10,000 Matching Annotations
  1. Mar 2026
    1. Long after you have moved on, if you have been kindenough to leave your computer on and the game running,CPU Sisyphus will push ever onward, making computationafter computation on that infinite hill (see figure 3.6).CODA: THE VIEW FROM THE BOTTOMVideo games, or, perhaps more to the point, computer games,are fundamentally made of computation. The system runninga game, whether it’s a PC, a PlayStation, or a pocket calculator,sends electrons streaming though logic gates in just such away that, up at your end of things, the show goes on. For thatreason, making a video game is very much about a conversa-tion with the stuff of computation. Developers must think interms of what a computer does well, from tireless repetition toprodigious memory to lightning-fast mathematics. We mustspeak their language.

      A bit of a pedantic turn, but sure...

    Annotators

    1. Another change was that as computers became small enough for people to buy them for their homes, they became seen as toys for boys and not girls. The same transition is seen in video game consoles from being for the whole family to being for boys only (e.g., the Nintendo Game Boy). In the end, computer programming became profitable and male-dominated.

      As a girl, I had always noticed this. I would oftentimes hang out with my male cousins, who would love to play video games, and when I wanted the chance to play my grandmother would retort with claims that video games werent for girls, and that I should be playing with dolls instead. Even when I was older and I had the ability to access the internet on my own, the games online for girls were always catered towards beauty or princesses, there was never anything of substance made for girls as there were for boys. Video games have had a long history of doing so, as when they were first being developed, many game developers would struggle to create games catered for girls, unlike the shooter and fighting games meant for boys. Thankfully, over the years game developers have truly begun to understand what types of games women really want, and are continuing to build and innovate each year.

    2. 19.6. Programming, Gender, Status, and Money# While we’ve been talking about capitalism and social media platforms, we also want to look at the world of programming as well. In particular, we want to highlight how the profession of programming went from being a disrespected, low-pay job for women, to being a highly respected and high paying job for men. 19.6.1. Programming as Women’s Work# As you may have noticed in chapter 2 of the book, the first programmers were almost all women. When computers were being invented, men put themselves in charge of building the physical devices (hardware), and then gave the work of programming the computer (software) to their assistants, often women. So, for example, you can see this at various stages of computer development, such as: 1800s: Charles Babbage describes the first full computer (Analytical Engine), and Ada Lovelace writes down the first computer program for it. 1945: The first general-purpose electrical computer was created by men and programmed by women 1950s: Grace Hopper invents the compiler to help with programming the computers (built by men) As women were advancing the field of computer programming, some of them became frustrated with how they were viewed, such as Margaret Hamilton: Fig. 19.2 Photo of Margaret Hamilton next to the computer program source code (which she was in charge of) for the Apollo missions to the moon.# When Margaret Hamilton was in charge of creating the software to run on the Apollo rockets, the men around her considered programming to be easy and less serious than the “engineering” they were doing in building the rocket. So, she began calling the programming she was doing “software engineering” to convey the complexity and rigor of the work she and her team were doing. She was able to convince her colleagues and the term “software engineering” became common. Still, up through the 1960s and 1970s, most computer companies made their money by selling the physical hardware. They happened to include some software to go with it, and people who bought the hardware would sometimes hire people to make more software. So software was still considered secondary, and up until the early 1980s, women were getting around 37% of computer science degrees. Fig. 19.3 Graph showing percentage of women receiving degrees in different fields from NPR.# 19.6.2. Programming for Boys and Men# In the early 1980s, a number of things changed which ended up with programming seen as a male profession, and a highly profitable and respected one. One of the changes was that some men in the computer business figured out how to make money selling software. This was particularly the case for Bill Gates who convinced companies like IBM to license his software, so he could continue making money as more people used it. Another change was that as computers became small enough for people to buy them for their homes, they became seen as toys for boys and not girls. The same transition is seen in video game consoles from being for the whole family to being for boys only (e.g., the Nintendo Game Boy). In the end, computer programming became profitable and male-dominated. As many are trying to get women into programming, so that they aren’t cut out of profitable and important fields, Amy Nguyen warns that men might just decide that programming is low status again (as has happened before in many fields): The history of women in the workplace always tells the same story: women enter a male-dominated profession, only to find that it’s no longer a respectable field. Because they’re a part of it, so men leave in droves. Because women do it, and therefore it must not be important. Because society would rather discredit an entire profession than acknowledge that a female-dominated field might be doing something that actually matters.

      I found this reading very interesting because it shows how the social perception of programming has changed over time. In the early days, programming was considered less important work and was often done by women, even though many of them made significant contributions to the field. As software became more profitable and respected, the field gradually became more male-dominated. This made me realize that the status of a profession is not always based on the difficulty or importance of the work, but can also be shaped by social and economic factors. It also highlights why it is important to make technology fields more inclusive so that opportunities in influential and well-paid careers are accessible to everyone.

    1. build on stu-dents’ enjoyment of physical activity to initiatediscussions about personally and socially re-sponsible behavior both inside and outside ofthe gymnasium

      This is an aspect that I feel is underdeveloped. An idea I had recently was to have a "Station Day" once every so often (probably every month). On this day, students would go through stations with small group or individual games that were from their class's playground bucket. These games would be self led through diagram/directional pages but they could ask the teacher for assistance. Once they learn the game, their class would gain the pages for their bucket. I think this would allow students a better idea of what to do when they are outside, even if only for one recess. This could also reenforce the concept of being a "good winner" or "good sport" and being a team player outside of gym class.

    1. As games scholars we should ask, is it fair to some game playersthat they are specifically targeted for monetization and personalization?Are existing monetization processes clear and transparent to players? Whattools can be provided to younger and vulnerable players to navigate theconduct and speech they encounter in multiplayer games? Indeed, the complexadvertising infrastructure underpinning many online games, especiallyfree-to-play (Nieborg, Poell, and Deuze 2019), raises many policy challenges.Many European countries policy makers and regulators are asking if gamesare crossing boundaries into gambling and banking

      Males are vulnerable, males are targeted.

    Annotators

    1. is perhaps best viewed as an internecine struggle over the strategies of the Blue Tribe in an era of political crisis and despair. Everyone has skin in the game, and the stakes are high.

      That was a lot of verbiage for little gain by the reader. This is really a techno-cultural intelligencia fight by the "rationalists" bubble. Who really cares about this and what truly is the impact? It's similar to the Charlie Kirk phenomena - a seemingly large internet bubble (hmmm....2M world-wide followers - mostly in the US out of 330M people). Young and old of everyone I asked - no one had heard of him before his death. Maybe that's just my bubble - but using the "rationalists" approach - I think the data would play out - these bubbles are just not that big - they only feel that way when you're online.

      Topics learned today - Grey Tribe (ugh), media vs hippies still exists

    1. So instead, Strasser tried a research-first "location scouting" approach. He went on an exhaustive virtual tour of various UK villages, taking lots of photos from Google Street View. After recreating several village streets in-game, Strasser finally pin-pointed what type of structure suited the game's needs, and settled on an unusual side street layout based on Pump Street in the village of Orfordarrow-up-right. Here, blockout was less about building a space, and more about discovering a space.

