmentally provided through the food stamp program (now the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program [SNAP]) and the majority of food that food pantries received came from individuals and businesses. The act's success was followed by the Temporary Emergency Food Assistance Act (TEFAP) in 1983, which began the process of routinely distributing excess commodities through private emergency food programs, such as food banks and food pantries (Daponte & Bade, 2006). Food pantries flourished as a result of commoditysourcing, since they now began receiving a reliable stream of food. Businesses that previously did not want to be involved in emergency food provisioning activities could now dispose of unwanted inventory for a much cheaper rate by giving it away (Daponte & Bade, 2006) (see figure 1). In fiscal year 2009, Congress appropriated USD299.5 million for the program, made up of USD250 million for food purchases and USD49.5 million for administrative support (USDA FNS, 2010). In the U.S., companies defined as C corporations by tax code (the majority of U.S. companies) can collect an enhanced tax deduction for donating surplus property, including food. Thus when food businesses donate food to a charity, including food banks and pantries, the businesses can take a deduction equal to 50 percent of the donated food's appreciated value. In addition, the Bill Emerson Good Samaritan Food Donation Act of 1996 provides safeguards for entities donating food and groceries to charitable organizations by minimizing the risk of legal action against donors. Companies are not required to publicly disclose deductions for food donations, though in 2001 corporations wrote offUSD10.7 billion in deductions (Alexander, 2003). Feeding America received USD663,603,071 in charitable donations in 2006. In a 2003 Chicago Tribune article, Delroy Alexander described how America's Second Harvest received USD450 million in donated provisions in 2001, USD210 million of which came from just 10 major food companies, such as Kraft, Coca-Cola, General Mills, ConAgra Foods, Pfizer, and Tropicana (Alexander, 2003). The top five donors each gave more than USD20 million in food, with the top contributor at USD38 million. Current figures are unavailable, though many companies proudly display pounds of food donated on their websites. For instance, Walmart's website states: From November 2008 to November 2009, the Walmart stores and Sam's Club locations have already donated more than 90 million pounds [41,000,000 kg] of food....By giving nutritious produce, meat, and other groceries, we've become Feeding America's largest food donor. (Walmart, 2010) This arrangement allows for unwanted food (food that would otherwise be considered waste) to be utilized; it acts as a vent for unwanted food, allowing large corporate entities to dump surplus product of questionable nutritional quality upon the PEFS. Simultaneously, these corporations are receiving tax breaks and benefiting from policies that minimize their legal risk. Approximately 80 percent of food banks belong to Feeding America, a member organization that acts as an advocate and mediator in soliciting food from major food companies and bulk emergency food providers. This network has 205 food bank members that distribute food and grocery products to charitable organizations. Nationwide, more than 37 million people accessed Feeding America's private food assistance network in 2009 (up 46 percent from 2005), while 127,200 accessed it in New Hampshire (Feeding America, 2010b). Critiques of the PEFS Critical assessments of the PEFS range from those focused on political-economic relations to on-theground implementation of this redistributive system. In the following section we have grouped these appraisals into four main points. First, the PEFS is largely "emergency" in name only. Second, distribution of food in the PEFS is largely unregulated. Third, nutritional content of donated items is frequently overlooked for the sake of its quantity. Fourth, because of their limited budget and foodstorage capacity, the PEFS requests nonperishable, and resultantly, low-nutrition donations. Related to this point, perpetuation of the PEFS as it currently operates supports a short-term food strategy that supports immediate caloric need while sacrificing long-term health (and ignoring its associated costs). A prominent critique of the PEFS is that it is "emergency" in name only, and examples highlight the emergency programmatic emphasis of programs even though their services appear to be operating in a nonemergency manner. The U.S. government describes TEFAP as a program that "helps supplement the diets of low-income needy persons...by providing them with emergency food" (USDA FNS, 2010). Feeding America, "the nation's largest organization of emergency food providers," describes food pantries as "distributing food on a short-term or emergency basis" (the NHFB shares this definition) (Feeding America, 2010a, p. 13). According to Feeding America's Hunger in America 2010 report, approximately 79.2 percent of clients interviewed reported that they had used a pantry in the past year, indicating that they were not new clients. Multiple researchers have observed that many food pantries are being used on a regular, long-term basis (Beggs, 2006; Bhattarai, Duffy, & Raymond, 2005; Daponte, Lewis, Sanders, & Taylor, 1998; Hilton, 1993; Molnar, Duffy, Claxton, & Conner, 2001; Mosley & Tiehen, 2004; Tarasuk & Eakin, 2005; Warshawsky, 2010). Along these lines, others have cited how the PEFS is unregulated to its detriment; for instance, many private donations do not have any federal or state laws regulating their distribution (Bhattarai et al., 2005). The unregulated nature of any charity brings both benefits and burdens, and one benefit to the PEFS has been the ability to utilize the efforts of a large volunteer base. However, it has been proposed that pantries that operate with a largely volunteer workforce employ subjective eligibility criteria and a "they should be satisfied with whatever they get" mindset on behalf of workers (volunteers as well as paid staff) (Tarasuk & Eakin, 2005, p. 182). Food pantry clients may have limited rights and entitlement to the food being distributed, "further reinforcing that people are unable to provide for themselves" (Molnar et al., 2001, p. 189) in this redistributive system. In fact, it has been shown that workers "routinely eschew the aesthetic values that dominate our retail system" where "distribution of visibly substandard or otherwise undesirable products is achieved because clients have few if any rights" and "are in desperate need of food" (Tarasuk & Eakin, 2005, p. 184). The belief of some workers that clients should be satisfied with whatever items they receive underlies the non-nutritional focus threaded throughout the private emergency food system. This is especially evident from the supply side. Government commodities serve as a major source of food for the PEFS. Commodity foods are provided to food banks, directly to independent agencies, and to Feeding America (Feeding America, 2012c). The original intents of this commodity program were to distribute surplus agricultural commodities and reduce federal food inventories and storage costs, while simultaneously helping food-insecure populations. In 1988, however, much of the federal government's surplus had been exhausted, and as a result the Hunger Prevention Act of 1988 appropriated funds for the purchase of commodities for TEFAP (USDA FNS, 2010). The PEFS's other major contributor, private corporations, do not explicitly concentrate on the nutritional content of their donations. Corporations benefit from considerable tax incentives along with liability protection; they can donate food that would otherwise be wasted, forgoing dumping costs while engaging in what many of these entities now call "corporate social responsibility." For instance, pounds of donated food are showcased and used as progress markers to show how successfully hunger is being combated. Feeding America states that it distributes 3 