      这种是特定品类的实景流派

    2. For the first person narrative exploration game Firewatch (2016), developer Campo Santo wanted to focus on mechanics like walking and talking; the main appeal of the game concept was looking at art passed scenery and listening to voice acted dialogue. Following typical best practices, they first built a blockout to test the viability of these mechanics. However, the blockout did not help them answer any questions about the player experience because the game pacing was fundamentally a narrative design and environment art issue, not so much a level design issue. The traditional blockout process wasn't working.在第一人称叙事探索游戏《看火人》(2016)中,开发商 Campo Santo 希望专注于行走和对话等游戏机制;游戏的核心在于欣赏精美的场景和聆听配音对话。按照惯例,他们首先搭建了一个粗略的场景模型来测试这些机制的可行性。然而,粗略的场景模型并没有帮助他们解答任何关于玩家体验的问题,因为游戏节奏的根本问题在于叙事设计和环境美术,而非关卡设计。传统的粗略场景搭建流程并不奏效。According to environment artist Jane Ng's account, it wasn't clear whether Firewatch would "work" as an experience until they skipped the blockout process and instead completed a vertical slice prototype with an art passed environment and near-final dialogue. 根据环境艺术家 Jane Ng 的说法,直到他们跳过了场景搭建过程 ,而是完成了一个垂直切片原型,其中包含经过美术审核的环境和接近最终的对话,Firewatch 才有可能成为一款“成功”的游戏体验。

      这类强叙事的游戏更多的体验是美术资产决定的

    3. Build a wall segment that's approximately 150-200% as tall as the scale figure.建造一段高度约为比例模型高度 150-200% 的墙体 。If you're working in a modern game engine, sizes don't have to be exact -- the sense of proportion is most important to establish here.

      这里是一种经验范围的比例

    1. The first person horror game P.T. (2014) made players walk down the same hallways over and over, with a looping mechanic that teleports the player back to the start once they open the door at the end. It is a powerful use of the corridor, and would've suffered with a more open layout.

      走廊的最经典游戏

    1. For the influential 3D platformer game Super Mario 64 (1996), Miyamoto's team made only minimal concept art / layout sketches to plan major pacing beats:

      其实我实际过程中也赞成这一点,大概规划一下直接搭白盒就行了,因为3d游戏空间感更重要而且白盒搭起来挺快的比画画快多了。。

    1. Draw a map of the fictional game world, beyond the playable area in the game. What is the level's relation to the larger world or universe? Mapmaking is a very common worldbuilding trope in fantasy genre novels. And for level designers, a map is probably the most immediately useful worldbuilding tool. 绘制一张虚构游戏世界的地图,范围超出游戏中的可玩区域。该关卡与更广阔的世界或宇宙有何关联?绘制地图是奇幻小说中非常常见的世界构建手法。对于关卡设计师而言,地图或许是最直接有效的世界构建工具。The simplest way to engage the player is with plausibility. If you're new to worldbuilding, you should start with something familiar and Earth-like for now. 吸引玩家最简单的方法就是营造真实感。如果你是世界构建新手,最好先从一些玩家熟悉的、类似地球的世界入手。

      这种就是类似 冰与火的韦斯特罗大陆,或者类似指环王dnd的世界地图设定。相当于一个世界观的概念。

    2. So in this book we embrace a functionalist attitude toward game narrative: fictional storyworlds in video games serve a crucial design function to smooth over the inherent incoherence of interactive systems. That is, story solves game problems.

      除非是纯文字游戏,否则游戏的剧情还是要对玩法和机制服务的,其实就是边做边圆剧情的感觉

    1. But what does "4 out of 5 intensity" mean? The intensity score is just a gut feeling that emerges from knowing the game and observing playtests. It's not a hard science.

      一种感性的对关卡难度或者体验强度的规划

    2. For The Last Of Us (2013), Naughty Dog designers rearranged different levels, story moments, and themes throughout the entire arc of the game. This "beat board" (pictured below) helped them plan out the pacing for the finished game, which actually differs greatly from the early plan detailed here.

      其实我理解就是把一些关键的东西(剧情情节,关卡机制,谜题设计等)先整理枚举好,然后按照一条特定的主轴节奏排布上去

    3. If you're dreading the work of building out a set piece, or worse, you don't want any players to actually play through it, then you probably shouldn't do it.如果你害怕搭建场景,或者更糟的是,你不想让任何玩家真正体验它,那么你可能不应该这样做。If you are learning a new toolset, then don't plan a huge epic set piece. If you're new to game development, then gauging the scope of a set piece may be difficult until you have more experience. Remember: the best set piece is the set piece that you actually have a chance of finishing and releasing.

      其实这里的定位就是类似地心1的通关cg,这里先不做了,因为赶鸭是一个弱剧情的游戏。

    4. Any scene in a film or game that feels important, memorable, or expensive, is probably a set piece.

      赶鸭中目前缺少类似的设计,但是目前可以在每关的结尾处进行补充?

    1. As part of the planning process, build playground blockout test maps: big boxy courtyard levels filled with varied floors, room shapes, and game objects.

      这里是踩坑的点和后续需要优化的点 需要制作一个游乐场测试场景对各类机制进行测试 1.一些物体的基础长宽高比例 2.一些关卡物体的机制和尺寸和玩家与鸭群的适配性

    1. 荊軻游於邯鄲,魯句踐與荊軻博,爭道,魯句踐怒而叱之,荊軻嘿而逃去,遂不復會。While traveling in Handan, Jing Ke played a game of liubo with Lu Goujian and they quarreled over the rules. Lu Goujian became angry and scolded him, so Jing Ke remained silent and left without saying goodbye, never meeting again. 25 打開字典顯示相似段落刺客列傳: 荊軻既至燕,愛燕之狗屠及善擊筑者高漸離。荊軻嗜酒,日與狗屠及高漸離飲於燕市,酒酣以往,高漸離擊筑,荊軻和而歌於市中,相樂也,已而相泣,旁若無人者。荊軻雖游於酒人乎,然其為人沈深好書;其所游諸侯,盡與其賢豪長者相結。其之燕,燕之處士田光先生亦善待之,知其非庸人也。

      在第一次小組討論中,談及人物形象的時候,組員提及了荊軻是一個喜好和平和情緒穩定的人。但我不認同,我認為荊軻受到他人斥責時是有生氣的,但他選擇離開是因為他不希望把情緒爆發出來,原因不是因為喜愛和平,而是作為一個君子、讀書人,不應該隨便呈匹夫之勇。另一方面,刺客列傳中記載了荆軻出發刺秦王前,對太子丹的斥責十分嚴厲,而且他因為知遇之恩答應太子丹刺殺秦王也凸顯了他不是一位喜好和平的人,他沒有勸諫太子以和平的方式解決秦王的問題。

    1. igh school GPA and college course work are better indicators of a students’ prior academic preparation, especially for marginalized and minoritized students.

      High school GPA and college coursework are better indicators because they represent a student's ability/willingness to do work. Standardized tests examine a student's ability to play "the game."

    1. ‘It’s on social media, so it’s public!’ one could argue as a case for people’s right to act like forensic analysts on social media, and that is true. But this justification is typically valid when a) the person posting is someone of note, like a celebrity or a politician, and b) when the stakes are even a little bit high. In most cases of normal-person canceling, neither standard is met. Instead, it’s mob justice and vigilante detective work typically reserved for, say, unmasking the Zodiac killer, except weaponized against normal people. […] Platforms like TikTok, where even people with few or no followers often go viral overnight, expedite the shaming process.

      Social media is often seen as a "free range" for users to harass other users, with the idea that because all the information they found on the person is online, there's nothing objectively bad about publicising that information. There is also the matter of users often being behind anonymous accounts, where they're able to share this information without fear of retaliation. When users feel that someone has done something wrong, they often take things way too far. I've witnessed a situation where a woman was at a baseball game and a random person in the background made a disgusted face at the woman, and many of the users presumed that she did this with racist implications, as the person who was filming was a person of color. Users online then began to find the stranger's information- their house, job, linkedin, etc. They began to write fraudulent bad reviews under the stranger's job's review section, and eventually got the woman fired. This is just one of few cases of people on the internet taking things absolutely way too far, and causing greater harm to the stranger and the stranger's family, when people weren't even entirely sure if what she did was actially racist, or even deserved that type of behavior.**

    1. Author response:

      The following is the authors’ response to the original reviews

      Public Reviews:

      Reviewer #1 (Public review):

      (1) The authors appear to be excluding a significant fraction of the TCRlow gamma delta T cells from their analysis in Figure 1A. Since this population is generally enriched in CD25+ gamma delta T cells, this gating strategy could significantly impact their analysis due to the exclusion of progenitor gamma delta T cell populations.

      We were cautious in our gating strategy since the TCR𝛿+ CD3e+ subset is rather small and so low signal/background noise ratio can be an issue if the gates used are too broad/generous. There is some inevitable low level background staining with the TCR𝛿 that sits just above the bulk of the negative population and is CD3ε -ve. Although this background represents a tiny fraction of total cells, we were wary of gate contamination into our TCR𝛿+ CD3e<sup>+</sup> subset and we wanted a gating strategy that could be applied across other organs too. We do not, however, believe this conservative strategy is impacting on measurements progenitor numbers across strains or our conclusions, since the size of this progenitor population in the various IKKΔT<sup>CD2</sup> and Casp8ΔT<sup>CD2</sup> strains was never impacted by the mutations. But to reassure the reviewer, we show our conservative gate as compared with a very broad TCR𝛿 gate and see we are not missing a substantial population of CD25+ cells just below our gate. This also helps illustrate how close the background from the CD27<sup>int</sup> expressing αβ thymocytes (right column) comes to the TCR𝛿+ CD3+ gate and the importance of tight lineage gating.

      Author response image 1.

      (2) The overall phenotype of the IKKDeltaTCd2 mice is not described in any great detail. For example, it is not clear if these mice possess altered thymocyte or peripheral T cell populations beyond that of gamma delta T cells.

      Given that gamma delta T cell development has been demonstrated to be influenced by gamma delta T cells (i.e, trans-conditioning), this information could have aided in the interpretation of the data.

      Apologies for not being clearer on this point. We have studied conventional αβ T cell development in these strains in considerable detail, and these studies are published and discussed in some detail in the introduction in paragraph 3 on page 3-4 and in cited references Schmidt-Supprian et al 2004, SIlva et al 2014, Xing et al 2016, Webb et al 2019, Carty et al 2023. These detail how IKK expression is critical for thymic development of αβ T cells and their peripheral survival, and dissects the role of NF-κB activation and cell death regulation by IKK. However, we now add new discussion (page 11-12) that considers the potential impact of altered αβ T cell development in the strains used for this study.

      We agree that trans-conditioning is also an important consideration, since CD4 TH17 T cells can enhance type 17 𝛾𝛿 T cell development (10.1038/icb.2011.50). This is of relevance to the limited conclusions we draw concerning type 17 𝛾𝛿 T cells. The REL and IKK deficient strains do lack effector populations, including type 17 αβ T cells, so it is possible that the absence of type 17 αβ T cells in these strains does contribute to the modest impact of IKK deletion in the type 17 𝛾𝛿 subset. We now highlight this information and discuss in the manuscript (page 11-12).

      Related to this, it would have been helpful if the authors provided a comparison of the frequencies of each of the relevant subsets, in addition to the numbers.

      We now provide both the absolute frequencies of different 𝛾𝛿 subsets and their relative frequencies to one another, as supplementary figure 2. We still believe assessing absolute numbers is the gold standard, since the differential impact of gene deletions on the αβ T cell compartments in different strains will effect whether or not αβ T cells are present, and therefore overall representation of 𝛾𝛿 T cells can vary considerably between strains. Hence, absolute numbers are more reliable measure of cell abundance.

      (3) The manner in which the peripheral gamma delta T cell compartment was analyzed is somewhat unclear. The authors appear to have assessed both spleen and lymph node separately. The authors show representative data from only one of these organs (usually the lymph node) and show one analysis of peripheral gamma delta T cell numbers, where they appear to have summed up the individual spleen and lymph node gamma delta T cell counts. Since gamma deltaT17 and gamma deltaT1 are distributed somewhat differently in these compartments (lymph node is enriched in gamma deltaT17, while spleen is enriched in gamma deltaT1), combining these data does not seem warranted. The authors should have provided representative plots for both organs and calculated and analyzed the gamma delta T cell numbers for both organs separately in each of these analyses.

      We did of course process and calculate numbers of different subsets in both lymph nodes and spleen. Where we saw loss of peripheral 𝛾𝛿 subsets, or rescue, this was reflected in seperate analysis of both organs and we did not see any organs specific effects in the mouse strains analysed. We therefore took the initial view that presenting aggregate data was most efficient and least repetitive representation of data. However, we very much recognise the reviewers concern, and interest to see these data, so have now included representative plots across both organs for figure 1D, and show cell numbers of lymph nodes and spleen separately, as well as together, for figures 1, 2, 4 and 7, and these plots reflect the differences observed when we combined data. We did not break down the data for all figures (e.g. figures 3 and 5) as it was more cumbersome for more complex multi-strain comparisons and so attempt to balance clarity and transparency against unnecessary repetitive data presentation.

      (4) The authors make extensive use of surrogate markers in their analysis. While the markers that they choose are widely used, there is a possibility that the expression of some of these markers may be altered in some of their genetic mutants. This could skew their analysis and conclusions. A better approach would have been to employ either nuclear stains (Tbx21, RORgammaT) or intracellular cytokine staining to definitively identify functional gamma deltaT1 or gamma deltaT17 subsets.