billion pounds (1.4 billion kg) of food every year (Feeding America, 2012a). Clicking on a few of Feeding America's "Leadership Partners" on its homepage website (Feeding America, 2012b) yields similar language. For instance, ConAgra states that, "In the last dozen years, ConAgra Foods has provided more than 166 million pounds of food to families in need" (ConAgra, 2009, para. 5), Food Lion (part of the Delhaize Group) has "donated more than 21 million pounds of food" (Food Lion, 2010), and "just last year, Procter & Gamble contributed nearly 30 million pounds of product" (Procter & Gamble, 2010). These figures provide no indication of nutritional content, although one pound of naturally flavored drink boxes has different nutritional composition than one pound of fresh produce. If success is measured in terms of quantity, then this will be the criterion that drives emergency food provisioning. Charities are easy targets for critique; they often operate on a shoestring, use labor with different levels of knowledge and experience, and much of the time are put in a financially and socially powerless position, at the whims of donors. One result is that nonperishable or lowperishability items are preferred (Tiehen, 2002; Verpy, Smith, & Reicks, 2003); these last longer and do not require refrigeration. Their long shelf life means handling and transport is not timesensitive. These products cost less and are more likely to be donated. Nutrient-poor foods are less healthy overall (Monsivais & Drewnowski, 2007); previous food pantry investigations discovered the poor nutrient composition of donated items, especially in regards to adequate levels of calcium, vitamin A, and vitamin C (Akobundu, Cohen, Laus, Schulte, & Soussloff, 2004; Irwin, Ng, Rush, Nguyen & He, 2007). Donating large amounts is important since donation quantity is prioritized by agency recipients. Rock, McIntyre, and Rondeau (2009) found a misalignment between donor intent and client preference indicative of the "ignorance among food-secure people of what it is like to be food-insecure" (p. 167). Food banks and food pantries are pressured to accept foods on unfair grounds, just as clients are pressured to accept whatever food is handed to them. In at least one other case, food pantry donors "did not consciously consider nutrition when deciding which foods to donate" (Verpy et al., 2003, p.12). A demand-side perspective of private emergency food provisioning reveals somewhat complementary conditions that support the acquisition and distribution of low-quality foods. The longterm health consequences associated with the consumption of low-quality foods can be overlooked to satisfy immediate food needs, thereby reinforcing the value placed on the low-quality supply being donated. While expenses like shelter, heat, and medical expenses are relatively inelastic, food is flexible and can be adjusted based on these demands. On a limited budget, it is often the case that whatever money is leftover is used for food (Furst, Connors, & Bisogni, 1996; McEntee, 2010). As reported by McEntee, a homeless shelter resident commented: It's likes this, your oil's almost out, your electricity's high and they're going to shut it off, what are going to do? Well, we're going to have to cut down on our food budget. Do what you gotta do. . . you can buy your family packs and suck it up and eat ramen noodles. (McEntee, 2010, p. 795) Sometimes these types of food are chosen out of necessity (that is the only type of food offered) and other times it is out of habit (they are used to eating it).2 With the recent recession in the U.S. economy, purchases of cheap, ready-to-eat processed foods have increased. An Associated Press article entitled, "ConAgra Foods 3Q profit rises, maintains outlook" (Associated Press, 2010, para. 1) states: Strong sales of low-priced meals such as Banquet and Chef Boyardee and lower costs pushed ConAgra Foods Inc.'s third-quarter profit up 19 percent. Cheap prepared foods like those that ConAgra offers have appealed to customers during the recession as they look for ways to save money and eat at home more. Methods and Research Setting Approximately 7.7 percent of New Hampshire's population is food-insecure (Nord, Andrews & Carlson, 2008); 8 percent of the state's population lives in poverty, while 9.4 percent of Grafton County's population lives in poverty (U.S. Census Bureau, 2008). Grafton County was selected as the research site based on proximity to researchers as well as the existence of food insecurity. Grafton County (figure 2) has a population of 81,743 and a population density of 47.7 people per square mile (18.4 people per square kilometer) (U.S. Census Bureau, 2008). Unlike the other two primarily rural northern counties of New Hampshire (Carroll and Coos counties), Grafton County contains two universities that serve as educational and cultural centers (Dartmouth University in Hanover and Plymouth State University in Plymouth). Accordingly these areas attract residents with above-average educational attainment and income, thus offering a variegated set of social and economic conditions which are differentiated from the rest of the county. There are 14 registered food pantries in Grafton County (of a total of 165 in New Hampshire) (New Hampshire Food Bank, 2010). In 2012, there were 92 SNAP-authorized stores within the county, marking a 13 percent increase from 2008 (USDA FNS, 2012a). Approximately 16 percent of students were free lunch eligible in 2008 (USDA FNS, 2012b). In terms of local food potential, there were 10 farmers' markets in 2010 (USDA AMS, 2012) with 3.3 percent of farm sales attributable to direct to consumer sales ; U.S. Census of Agriculture, 2012). A purposive sampling method (Light, Singer, & Willett, 1990) was used to identify respondents (N = 16) who work regularly in Grafton County's PEFS. This included state employees, although the majority were workers and volunteers at food banks, soup kitchens, food pantries, and homeless shelters. These respondents were selected based on their above-average knowledge about hunger, food insecurity, and private emergency food provisioning in Grafton County (beyond their personal experience). Although some questions were specific to the respondent's area of expertise, the same general open-ended question template was used to facilitate informative discussion on topics related to food access, such as affordability, nutrition, and food provisioning (see table 1). The one-on-one semistructured interviews (Morgan & Krueger, 1998) with this group of respondents lasted between 60 and 90 minutes and took place in an office setting, community center, or over the phone (when in-person meetings were difficult to arrange). All interviews were recorded, transcribed, and coded. Participant observation (Flowerdew & Martin, 1997) was conducted at a Plymouth-area soup kitchen that served weekly hot meals for free to attendees. Data from interviews as well as field notes were coded and analyzed using NVivo, qualitative analysis software ( QSR International, 2010). After data was cleaned, data was examined as a whole to gain a general sense of overall meaning and depth. Open coding was undertaken, where material was organized into groups or segments of related information (Rossman & Rallis, 1998). We developed a qualitative codebook for efficient and consistent code assignment. Codes were examined, as well as the overall corpus of information. We identified underlying themes based primarily on respondent narratives. Over time, themes and trends emerged. Overlaps and differences between themes were identified, thus allowing their properties to be refined, ultimately resulting in progressively clear theme categories. Following theme assessment, interconnections and relations between themes were identified through concept mapping and triangulation (Fielding & Fielding, 1986). The authors conducted all interviews and observation, processed all data, and conducted all analysis. Institutional Review Board approval was obtained and all standard research protocols used. Findings from Grafton County