      We did share a similar concern, but think this is not an issue where subsets disappear and are almost completely absent, such as in IKK1/2 KO and Casp8 KO settings. Where we saw rescue with RIPK1<sup>D138N</sup> in Casp8ΔT<sup>CD2</sup> strains, we were keen to demonstrate that the populations we saw restored did exhibit their expected function, and so confirmed this in figure 5C by intracellular cytokine staining after a short 4h restimulation in vitro. This also served to validate our gating strategy, since what we designated as Type 1 cells - CD27+CD122+CD44<sup>int</sup> cells were the only source of IFN-gamma, while CD27–CD44<sup>hi</sup> CD122<sup>lo</sup> cells were the only source of IL-17. Adaptive/ naive cells made neither cytokine. So while we did not include nuclear stains, we were satisfied that the cytokine assays validated the gating strategy.

      (5) The analysis and conclusion of the data in Figure 3A is not convincing. Because the data are graphed on log scale, the magnitude of the rescue by kinase dead RIPK1 appears somewhat overstated. A rough calculation suggests that in type 1 game delta T cells, there is ~ 99% decrease in gamma delta T cells in the Cre+WT strain and a ~90% decrease in the Cre+KD+ strain. Similarly, it looks as if the numbers for adaptive gamma delta T cells are a 95% decrease and an 85% decrease, respectively. Comparing these data to the data in Figure 5, which clearly show that kinase dead RIPK1 can completely rescue the Caspase 8 phenotype, the conclusion that gamma delta T cells require IKK activity to repress RIPK1-dependent pathways does not appear to be well-supported. In fact, the data seem more in line with a conclusion that IKK has a significant impact on gamma delta T cell survival in the periphery that cannot be fully explained by invoking Caspase8-dependent apoptosis or necroptosis. Indeed, while the authors seem to ultimately come to this latter conclusion in the Discussion, they clearly state in the Abstract that "IKK repression of RIPK1 is required for survival of peripheral but not thymic gamma delta T cells." Clarification of these conclusions and seeming inconsistencies would greatly strengthen the manuscript. With respect to the actual analysis in Figure 3A, it appears that the authors used a succession of non-parametric t-tests here without any correction. It may be helpful to determine if another analysis, such as ANOVA, may be more appropriate.

      Yes, we completely agree with this assessment and conclusion. While kinase dead RIPK1 does provide some rescue, this appears relatively modest, and instead supports the view, validated in figure 7, that maybe the dominant function of IKK in 𝛾𝛿 T cells is to activate NF-κB dependent survival signals. Nevertheless, RIPK1<sup>D138N</sup> does provide some significant rescue, which allows some peripheral cells to repopulate and demonstrates that IKK is repressing RIPK1 mediated cell death. It is actually not trivial to assess the relative importance of IKK-RIPK1 and IKK-NF-κB functions. In the IKKΔT<sup>CD2</sup> RIPK1<sup>D138N</sup> mice, we prevent RIPK1 induced death, but still lack the NF-κB-dependent survival signal. Consistent with this, the ~1log reduction in 𝛾𝛿 numbers between WT and IKKΔT<sup>CD2</sup> RIPK1<sup>D138N</sup> mice is actually similar to what we observe in the absence of REL subunits (Fig. 7) which is a smaller reduction than we observe in IKKΔT<sup>CD2</sup> mice. What would have been ideal is to have a scenario where IKK regulation of RIPK1 was defective but NF-κB survival signalling was intact. This would reveal the full impact of loosing IKK dependent regulation of RIPK1 alone, which we suspect would result in substantial cell death that could not be blocked by NF-κB. Unfortunately, we not have or know of suitable mouse mutants to test this. This is quite a nuanced discussion and we now clarify the scope and extent of conclusions we can draw (p. 7, 11).

      (6) The conclusion that the alternative pathway is redundant for the development and persistence of the major gamma delta T cell subsets is at odds with a previous report demonstrating that Relb is required for gamma delta T17 development (Powolny-Budnicka, I., et al., Immunity 34: 364-374, 2011). This paper also reported the involvement of RelA in gamma delta T17 development. The present manuscript would be greatly improved by the inclusion of a discussion of these results.

      Thank you - we include a discussion of these papers now (p12).

      (7) The data in Figures 1C and 3A are somewhat confusing in that while both are from the lymph nodes of IKKdeltaTCD2 mice, the data appear to be quite different (In Figure 3A, the frequency of gamma delta T cells increases and there is a near complete loss of the CD27+ subset. In Figure 1A, the frequency of gamma delta T cells is drastically decreased, and there is only a slight loss of the CD27+ subset.)

      Yes, we agree these do like quite different and could be confusing. The lymph nodes from IKKΔT<sup>CD2</sup> lack αβ T cells and B cells, and so the cellularity is much lower than normal. Consequently, the percentage representation of remaining cells can be more noisy, while total cellularity calculations are more consistent. This is not an issue in the other strains that all have more cells in lymph nodes. We now show plots from spleen of the same mice which appear better aligned with additional splenic data shown in Figure 1.

      Reviewer #2 (Public review):

      (1) All approaches used confer changes to the entire T cell compartment. Therefore, the authors are unable to resolve whether the observations are mediated by direct and/or indirect effects (e.g., disorganized lymphoid architecture impacting maintenance/survival/homing).

      We address this important point in the discussion (p11-12). The impacts of gene deletions upon αβ and 𝛾𝛿 T cells operate independently of one another (as also discussed in response to reviewer 1). For instance, the phenotype of αβ T cells is identical in IKKΔT<sup>CD2</sup> and IKKΔT<sup>CD4</sup> mice - 𝛾𝛿 T cells are only targeted in IKKΔT<sup>CD2</sup> mice. Similarly, the phenotype of 𝛾𝛿 T cells is similar in IKKΔT<sup>CD2</sup> vs Casp8.IKKΔT<sup>CD2</sup> strains. αβ T cells are absent from IKKΔT<sup>CD2</sup> but present in near normal numbers in Casp8.IKKΔT<sup>CD2</sup> mice. Others have also noted that 𝛾𝛿 T cell development is normal in Rag deficient mice (10.1126/science.1604321). In any case, an absence of αβ T cells is expected to promote 𝛾𝛿 T cell survival in the absence of competition for common utilised cytokines such as IL-7 and IL-15, though we do not see much evidence for this in mice with and without αβ T cells such as IKKΔT<sup>CD2</sup> vs Casp8. IKKΔT<sup>CD2</sup> strains. We do now discuss the potential contribution of trans-conditioning for type 17 𝛾𝛿 T cell development (p12).

      (2) Assessment of factors that impact T cell numbers in the periphery is necessary. Are there observable changes to the proliferation, survival, and migration of gd T cell subsets?

      In IKKΔT<sup>CD2</sup> and Casp8. IKKΔT<sup>CD2</sup> deficient strains, we infer a defect in survival, since they lack peripheral 𝛾𝛿 T cells, despite normal thymic development. Their absence made it hard to assess proliferation and migration, though 𝛾𝛿 T cells were absent from all lymphoid organs. The conclusions that defective survival is responsible for the absence of 𝛾𝛿 T cells in the different strains is also supported by the rescue of IKKΔT<sup>CD2</sup> and Casp8ΔT<sup>CD2</sup> strains by kinase dead RIPK1D138N. Furthermore, the presence of small numbers of residual populations in lymph nodes and spleen of IKKΔT<sup>CD2</sup> and Casp8ΔT<sup>CD2</sup> strains demonstrates that migration patterns were normal. Were cells unable to recirculate, they might be expected to fail to leave the thymus, or to accumulate in the spleen. We so no evidence of either of these scenarios.