Some of the data emerging out of the Grafton County case echoes previous observations about the PEFS. The preliminary data we present in this article is the product of field work, policy evaluation, and literature review. We do not claim that these findings are externally generalizable, although we do see similarities between our observations and those of other researchers, indicating that our data may be indicative of trends elsewhere, especially in rural areas of the northeastern United States where similar demographic and cultural traits exist. In this way, we also see potential in terms of research trajectories and policy reforms for those looking to build capacity between the PEFS and the local food system. Reliance upon Volunteers In relation to the existing criticisms that the PEFS is actually serving a long-term and sustained need and not a short-term or emergency one, many food pantry workers indicated that longterm usage by clients was common. For instance, one pantry worker explained that "most of the people that come in here are...I don't know if I would say chronic, but regulars" (0607).3 In these pantries, representatives talked about getting to know clients over the course of months and years of use; some clients stay and talk with pantry workers for emotional support during food pickups. This long-term usage has been critiqued and connected to the fact that the PEFS is so heavily reliant upon volunteer labor that resultantly there are opportunities for inconsistencies to develop (Lipsky, 1985; Molnar et al., 2001). Ad hoc administration of private emergency food distribution has consequences, such as inconsistent eligibility requirements and quality control (Daponte & Bade, 2006). In Grafton County pantries, eligibility was determined through a combination of criteria, such as pantry worker's personal judgment and preset income criteria. In one large pantry, more refined conditions were followed by staffand volunteers. In this pantry, if it was a client's first visit, then they were allowed to get food no matter what. However, in order to get food on subsequent visits they would need to bring proof of income (their income had to be below a certain amount based on number of household members). The director of this pantry explained, "the only time I turn them away is if they're using the other food pantries....Most of the time they trip themselves up" (0505). When asked about the consequences of using more than one pantry, the same respondent said, "I turn them offfor a whole year....To me, that's stealing food because that's government food involved in both places" (0505). This was not a set rule or policy of the pantry, but a guideline created by the director. Another worker explained that clients needed to fill out a TEFAP form (which determines eligibility under the rubrics of "Program" (already receiving a form of public assistance) and "Income" (one-person weekly income at or below USD370)), but that "it [the form] doesn't turn anybody away" (1215). The downside of a more subjective, informal system is that pantries can be run in a potentially inequitable manner (Daponte & Bade, 2006). In addition, a client who offended a staffmember or volunteer in the past will not be safeguarded against as they would be in a government-run system. A pantry director from a small church-run pantry was asked about assistance eligibility and replied that: We don't ask a lot of questions...We don't take any financial information and you don't need to qualify. I just tell people, "if you need it, you can use it."...You can tell by looking at them, you know? The car they drive, their clothes, you could tell they're not living high offthe hog, so to speak. (0607, emphasis added) In New Hampshire, 92 percent of food pantries and 100 percent of soup kitchens use volunteer labor, while 64 percent of pantries and 46 percent of soup kitchens rely completely on volunteer labor (Feeding America, 2010b). Volunteers partnered with pantry staffto perform tasks. Food has to be inspected, sorted, organized, and in some cases cleaned before it is handed out; how these tasks are carried out varies by pantry. In all pantries visited as part of this research, clients waited in line with other recipients (visible to each other) where nonpantry visitors to the agency could see them openly. In one venue, while pantry clients picked their food from a closet in a church, people working to set up a church dinner worked in the same room; these individuals and the pantry clients were visible openly to each other. These patterns show that by engaging in this private form of food assistance, clients give up any right to confidentiality they may be afforded through other forms of assistance, such as those offered by federal or state forms of food assistance. Another consequence of reliance on volunteer labor is that food standards are frequently disregarded. A set of pantry workers explained how they went to great lengths to utilize some squash donated from a nearby farm: We discovered a couple years ago that he can't keep it here [the pantry] because it will spoil...and then I said I'll take it, I got a place....So now I've got squashes and I keep an eye on them to make sure they aren't spoiling....So I have a room downstairs [in her house] that has no windows and it's about 55 [degrees]. And I put them down in the basement and then I bring them up into the garage and they're stored in the garage where it doesn't freeze. (0506) Pantry and food bank workers often clean and repackage food that is inconveniently packaged (e.g., in bulk) or has been broken open.4 These findings not only underscore the role of volunteer subjectivity, but they more broadly illustrate the negative externalities that can emerge in this unregulated system. Food Preferences: "Change Your Taste Buds" Depending on the agency, food preferences of clients may have minimal influence over foods received. Nutritional, cultural, or taste preferences can be disregarded, while pantry staffbeliefs dictate allotments. A volunteer who worked at a pantry and soup kitchen and also served on the board of the pantry said, "the younger ones [clients] are very, very fussy, they are turning their nose up at different things....Whereas if you're hungry, you accept and you learn to do it and change your taste buds" (0506, emphasis added). In the same interview as the one quoted above, this respondent reflected that "we're a spoiled society" and "there's a lot of honest need, but I think there's also those that are needy who don't help themselves" (0506). This respondent seems to believe that clients should be thankful for whatever they get, no matter what, since it is better than nothing. This is similar in a sense to how pantries are pressured into being thankful for all donations out of fear that refusal of items would jeopardize future giving (for an example, see Winne (2005)). Believing that clients should "change their taste buds" to accommodate the food available at the pantry food represents a misalignment between clients' nutritional well-being and the pantry objective of efficiently distributing all donated food. This respondent held a position of power within the pantry and was able to make managerial-level decisions. Following through on her sentiments means that clients should adjust their personal taste preferences to whatever donors decide to donate. Client preferences are interpreted by pantry staffin number of ways; consider the experience of this employee who worked at a smaller pantry in a northern part of the county: I had a guy call me today and wanted me to take his name offthe list here and I said "OK." I said "did you get a job?" I know he was looking for a job, "no, but I can't eat that crap." He said, "I like to eat organic now, natural food." He said, "I can't eat this stuff, processed kind of food." He said, "not that I don't appreciate what you're doing for me, but I just can't eat that kind of food." I said, "well, get a job" or that's what I felt like saying....Do you know how much that stuffcosts? We're not the end all, we're just supplemental