      (3) TCRd chain usage, especially among type 3 gd T cells, should be assessed.

      We did not unfortunately, assess chain usage, choosing rather to rely of phenotypic identity of specific subsets, which we show in figure 5C, was extremely robust. IL-17 was only secreted by CD27– CD44<sup>hi</sup> 𝛾𝛿 T cells, while IFN-gamma was only secreted by CD27+ CD44<sup>hi</sup> 𝛾𝛿 T cells. We argue that the production of these key effector cytokines is the most direct test of a subsets functional identity and the phenotypic designation is robust.

      (4) The functional consequences of IKK signaling on gd T cells were largely unaddressed. Cytokine analyses were performed only in the RIPK1D138N Casp8∆TCD2 model, leaving open the question of how canonical NF-κB-dependent signaling impacts the long-term functionality of gd T cells.

      Yes, we agree this remains an open question around the transcriptional mechanisms by which NFκB signalling promotes cell survival, and one best addressed in future studies. We did not perform cytokine staining more widely, because the cytokine assay relies on short term re-stimulation of T cells with PMA and ionomycin. PMA activates PKC which in turn activates NF-κB signalling to elicit the cytokine response measured in this assay. As such, the results of such assays would be hard to interpret. We agree it would be interesting to investigate the functional consequences of REL deficiency in future studies, although this may need a more nuanced setting where 𝛾𝛿 T cells are not lost as a result of their defective survival.

      (5) The authors suggest that Caspase 8 is required for the development and maintenance of type 3 gd T cells. While the authors discussed the limitations of assessing adult mice in interpreting the data, it seems like a relatively straightforward experiment to perform.

      We did attempt these experiments with collaborators by analysing type 17 𝛾𝛿 T cell development in fetal thymic organ culture (FTOC). However, the GM mice are not so easy to breed and generating the large numbers of embryos required to set up the FTOCs proved too challenging and we were unable to generate these data.

      (6) While analyses of Casp8∆TCD2 RIPK1D138N mice suggest that loss of adaptive and type 1 gamma delta T cells in Casp8∆TCD2 animals is due to necroptosis, the contribution of RIPK3 kinase activity remains unexamined. RIPK3 activity determines whether cells die via necroptosis or apoptosis in RIPK1/Caspase8-dependent signaling, and inclusion of this analysis would strengthen mechanistic insights.

      Given time and resources, it would have been ideal to confirm necroptotic cell death by alternative knockouts, such as RIPK3 or MLKL. However, formation of the necrosome is dependent on kinase active RIPK1, since autophosphorylation of RIPK1 changes its conformation to allow recruitment of RIPK3 and MLKL and formation of the necrosome. Therefore, the rescue of CASPASE8 deficient T cells from cell death by kinase dead RIPK1 is very solid genetic evidence of necroptosis.

      (7) Canonical NF-κB signaling through cRel alone was not evaluated, leaving a gap in the understanding of transcriptional pathways required for gd T cell subsets.

      This was assessed in p105/RelA knockout strain, which only express cREL. What we lacked was an assessment of what RelA/p50 dimers can support in the absence of cREL. We do however, show the impact of RelA single deficiency, and RelA/p50 deficiency.

      In truth, we had many REL deficient strains and it was challenging to make all the combinations we wanted. However, we try to compensate for this by discussing what cREL:cREL dimers and cREL:P50 dimers are capable of doing by analysing 𝛾𝛿 T cell development in p105/RELA DKO and RELA KO mice - these do show that cREL:P50 can compensate in the absence of RELA, but cREL:cREL cannot.

      Reviewer #3 (Public review):

      Weaknesses:

      The paper would benefit greatly from a graphical abstract that could summarize the key findings, making the key findings accessible to the general immunology or biochemistry reader. Ideally, this graphic would distinguish the requirements for NF-κB signals sustaining thymic γδ T cell differentiation from peripheral maintenance, taking into account the various subsets and signaling pathways required. In addition, the authors should consider adding further literature comparing the requirements for NF-κB /necroptosis pathways in regulating other non-conventional T cell populations, such as iNKT, MAIT, or FOXP3+ Treg cells. These data might help position the requirements described here for γδ T cells compared to other subsets, with respect to homeostatic cues and transcriptional states.

      Thank you - we have added such discussions. We are happy to add a graphical abstract if journal constraints permit this.

      Last and least, there are multiple grammatical errors throughout the manuscript, and it would benefit from further editing. Likewise, there are some minor errors in figures (e.g., Figure 3A, add percentage for plot from IKKDT.RIPK1D138N mouse; Figure 7, “Adative").

      Thank you !

    1. Trying to rewrite my past in an effort to not have to translate it.

      3) In this passage, Lina describes how difficult it was to translate her experiences of war into English after moving to Canada. As a translator, she explains that translating is not just about replacing words — it requires breaking apart an experience, feeling it fully, and then reconstructing or “planting” it into another language. But here, when it is her own trauma she is translating, she struggles. The English words feel lighter and unable to carry the emotional and historical weight of what she lived. This reminds me of something Sheikh Hamza Yusuf once said. He described a scholar as someone who “yutqin al ingliziya” (he mastered the English language), and his Sheikh responded, “Hal yutqin 3aqliyatuha?” — meaning, did he master its mindset? Language does not exist alone; it carries the worldview, history, and lived experience of the people who speak it. To truly understand or translate a language, one must understand its people and how they think. In Lina’s case, she not only has to understand Arabic and the mindset of the people whose experiences she carries, but she must also understand English and the mindset of the audience reading her work. She must deconstruct both “language baggages” and feel the story in both atmospheres before rebuilding it. This reminds me of the empathy game we played in class, where we had to take apart an object and reconstruct it by feeling and describing it blindly. Translation seems to require a similar kind of deep, embodied understanding. My question is: If Lina avoided her heavy identity as a young girl in Canada and treated her war vocabulary almost as something shameful, what changed later that allowed her to reclaim it? What development occurred that enabled her not only to articulate her own experience, but to translate entire worlds between Arabic and English? Was it that, over time, her understanding of both communities deepened, allowing her to move between them more confidently rather than feeling forced to choose one?

    1. This study especially focuses on college students' communication activities on social media that might positively influence their group identity and collective self-esteem. For college students, in particular, social media have become deeply rooted in daily life, allowing users to share a variety of campus life-related events and issues (Ellison et al., 2007, Lenhart and Madden, 2007). Recognizing the impacts of interaction on social media, universities offer diverse news about the university on social media, and students indeed actively use social media for school work and many other aspects of their college life (Nández & Borrego, 2013). The use of social media has become a popular way for sports fans to enjoy sports events by posting and talking about the events and to connect to athletes and other sports fans (Kim, Liu, & Shan, 2017). Because engagement in sports can be an instrument for individuals to identify with other members of a community (Anderson & Stone, 1981), the current study expects that college students' social media use related to college sports will be associated with their group identity and collective self-esteem. This may be especially true given that college students share their common experiences and feelings about their own university's sports events with other friends and colleagues on social media platforms.