here, we can't provide food for you for the week. I mean its just not going to happen. (0607) This employee appeared offended by this man's decision to stop accessing the pantry. By participating in the PEFS, these individuals relinquish rights and standards they may have in the public retail sphere (i.e., where federally and state enforced food safety regulations are upheld) and as a result are forced to gamble on the whims of the largely unregulated PEFS . This removal of food rights places food-insecure individuals in an even more food-precarious state, disempowering them beyond that which is accomplished through retail markets. One pantry worker explained that when individuals donate food, "lots of times it's ramen noodles because you can donate a lot at a low price" (0709). Food-pantry representatives working with a food-insecure population indicated that this group prefers quick and easy meals in the form of processed products, and also lacks adequate knowledge about nutrition and cooking to make informed food selections. Simultaneously, those accessing pantries revealed that food was a flexible budget item that could be adjusted according to the demands of other expenses. This often leads to trading down of items purchased - from more expensive, healthy items to cheaper, less healthy items. Food pantry representatives commented on how clients, especially young ones, prefer quick and easy products because "it's so much easier to open a can...things that are quick" (0506). Another pantry worker commented that "it's great when they say they cook....It just makes it so much easier to give them bags of nutritional food, but sometimes they'll just want the canned spaghetti, macaroni and cheese, hot dogs...foods that are easy to prepare for families," which she acknowledged as "a problem" (0709). Efforts to reform these eating habits were evident; one pantry worker reflected on how they had tried to switch from white to wheat bread, but found that "the wheat bread was not a hit" (1215). A nutrition professional working at a nonprofit described an attempt to change her clients' eating habits. She explained that her efforts were aimed at making people more nutritionally informed by showing them that eating healthier can be more affordable: We will do a comparison and we will make a meal with Hamburger Helper and we'll make basically homemade Hamburger Helper....I'll do a comparison of what Hamburger Helper costs and what it costs to make it from scratch. It's always of course cheaper to make it from scratch and then we do a taste test. And unfortunately many of the people have grown up with Hamburger Helper so that's what they like....They don't see the difference; how salty and awful it tastes....We'll do a whole cost analysis and they'll see it's about 59 cents a serving if you make it from scratch compared to about 79 cents a serving for Hamburger Helper. (1013) Another pantry worker explained: I think it's pricing, but then we have people, you know I believe it comes from how you grew up. You know, a lot of people shop the way their moms or dads shopped. And some people were just brought up on frozen boxed food and not cooked homemade meals and so that's all they know how to purchase. (0303) This may explain why pantries experience a demand for these easy-to-cook processed foods. While some pantries might push more nutritional options, others send contradictory nutritional messages. Not far from where the abovementioned nutritional professional worked, another pantry worker at the same agency remarked that "the stuffthat's easy for us to get is pasta, canned stuff, pasta mixes, and it's not highly nutritional....Tuna or some kind of a tinned meat, you know, with a Tuna Helper, that's the kind of stuffwe get here because we don't have any way to give them fresh meat" (0607). The food being donated is free for the pantry and free for the clients, made possible through private, often corporate donors. This represents a seemingly collaborative alignment between the need to dispose of unwanted food on behalf of corporate donors and the need for foodinsecure clients to consume food, yet this arrangement is rooted in a short-term outlook and power imbalance where corporate food entities are able to dump unwanted food for free upon a foodinsecure population, thereby realizing short-term profit gains (for the business) at the cost of longterm health of food-insecure individuals and its effect on governments. Assessing Collaborative Potential The rural PEFS appears to be similar to the urban PEFS in a number of ways. It is heavily reliant upon volunteer labor and it serves a significant proportion of the population, often on a regular basis. In the rural context there is a dispersed population. While centralized population centers like cities provide efficient and short-distance transportation networks, rural networks are decentralized with people living in remote areas, often requiring automobile access. This has a few practical consequences. A dispersed population also means that community food-growing opportunities like neighborhood gardens are more difficult to organize and implement when compared to a city where a group of neighbors can have a small vegetable plot within walking distance. Contrastingly, in many rural places the transportation cost of getting to a community space where a garden may be located represents another financial and logistical barrier. Cities are also places where people can more easily congregate to meet and organize reactive and proactive responses to inadequate food access (for example, to grow a neighborhood garden in response to being located in a "food desert"). In urban areas for instance, these have manifested in food justice efforts. In rural areas, the PEFS is the chief response to hunger and food insecurity (in addition to federal and state mandated programs). However, the rural PEFS operates on a smaller scale with fewer numbers of people accessing it and a high degree of malleability. As described earlier in this essay, this informality has been criticized; however, this ability to adapt means that individuals who operate PEFS entities (like food pantries) can take advantage of opportunities without having to obtain approval from higher levels of bureaucracy. In addition, the rural PEFS is often located where the land, soil, water, and air resource base for growing food is abundant. In contrast to the literature that supports the claims that low-income populations prefer processed foods (Drewnowski & Specter, 2004), data from the Grafton County case shows that in the pantries that were able to obtain small amounts of fresh, perishable foods (meats and fresh fruits and vegetables), these quickly became the most popular items. As one pantry worker explained: Most people know that an apple is healthier than a hot dog, but those [hot dogs] are way cheaper, you know, not that they're the same in any way....Here [at the food pantry] they would go for the things that they don't normally get their hands on, which is why those dairy products go fast and those veggies go fast. But I think in general when they are shopping they go for the cheapest, easiest thing to get through to the next week. (1215) In another study of Grafton County, a food pantry employee described how a local hunter donated moose meat: Interviewer: What are the most popular items that you have here in the pantry? Respondent 1: Meat. It's the most expensive... Respondent 2: Oh, was it last year we got the moose meat? We got 500 pounds [230 kg]. And we're thinking, what are we gonna do with all this moose meat? And it flew out of here. I mean, people were calling us and asking us for some. (McEntee, 2011b, p. 251) A key question emerging from this research is, "how do we harness the assets of both the PEFS and local food system to better serve the needs of food-insecure populations?" There is a demand for locally produced produce and meat on behalf of food-insecure individuals (as others have shown; see Hinrichs and Kremer (2002)). The desires of low-income consumers to eat fresh meat and produce (which often is locally produced) as well as to participate in some local food production activities (whether it be hunting or growing vegetables) have been overlooked by researchers. People accessing the PEFS in rural areas are accessing pantries, but also growing their food because it is an affordable way to obtain high-quality food they may otherwise not be able to afford (McEntee, 2011b). Based on the information provided in this article, potential synergies between the PEFS and the local food system in the rural context exist. Specifically, a traditional localism engages "participants through non-capitalist, decommodified means that are affordable and accessible" where "food is grown/raised/hunted, not with the intention to gain profit, but to obtain fresh and affordable food" (McEntee, 2011, pp. 254-255). Traditional localism allows for local food to become an asset for many food-insecure and poor communities that are focusing on the need to address inadequate food access. How could the rural PEFS source more food locally, thereby strengthening the local economy? How could private emergency food entities like food pantries and local food advocates promote food-growing, food-raising, and hunting activities as a means to increase grassroots, local, and affordable access to food? Like many places throughout the U.S., Grafton County is home to small-scale local agriculture operations supported by an enthusiastic public and sympathetic state. Simultaneously, there is the presence of food insecurity and a PEFS seeking to remediate this persistent problem. The actual structure of the PEFS could be thoroughly assessed (beyond the borders of Grafton County). If warranted, this system could be redesigned to prioritize privacy and formalize procedures in terms of ensuring that client food choices are respected. A crucial next step in reforming this system to benefit lowincome and minority clients is to emphasize the ability to grow, raise, and hunt food for their own needs5 through the traditional local concept. This would represent a transformation in which these activities could not only be supported by the PEFS, but also draw upon the social capital of communities in the form of memories and practices of rural people from the near past, all while reducing reliance upon corporate waste. If traditional local efforts were organized on a cooperative model, based on community need and not only the needs of individuals, it would benefit all those participating, drawing on collective community resources, such as food-growing knowledges and skills, access to land, and tools, thereby enhancing the range of rural livelihood strategies. In this sense, these activities are receptive to racial and economic diversity as well as alliance-formation across social groups and movements, all of which are characteristic of the food sovereignty movement (Holt- Giménez & Wang, 2011). In moving forward additional research is needed. While our findings highlight potential shortcomings, there is a lack of data exploring the rural PEFS experience. Specifically, from the demand side, we need more data about the users of this system, specifically in regard to their satisfaction with food being given to them. Are they happy with it? Do they want something different that is not available? Do they lack the ability to cook certain foods being handed out by the pantry? Feeding America's Hunger in America survey asks about client satisfaction; in its 2010 report, only 62.7 percent of surveyed clients were "very satisfied" with the overall quality of the food provided.6 Additionally, the fact that this survey is administered by the same personnel who are distributing food donations raises methodological biases. More needs to be discovered about why such a large proportion of users is not "very satisfied." From the supply side, we need to know more about food being distributed and its nutritional value. Currently, the food being donated and distributed is unregulated to a large degree, especially in rural pantries. Also on the supply side, the source of food provided to Feeding America as well as individual state food banks and food pantries needs to be inventoried with more information beyond just its weight. Knowing the quantity of specific donated products as well as the financial benefit (in terms of tax write-offs) afforded to donors would add transparency. Conclusion: Neoliberal Considerations and Future Directions The findings we have presented in this article are intended to reveal important policy questions about the PEFS and local food movement; we do acknowledge, however, that it also has raised some important questions. In summary, we see opportunities to move forward in enacting a food sovereignty agenda with both local and global scales in mind. First, value-added, market-based local solutions used to address the inadequacies of the current food system are immediately beneficial. However, these should not be accepted as the endall solution. Looking beyond them to determine what else can be accomplished to change the structure of the food system to shiftpower away from oligarchic food structures of the corporate food regime to food citizens, not only food consumers, would result in systemic change. A key consideration in realizing any reform in the PEFS, and simultaneously challenging and transforming the unsustainable global food regime, is recognizing the neoliberal paradigm in which government and economic structures exist. Neoliberalism can be defined as a political philosophy that promotes market-based rather than state-based solutions to social problems, while masking social problems as personal deficiencies. The PEFS is essentially acting as a vent for unwanted food in this system that also provides a financial benefit to the governing food entities (i.e., food businesses). Too often alternatives are hailed as opposing the profit-driven industrial food system simply because they are geographically localized; in reality, they may re-create the classist and racist structures that permeate the larger global system.7 The PEFS is an embedded neoliberal response to food insecurity; while public-assistance enrollment is on the rise, so is participation in the PEFS. This is a shiftin responsibility in who is providing assistance to food-insecure populations from the government to the private sector. In this sense it is a market-based approach to addressing food insecurity (i.e., by dumping food on the private charity sector, market retailers cut their own waste disposal costs), and the result is continual scarcity and the establishment of a system that reinforces the idea that healthy food is a privilege, only accessible to those with adequate financial and social capital. Along these same lines, a form of food localism exists that is arguably detrimental to those without financial and social capital; these efforts have and continue to frame food access solely as an issue of personal responsibility related to economic status and nutritional knowledge (a narrative thoroughly discussed by Guthman (2007, 2008)). This prioritizes market-based solutions to developing local food systems as well as universal forms of food education that emphasize individual health. As Alkon and Mares (2012) explain, Neoliberalism creates subjectivities privileging not only the primacy of the market, but individual responsibility for our own wellbeing. Within U.S. food movements, this refers to an emphasis on citizen empowerment, which, while of course beneficial in many ways, reinforces the notion that individuals and community groups are responsible for addressing problems that were not of their own making. Many U.S. community food security and food justice organizations focus on developing support for local food entrepreneurs, positing such enterprises as key to the creation of a more sustainable and just food system. The belief that the market can address social problems is a key aspect of neoliberal subjectivities. (p. 349) Though elements of both the PEFS and the local food system have arguably been folded into neoliberalization processes through market-based mechanisms, incremental steps to change these dynamics are possible. Reframing issues of food accessibility (including food insecurity, hunger, food deserts, etc.) as issues of food justice moves us beyond an absolute spatial understanding of food issues. For instance, when we only look at physical access to food, we often disregard the more important considerations of class, race, gender (see Alkon and Agyeman, 2011), and sexual orientation that define a person's present position (and over which they often have no control) and which dictate how they engage with the food system. These considerations are present in current food-justice efforts, which seek to ensure that communities have control over the food grown, sold, and consumed there. Rural food justice has been defined using the traditional localism concept: Traditional localism in rural areas engages participants through non-capitalist, decommodified means that are affordable and accessible. Food is grown/raised/hunted, not with the intention to gain profit, but to obtain fresh and affordable food. A traditional localism disengages from the profit-driven food system and illustrates grassroots food production where people have direct control over the quality of the food they consume - a principal goal of food justice. (McEntee, 2011b, pp. 254-255) Utilizing this rural form of food justice involves more than promoting individual food acquiring techniques; it involves developing organizational and institutional strategies that improve the quality of food available to PEFS entities. This is currently accomplished by some, such as when pantries obtain fresh produce through farmer donations or when a food bank develops food-growing capacity. 8 But these types of entities are in the minority. The next stage of realizing food justice, we posit, is to determine how a food sovereignty approach can be utilized in a global North context. Food justice predominantly operates to find solutions within a capitalist framework (and it has been criticized as such) while food sovereignty is explicitly geared toward the dismantling of this system in order to achieve food justice. Regime change and transformation requires more than recognition and control over food-growing resources; it requires alliance and partnership-building between groups to "to address ownership and redistribution over the means of production and reproduction" (Holt- Giménez & Wang, 2011, p.98). Adopted by organizations predominantly located in the global South, food sovereignty is focused on the causes of food system failures and subsequently looks toward "local and international engagement that proposes dismantling the monopoly power of corporations in the food system and redistributing land and the rights to water, seed, and food producing sources" (Holt-Giménez, 2011, p. 324). There is an opportunity for people in the global North not only to learn from the global South food sovereignty movements, but to form connections and alliances between North and South iterations of these movements.9 As discussed above, the dominant food movement narrative is in sync with the economic and development goals of government (e.g., state-sanctioned buy-local campaigns) as well as marketing prerogatives of global food corporations (e.g., "local" being used as marketing label). Building a social movement powerful enough to place meaningful political pressure upon government to support a food system that prioritizes human wellbeing, not profit, is an immediate challenge. Incremental solutions are necessary in order to improve the lives of people now. However, these local solutions, such as innovative farm-to-school programming and other viable models between the local food environment and the PEFS that we have discussed in this article, would be more effective at affecting long-term systemic change if they were coupled with collective approaches to acknowledge and limit the power of the corporate food regime to prevent injustice, while also holding the state accountable for its responsibility to citizens, which it has successfully "relegated to voluntary and/or market-based mechanisms" (Alkon and Mares, 2012, p. 348). Food sovereignty offers more than an oppositional view of neoliberalism, however. The food sovereignty movement advances a model of food citizenship that asserts food as a nutritional and cultural right and the importance of democratic on-the-ground control over one's food. These qualities resonate with food-insecure and disenfranchised communities, urban and rural, in both the global North and South. Sidebar Citation: McEntee, J. C., & Naumova, E. N. (2012). Building capacity between the private emergency food system and the local food movement: Working toward food justice and sovereignty in the global North. Journal of Agriculture, Food Systems, and Community Development, 3(1), 235-253. http://dx.doi.org/10.5304/jafscd.2012.031.012 Copyright © 2012 by New Leaf Associates, Inc. Footnote 1 Cartesian understandings of space utilize a grid-based measurement of physical proximity. These types of proximitybased understandings of food access (i.e., food access is primarily a matter of bringing people physically closer to food retailers, as is promoted by the USDA Food Desert Locator) tend to overlook other nuanced forms of food access based on knowledge, culture, race, and class. 2 The amount of processed food, especially in the form of prepared meals and meals eaten outside the home, is steadily increasing in the United States (Stewart, Blisard, & Jolliffe, 2006). 3 The four-digit number indicates interview location and respondent IDs. 4 A leading antihunger effort in New Hampshire is the New Hampshire Food Bank (NHFB), the state's only food bank and a member of Feeding America. In 2008 the NHFB "distributed over 5 million pounds of donated, surplus food to 386 food pantries, soup kitchens, shelters, day care centers and senior citizen homes" (N.H. Food Bank, 2010). In total N.H. has 441 agencies registered with NHFB that provide food to 71,417 people annually. Grafton County has 18 food pantries, which "distribute non-prepared foods and other grocery products to needy clients, who then prepare and use these items where they live" and where "[F]ood is distributed on a short-term or emergency basis until clients are able to meet their food needs" (N.H. Food Bank, 2010). 5 A noteworthy example of an organization that has begun to accomplish these objectives is The Stop Community Food Centre in Toronto, which was recently described by Levkoe and Wakefield (2012). 6 The remaining categories are: "Somewhat satisfied" (31.3 percent), "Somewhat dissatisfied" (4.8 percent), and "Very dissatisfied" (1.3 percent). 7 For additional discussion of the political economic transition from government to governance, such as the transfer of state functions to nonstate and quasistate entities, see Purcell (2002). 8 An example of this type of effort is that of the Vermont Food Bank, which purchased a farm in 2008 in order to supply the food bank with fresh, high-quality produce as well as to sell the produce. 9 The U.S. Food Sovereignty Alliance has recognized the importance of building these coalitions: "As a US-based alliance of food justice, anti-hunger, labor, environmental, faith-based, and food producer groups, we uphold the right to food as a basic human right and work to connect our local and national struggles to the international movement for food sovereignty" (US Food Sovereignty Alliance, n.d., para. 1). 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Naumova b Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Tufts University, and Tufts Initiative for the Forecasting and Modeling of Infectious Diseases Submitted 2 May 2012 / Revised 28 June and 26 July 2012 / Accepted 27 July 2012 / Published online 4 December 2012 aCorresponding author: Jesse C. McEntee, PhD, Managing Partner, Food Systems Research Institute LLC; P.O. Box 1141; Shelburne, Vermont 05482 USA; +1-802-448-2403; www.foodsystemsresearchinstitute.com; jmcentee@foodsri.com b Elena N. Naumova, PhD, Associate Dean for Research, School of Engineering; Professor, Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Tufts University; also Tufts Initiative for the Forecasting and Modeling of Infectious Diseases (InForMID) (http://informid.tufts.edu/); elena.naumova@tufts.edu Acknowledgments: The authors are grateful to the Economic and Social Research Council's Centre for Business Relationships, Accountability, Sustainability and Society at CardiffUniversity as well as the Center for Rural Partnerships at Plymouth State University for financial support during this research. The authors are also grateful to the three anonymous reviewers who provided constructive feedback on earlier drafts of this article. Word count: 11055Show lessYou have requested "on-the-fly" machine translation of selected content from our databases. This functionality is provided solely for your convenience and is in no way intended to replace human translation. 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Those educators who share the most thoroughly of themselves with the greatest proportion of their students are the ones we deem most successful