      What this means to me: This paragraph explains that social media is a big part of student life, especially when it comes to sports. Posting and talking about games might help students feel more connected to their school.

      Questions: Would this work the same way for students who don’t care about sports?

      Does just watching posts count, or do you have to actually post and comment?

      Connection: This connects to other research showing that social media can increase feelings of belonging.

      Real-life connection: When there’s a big football game, my feed is full of school spirit. Even if I’m not there, I still feel like I’m part of it.

  2. Feb 2026
    1. Our company hosts a game club. Every week we choose a new game,play it for a week and then we get together during a workday to discusswhat it was like. And then we play the next one (Patrik, game designer).

      I am worried it may not be moderated/guided/systematised, though.

    2. Leo, operations manager responsible for project management and employerwell-being, described the pedagogical value of playing together:When you play a console game and others gather around you, it is interest-ing to see what kind of observations different people make. Some peoplemay focus on a beautiful animation whereas others look at mechanics, orwhatever is their thing. Someone may have special expertise in certainissues and it’s instructive to focus on one thing at the time together.You learn much more than with your own eyes alone (Leo, operationsmanager).Importantly, playing together can help to accumulate shared vocabulary thatis useful when collaborating in game development related tasks. O’Donnell(2009, para. 1.6) uses the term ‘game talk’ when referring to the processthat ‘provides discursive resources for developers when trying to describeabstract concepts like game mechanics’.

      To watch others play. To be the mentor, the meaningful other. To bond, to generate a culture. Create new expressions! A shared pool of experiences means a shared pool of references to use, which means less time having to explain without having lived them, and more time working.

    3. In various countries, it was the student communities,homebrew scenes, and demoscenes that birthed and developed the videogame form (see Jørgensen, Sandqvist, and Sotamaa 2015; Švelch 2018; Swalwell2012). This point cannot be stressed enough: video games, and video gamemakers existed before the video game industry, and ‘amateur-game designis by and large the norm by which game development occurs, and out ofwhich commercial game production continually emerges, reacts and shifts’(McCrea 2012, 179).As a video game industry formalized through the 1970s and 1980s inselect parts of the world, hobbyists and amateur game making activityremained common.

      Newgrounds...

    Annotators

    1. There’s a fun game I like to play in a group of trusted friends called “Controversial Opinion.”

      This is a game that would get people into fights and arguments.

    1. Reviewer #1 (Public review):

      This manuscript reports on the behavior of participants playing a game to measure exploration. Specifically, participants completed a task with blocks of exploratory choices (choosing between two 'tables', and within each table, two 'card decks', each of which had a specific probability of showing cards with one color versus another) and test choices, where participants were asked to choose which of the two decks per table had a higher likelihood of one color. Blocks differed on how long (how many trials) the exploration phase lasted. Participants' choices were fit to increasingly complex models of next-trial exploration. Participants' choices were best fit by an intermediate model where the difference in uncertainty between tables influenced the choice. Next, the authors investigated factors affecting whether participants sought out or avoided uncertainty, their choice reaction times, and the relationship of these measures with performance during the test phase of each block. Participants were uncertainty-seeking (exploratory) under most levels of overall uncertainty but became less uncertainty-seeking at high levels of total uncertainty. Participants with a stronger tendency to approach uncertainty at lower levels of total uncertainty were more accurate in the test phase, while the tendency to avoid uncertainty when total uncertainty was high was also weakly positively related to test accuracy. In terms of reaction times, participants whose reaction times were more related to the level of uncertainty, and who deliberated longer, performed better. The individual tendency to repeat choices was related to avoidance of uncertainty under high total uncertainty and better test performance. Lastly, choices made after a longer lag were less affected by these measures.

    2. Author response:

      The following is the authors’ response to the original reviews

      We would like to sincerely thank the editor and reviewers for their thoughtful and constructive feedback on our manuscript. We are grateful not only for the close reading and insightful suggestions, but also for the open and generous way in which the reviewers engaged with our work. In revising the manuscript, we have clarified how our contribution is situated within the existing literature, conducted additional analyses to examine individual differences in exploration strategies, expanded and refined our description of the DDM analyses, and added correlations between strategies and other behavioral measures. We have also clarified methodological points, such as the estimation of thresholds, and provided new supplementary figures and analyses where appropriate. In several places, we have modified and qualified our interpretations in line with the reviewers’ comments. We believe these changes have significantly strengthened the manuscript, and we are grateful for the scientific dialogue with the reviewers.

      Review 1 (Public review):

      This manuscript reports on the behavior of participants playing a game to measure exploration. Specifically, participants completed a task with blocks of exploratory choices (choosing between two 'tables', and within each table, two 'card decks', each of which had a specific probability of showing cards with one color versus another) and test choices, where participants were asked to choose which of the two decks per table had a higher likelihood of one color. Blocks differed on how long (how many trials) the exploration phase lasted. Participants' choices were fit to increasingly complex models of next-trial exploration. Participants' choices were best fit by an intermediate model where the difference in uncertainty between tables influenced the choice. Next, the authors investigated factors affecting whether participants sought out or avoided uncertainty, their choice reaction times, and the relationship of these measures with performance during the test phase of each block. Participants were uncertainty-seeking (exploratory) under most levels of overall uncertainty but became less uncertainty-seeking at high levels of total uncertainty. Participants with a stronger tendency to approach uncertainty at lower levels of total uncertainty were more accurate in the test phase, while the tendency to avoid uncertainty when total uncertainty was high was also weakly positively related to test accuracy. In terms of reaction times, participants whose reaction times were more related to the level of uncertainty, and who deliberated longer, performed better. The individual tendency to repeat choices was related to avoidance of uncertainty under high total uncertainty and better test performance. Lastly, choices made after a longer lag were less affected by these measures.

      The authors note that their paradigm, which does not provide immediate rewarding feedback, is novel. However, the resulting behavior appears similar to other exploratory learning tasks, so it's unclear what this task design adds - besides perhaps showing that exploratory behavior is similar across types of reward environments. Several papers have shown that cognitive constraints modulate exploration (PMIDs: 30667262, 24664860, 35917612, 35260717); although this paper provides novel insights, it does not situate its findings in the context of this prior literature. As a result, what it adds to the literature is difficult to discern.

      We are grateful for your thoughtful reading of our paper and for pointing us to these relevant references. We appreciate the need to clarify how our work is situated within the existing literature. In brief, the novelty of our paper lies in measuring exploration in contexts where it is not in direct competition with the need to exploit knowledge for reward. This approach enables us to include orders of magnitude more exploration trials. With this increased power, we were able— for the first time— to distinguish between competing algorithms for addressing uncertainty, and we identified a novel tendency to avoid uncertainty when overall uncertainty is high. We now state this more clearly in the discussion section and cite the suggested papers.