6Comparing their lives with those of their parents, people acknowledge that some things will be more difficult and others easier. By 49 percent to 30 percent, they think they will have more difficulty than their parents did in finding the money to put kids through college and by 41 percent to 32 percent they think owning a home will be more difficult. Conversely, however, by 47 percent to 14 percent, they believe it will be easier for them to be in good physical health. Of equal importance, by 44 percent to 16 percent they think it will be easier to have an interesting job and even easier (by 42 percent to 31 percent) to earn enough money for a good living. [18]These findings show that Americans today realize that they are better off in many ways than their parents were. But at the same time, they are aware that many of the new values and lifestyles threaten the family -- an institution that has come to mean more to them now that it can no longer be taken for granted.The Meaning of SuccessOne of the most sweeping changes in postwar American cultural values relates to the meaning of success. In the 1950s Americans shared a certain definition. Success meant getting married, raising children who would be better off than oneself, owning a home and an automobile, and working one's way up the ladder of social mobility. The trappings of success were largely external and material, a matter of keeping up with the Joneses.When in November 1962 Gallup queried cross-sections of the public on the "formula for success in today's America," two answers dominated all others: get a good education (50 percent) and work hard (31 percent), followed by honesty and integrity (17 percent). Only 6 percent mentioned having a job that one enjoys doing, and a paltry 3 percent cited the importance of self-confidence and self esteem.Then came the 1960s campus rebellion and its iconoclastic attitudes toward the 1950s. For millions of college students the shared meaning of success shifted from owning a Cadillac to fulfilling one's unique inner potential.In the 1970s the majority of Americans were intrigued but still unconvinced of the virtues of the new outlook. A January 1971 Harris poll asked people, "Do you think the desire on the part of many young people to . . . turn their backs on economic gain and success . .. is a healthy or unhealthy thing?" Only 13 percent thought it healthy. In mid-decade (April 1974) the leading responses to a Gallup question about "what really matters in your own life," were a decent and better standard of living (31 percent), good health (25 percent), adequate opportunities for one's children (23 percent), a happy marriage and family life (15 percent), and owning one's own home (12 percent) -- all traditional, fifties-like conceptions.By the 1980s, however, most Americans were attempting to graft the new values onto the old ones. In response to a May 1983 Gallup question about which factors are most important for "personal success in America today," the top ranking ones were good health (58 percent), a job one enjoys (49 percent), a happy family (45 percent), a good education (39 percent), peace of mind (35 percent), and good friends (25 percent). Note that the traditional emphasis on education and family remains an important part of the definition of success, but newer values such as having a job one enjoys, peace of mind, and good friends have now been elevated to a status equal to or higher than the traditional ones. It is characteristic of the 1980s that people wanted material well-being and the new forms of inner fulfillment extolled in the 1960s and 1970s.[19]Now in the 1990s we are witnessing a further evolution of the shared meaning of success. Increasingly, Americans are coming to think of success as self-defined rather than conformity to the expectations of others. Over a five-year period, the DYG SCANSM has measured a significant increase in the ratio of those embracing a conception of success as self-defined. By 1987 it had already reached a 5:1 ratio (63 percent to 12 percent), and by 1991 it had grown to more than a 7:1 ratio (68 percent to 9 percent).[20]There are some modest demographic differences, mainly related to age and income. People between 40 and 60 with higher incomes (above $50,000 a year) lean slightly more often toward the self-defined measure of

7success, while people younger than 40 with lower incomes lean slightly more often toward conformity to group definitions of success. Some minor gender, education, geographic, and race differences also occur. What is significant is not the differences but that all groups in the population follow the dominant pattern of shifting away from older, more objective, conformist definitions of success to more subjective definitions.If Americans define success in their own terms, what do they mean by it? Money and tangible possessions are still dominant. By a two-to-one margin (40 percent to 22 percent), Americans in 1991 gave priority to the material over the intangible. Here the pattern has been markedly dialectic -- with a heavy emphasis on tangibles in the 1950s, a swing toward intangibles in the following few decades, and an edging back toward tangibles in the 1980s and 1990s. Demographic differences are pronounced and in the expected direction: the less educated and lower-income segments of the population emphasize tangibles because they do not have them. Those in the higher income brackets lean moderately toward intangibles because they have been better able to satisfy their material needs.[21]What are the intangibles that Americans associate with success? The current emphasis is on quality of life. Glimpses of what Americans mean by quality of life can be seen in several studies:--Having good family and personal relationships with loved ones.--Getting one's time under control.--Saving money and getting one's finances under control (for example, less debt, being a smarter consumer by outfoxing the seller).--Reducing other forms of stress.--Doing more to enhance health and personal appearance.--Becoming more "green" conscious about the environment.[22]In the 1990s, Americans know they can not have everything, and they are adapting their definition of success in life to this new reality. People's feelings about being squeezed in the 1990s go deeper than recession or slowdown in economic growth. The affluence effect elevated the importance of expanded life choices and self-expressive values. And people are struggling to hold onto those values in an affordable form even under difficult economic conditions

the violent crime rate in America dropped 34 percent, and the property crime rate fell 26 percent. That same report found that Mexican immigrants--including those who entered the U.S. legally and illegally--had an incarceration rate in 2000 of 0.7 percent, one-eighth the rate of native-born Americans of Mexican descent and lower than that of American-born whites and blacks of similar socioeconomic status and education.

One large survey found that 80 percent of college students admit to texting during class; 15 percent say they send 11 or more texts in a single class period.

Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act

Vendors serve as an invaluable source of knowledge on edtech products and trends for higher education decision-makers, cited as an information source in 80 percent of our interviews. That ranks second only to learning by word-of-mouth from colleagues (96 percent)

2 percent of incomes educating chil-dren.

Researchers at the University of Wisconsin surveyed more than 4,000 undergrads at community colleges across the country. The results? Twenty percent of students reported being hungry, 13 percent homeless.

“Of the 11.6 million jobs added since the rebound took hold in 2010, about 99 percent – or 11.5 million jobs – were filled by people with either at least some college education, a bachelor’s degree or better.”

Because OPMs make money based on a percentage of the tuition paid, they face pressure to push students to less selective and more expensive programs. From their perspective, there’s no point in getting 30 percent of a $20,000 program that might reject a student when they can get the same student into a program that nets 70 percent of $50,000 and will take just about anyone. “If a school depends on an OPM to market its online program, that program had better cost more, admit more, and pay the OPM more. Otherwise, OPMs have better, more profitable options and I know for a fact that happens at some OPMs,” Katzman told me.

6th paragraph : Here are some of the things that we believe should be done to achieve our education goal. Improve, update and form curricula, texts, pedagogy, and examination and evaluation techniques. The government has now fixed better primary education as a national priority, and a new $150 million credit from the International Development Association will help improve schools in one of the areas that needs the most help, the diverse and heavily rural North-West Frontier Province. With this program, all four of Pakistan’s provinces will now have an IDA-backed primary education system in place. Literacy in the province is below 22 percent, 40 percent of kindergartners don’t go on to finish the fifth grade and only 22 percent of schools are girls schools. And severe inequities exist in education between districts, rural and urban areas and between males and females. The credit will help Pakistan to get more children in-and through-primary schools and to improve the overall quality of their education. The five-year program is expected to increase primary enrollment by about 886,000 new students, more than 40 percent of whom will be girls. Educating girls is a key focus of the project-as it is in most of the Bank’s education work-because worldwide research has shown it to have broad side benefits. It promotes child health and reduced fertility, for example, particularly important given Pakistan’s high population growth rate. Sixty percent of the program’s 23,000 new classrooms will be for girls. locating schools where there is a community demand for enrollment, consolidating schools with low enrollment;- promoting coeducation schools in receptive communities, increasing the supply of female teachers by training and recruiting women;- subsidizing private schools catering to low-income areas and rural girls. The project will also improve the learning environment by: strengthening textbook development and subsidizing production so that all students have access to high-quality, affordable books;- providing all classrooms with a standard set of instructional materials and improving teacher education and providing them with academic support.

The education of the future, as I see it, will be conducted through the medium of the motion picture… where it should be possible to obtain one hundred percent efficiency.”

the impact was so small. By Brian Bergstein on April 15, 2015 Kentaro Toyama Kentaro Toyama calls himself “a recovering technoholic”—someone who once was “addicted to a technological way of solving problems.” Five years in India changed him. After getting his PhD in computer science and working on machine vision technologies at Microsoft, Toyama moved to Bangalore in 2004 to help lead the company’s new research center there. He and his colleagues launched dozens of projects that sought to use computers and Internet connectivity to improve education and reduce poverty. But early successes in pilot projects often couldn’t be replicated; in some schools, computers made things worse. In a book being released this spring, Geek Heresy: Rescuing Social Change from the Cult of Technology, Toyama argues that technologists undermine efforts at social progress by promoting “packaged interventions” at the expense of more difficult reforms. Toyama, who is now an associate professor in the School of Information at the University of Michigan, spoke to MIT Technology Review’s deputy editor, Brian Bergstein. When you went to India, technological optimism was flourishing there. Bangalore was being described as the next great tech hub. Yes, absolutely. We [reasoned] that here’s this technology sector, which is incredibly successful. Isn’t there some way that we can take the sheen of this sector and spread it around not just to people who are well educated and middle class, but also to people who are poorer and who don’t have the same kind of educational advantages—basically, to the 80 percent of the country that really is considered poor by any standard? At that time, there were barely even mobile phones. It was mostly Internet-connected PCs. I thought there was some way to use them in a way that we could support the health-care system, agriculture, or education. What was your success rate? I ultimately took stock of 50-odd projects that I had either been directly involved with or supervised. Very few were the kind where we felt, “This is working so well that we should really expand it.” Very often, it was because there were just limits to the human and institutional capacity on the ground that could take advantage of the technology. For example, in education, one of the most difficult things to overcome is the way in which education is done—everything from how the public school system is managed to how it’s administered to how the government interacts with it. In India, we found instances where teachers were often called away by the government. The government feels that they’re government employees and, therefore, can be called upon to help with other government tasks. Another example is the health-care system. If you go to a typical rural clinic, it’s not the kind of place that anybody from the United States would think of as a decent place to get health care. Bringing along a laptop, connecting it to wireless, and providing Internet so you can do telemedicine is just an incredibly thin cover. It’s a thin, superficial change.