      “While the literature on exploration is expansive, the paradigm presented here extends it in important ways. Researchers of reinforcement learning have previously examined exploration in the context of reward-seeking decisions. Using such paradigms as the bandit task Schulz and Gershman (2019), it was demonstrated that humans don't always choose the option they believe will yield the most reward, but also make random and directed choices with the aim of exploring other uncertain options (Schulz and Gershman, 2019; Wilson et al., 2014). Recently, studies using the bandit task have lent empirical support to the notion that exploration is difficult, as participants explore less under time pressure or cognitive load (Brown et al., 2022; Otto et al., 2014; Cogliati Dezza et al., 2019; Wu et al., 2022). Crucially, this literature has focused on cases where reward can be gained on each trial (Brown et al., 2022; Cohen et al., 2007; Daw et al., 2006; Schulz and Gershman, 2019; Song et al., 2019; Tversky and Edwards, 1966; Wilson et al., 2014; Wu et al., 2022). In such tasks, the motivation to exploit current knowledge predominates exploration, rendering it rare and difficult to measure (Findling et al., 2019). In contrast, our task was designed to remove the impetus to immediately exploit current knowledge , and as a result we were able to observe many exploratory choices. With this increased experimental power, we were able to compare different algorithms approximating the goal of approaching uncertainty, and describe how and when humans avoid uncertainty instead of approaching it.”

      Reviewer #1 (Recommendations For The Authors):

      Are all participants best fit by the delta uncertainty model? Since other parts of the paper focus on individual differences, it would be useful to examine if people differ in the computational complexity of their exploration strategies and if this difference relates to other behavior.

      We thank you for this helpful suggestion, which prompted us to conduct additional analyses. To address your question, we summarized point-wise predictive accuracy for each participant and compared it across the three models. The results are presented in the new Supplements 2 and 3 to Figure 6.

      These analyses show that, for the vast majority of participants, uncertainty was favored over exposure as a choice strategy, and for a sizable majority, it was also favored over EIG. As detailed in Figure 6 and its supplements, 125 participants were best described by uncertainty relative to EIG, 58 by EIG, and 11 showed inconclusive results. Similarly, 96 participants were better fit by uncertainty than exposure, while an additional 72 had negative exposure coefficients (consistent with uncertainty-based choice). Exposure was supported for 26 participants.

      We also examined how these strategies relate to other behavioral measures. Exposure was not strongly linked to test performance. EIG, by contrast, showed a positive association with test performance, perhaps because it is more closely correlated with uncertainty. Importantly, however, across posterior predictive checks in the main text and supplements, approaching uncertainty continues to provide the best overall description of participants’ strategies.

      The authors construct a hierarchy of exploratory strategies. Perseveration/switching is also an explore/exploit strategy that would lie above random exploration in the authors' hierarchy.

      We chose not to place perseveration within the hierarchy, as from a normative perspective it is not, strictly speaking, an exploration strategy. At its extreme, perseveration would lead a participant to repeatedly sample only one option, leaving the others entirely unexplored. Switching is represented in the hierachy by the equating exposure strategy – they are very similar.

      For the analyses examining uncertainty seeking vs. aversion by total uncertainty, how was the cut point determined? Did this differ across people?

      Thank you for highlighting the need for greater clarity on this point. The threshold was indeed fitted to the data and varied significantly across participants (see Table 6 in Appendix 3). For each participant, the threshold marks the point at which behavior shifts from approaching to avoiding uncertainty. This threshold is a key factor underlying individual differences in the tendency to avoid uncertainty when overall uncertainty is high, as illustrated in the analyses of Figure 6 and related results. We now make this point clearer in the methods section:

      “To quantify how the influence of Δ-uncertainty on choice varied with overall uncertainty, we fit a multilevel piecewise logistic regression model. This model estimated a threshold in overall uncertainty, treated as a free parameter, and allowed the slope of Δ-uncertainty on choice to differ below and above this threshold. Below the threshold, a positive slope reflects a tendency to approach uncertainty; above the threshold, a negative interaction captures the tendency to avoid Δ-uncertainty with higher values of overall uncertainty.”

      More details on the DDM analyses are needed - it's not clear how the outputs of the DDM correspond to what is stated in the text in the results.

      We agree that the section detailing the DDM analyses could be clarified. We analyzed two key parameters of the DDM: the drift rate, which we interpret as reflecting the efficacy of deliberation over uncertainty, and the bound separation, which corresponds to the tendency to deliberate rather than respond quickly. Our results show that good learners exhibit both higher drift rates and higher bounds. When participants repeat a previous choice, both the drift rate and bounds are lower. We changed the way we report the results:

      “We found that RTs indeed varied in relation to the absolute value of Δ-uncertainty as expected b=0.69, 95\% PI=[0.58,0.78]. Crucially, a stronger dependence of RT on the absolute value of Δ-uncertainty predicted better performance at test (drift-rate and test performance association b=0.81, 95% PI=[0.58,1.07]). We further found that participants who tended to deliberate longer for the sake of accuracy also tended to perform better at test (bound height and test perfromance association b=1.46, 95% PI=[0.58,2.34]; Figure8c). In summary, participants who were better at deliberating about uncertainty during exploration, and who deliberated for longer, performed better at test. Thus, making good exploratory choices that lead to efficient learning involves prolonged deliberation.”

      We also provide a detailed explanation of this correspondence in the Methods section:

      “The DDM explains RTs as the culmination of three interpretable terms. The first is the efficacy of a participant’s thought process in furnishing relevant evidence for the decision - in our case the efficacy of choosing according to Δ-uncertainty (the drift rate in DDM parlance). The second term governs the participant’s speed-accuracy tradeoff by determining how much evidence they require to commit to a decision. This can also be thought of as how long a participant is willing to deliberate when a decision is difficult (bound height). Finally, the portion of the RT not linked to the deliberation process is captured by a third term (non-decision time).”

      The authors note that "the three choice strategies prescribe different table choices on most trials" but (from what I can see) only provide a representative participant's plot in Figure 2. What was the overall correlation of predicted choices from the three models?

      Thank you for pointing out this oversight. The correlations are now shown in the supplement to Figure 2. In brief, correlations between exposure and the other two strategies are low, while the correlation between EIG and uncertainty is moderate. These dependencies motivated our decision to fit a separate logistic regression model for each strategy and to compare strategies using formal model comparison and posterior predictive checks, rather than including them all in a single regression model.

      It appears that the models are all constructed to predict table choices and not card deck choices. Can the authors clarify this? If so, what role do the card deck choices have?

      Indeed, the manuscript focuses on table choices, as these are the choices of primary interest from an exploration perspective. It is most straightforward to define the three exploration strategies with respect to table choices, whereas for deck choices it is not clear how to define EIG in respect to the perforamnce at test. The hierarchical structure of the task was originally chosen to increase complexity, with the goal of creating a rich task that engages cognitive resources. We have not formally tested this assumption, and do not expect that the patterns we observe should be absent in a flat version of the task.

      Reviewer 2 (Public review):

      Summary:

      This paper focuses on an interesting question that has puzzled psychologists for decades, that is, why do people demonstrate a mix of uncertainty approach and avoidance behavior, given the fact that reducing uncertainty could always gain information and seems beneficial? This paper designed a novel task to demonstrate behavioral signatures of uncertainty approaching and avoidance during the exploration phase within the same task at both a within-subject and betweensubject level. On the algorithmic level, this paper compared four different implementations of uncertainty-guided exploration and found that the model sensitive to relative uncertainty provides the best fit for human behavior compared to its counterparts using expected information gain or past exposure. This paper then links people's uncertainty attitude with accuracy and finds that uncertainty avoidance during exploration does not impair task performance, implying that uncertainty avoidance may be the output of a resource-rational decision-making process. To examine this account, this paper uses reaction time as an independent proxy of costly deliberation and shows that people deliberate shorter when engaging in repetitive choice, which presumably saves cognitive resources. Finally, the paper shows that people's tendency to engage in repetitive choice correlates with their tendency to avoid uncertainty, which supports the argument that avoiding uncertainty could be a strategy developed under the constraint of limited cognitive resources.

      Strengths:

      One of the highlights of this paper, as mentioned in the previous paragraph, is that the authors can establish the existence of the uncertainty approach and avoidance behavior within the same task whereas previous work usually focuses on one of them. This dissociation allows the authors to examine what situational factor is related to the emergence of the act of avoiding uncertainty, and extract parameters describing participants' attitude towards uncertainty during baseline as well as during situations where uncertainty avoidance is more common. Besides documenting the existence of uncertainty avoidance behavior, this paper also tried to explain this behavior by proposing under the resource rational framework and has carefully quantified different aspects (e.g., accuracy; choice speed) of participants' behavior as well as examined their relationships. Though more experiments are needed to fully understand human uncertainty avoidance behavior, this paper has provided both empirical and theoretical contributions toward a mechanistic understanding of how people balance approaching and avoiding uncertainty.

      Weaknesses:

      I have a couple of concerns related to this paper. First, there seems to exist an anticorrelation between total uncertainty and absolute relative uncertainty (Figure 5 panel C, \delta uncertainty is restricted to a small range when total uncertainty is high). It seems to be a natural product of the exploration process since the high total uncertainty phase is usually the period where the participant knows little about either option, leading to a less distinguishable relative uncertainty. However, it remains unknown whether the documented uncertainty avoidance still applies when extrapolating to larger absolute relative uncertainty.

      We sincerely thank you for your close reading of our manuscript and for highlighting its strengths. In the paradigm we study, overall and relative uncertainty are not anticorrelated. While the two are related—as in any finite-information exploration task, where the value of overall uncertainty constrains the possible range of relative uncertainty—they are not correlated and can therefore be used as predictors in a single regression model. We agree that strategies could differ substantially in a (near) infinite-information setting, such as when people seek semantic knowledge. The advantage of a finite-information task is its tractability, which enables the computational analyses we conducted. That said, the inherently greater intractability of an infinite-information task would likely alter human strategies, as it poses challenges both to participants and to researchers.

      It would be great if the experiment allows for a manipulation of uncertainty in the middle of the experiment (e.g., introducing a new deck/informing that one deck has been updated)

      We agree, and look forward to probing this question in the future. We’ve added the point to our discussion section:

      “Our theoretical analysis and experiments leave several open questions. One concerns the relationship between overall uncertainty and time on task: in our paradigm, overall uncertainty was correlated with the number of cards observed. Although our findings remain robust when trial number is included as a covariate in the regression models, future work could more directly disentangle these factors by orthogonalizing overall uncertainty and elapsed time. This might be achieved, for instance, by manipulating overall uncertainty within a game—such as by introducing new tables or altering outcome probabilities mid-round.”

      Relatedly, the current 'threshold' of uncertainty avoidance behavior, if I understand correctly, is found by empirically fitting participants' data. This brings the question: can we predict when people will demonstrate uncertainty avoidance behavior before collecting any data? Or, is it possible that by measuring some metrics related to cognitive cost sensitivity, we could predict the proportion of choices that participants will show uncertainty-avoidant behavior?

      Thank you again for probing our thinking further. The threshold of uncertainty is indeed fitted on an individual basis using a hierarchical model. We believe there should be ways to predict it. In the current data, we find that it is correlated with the baseline tendency to approach uncertainty: in other words, participants who perform better show a slightly stronger tendency to avoid uncertainty when overall uncertainty is high. This underscores the complexity of identifying correlates of a coping strategy, as it is intricately linked to the difficulty being coped with. We speculate that working memory capacity may play an important role in this strategy, as well as the interplay between working memory–based learning and slower incremental learning mechanisms. Beyond speculation, however, we currently have no data to test these ideas.

      Finally, regarding the analysis of different behavior patterns in the game, it seems that the authors try to link repetitive behavior, uncertainty attitude, and accuracy together by testing the correlation between the two of them. I wonder whether other multivariate statistical methods e.g., mediation analysis, will be better suited for this purpose.

      This was a very insightful comment. We revisited the data and fitted test performance using a multiple regression model, predicting performance from the three exploration-phase strategies simultaneously: baseline tendency to approach uncertainty, tendency to avoid uncertainty when overall uncertainty is high, and tendency to repeat previous choices. When adjusting for the baseline tendency to approach, we find that the tendency to avoid uncertainty is indeed associated with a slight decrement in test performance. However, in our sample, the better learners—who are more effective at approaching uncertainty—also tend to avoid it when overall uncertainty is high. This nuance highlights the point discussed earlier. We find similar results when fitting the data with a mediation model, but we favour the multiple regression approach, since have no strong convictions about which exploration strategy causes another. We have detailed this analysis in the main text and have accordingly modified and qualified our interpretation of this finding:

      “In contrast, the relationship between the tendency to avoid uncertainty and test performance was more nuanced. In both samples, participants who were more inclined to approach uncertainty also tended to avoid it when overall uncertainty was high r=0.43, p=5.42 x 10<sup>-10</sup>. Accordingly, avoidance was positively correlated with test performance at the population level b=1.18, 95% PI=[0.80, 1.58] Figure 7b; see Methods for parameter estimation). However, once we adjusted for the tendency to approach, avoidance was reliably associated with worse test performance b=-0.83, 95% PI=[-1.28,-0.40].”

      Reviewer #2 (Recommendations For The Authors):

      Could the authors elaborate more on why the negative relationship between exposure and choice (Figure 4a) is a natural phenomenon under the relative uncertainty model?

      Indeed, we believe this is a natural phenomenon under the uncertainty model. When simulating an uncertainty-driven agent, the negative relationship arises naturally. We interpret this as the agent repeatedly pursuing tables that are more difficult to learn—those with smaller probability differences. The agent is drawn to these tables precisely because they are harder to master. By contrast, an EIG-driven agent would not repeatedly return to tables that are too difficult to learn. We have revised the Results section to make this point clearer:

      “The simulations demonstrate that the surprising negative correlation between choice and Δ-exposure is an epiphenomenon of uncertainty-driven exploration: agents repeatedly return to harder-to-learn tables, gaining more exposure to them precisely because they remain more uncertain about these tables.”

      It would be great if the authors could provide the correlation between different uncertainty estimates to help the readers have a better sense of how different these estimates are.

      We’ve added this information in the supplement to Figure 2. In brief, correlations between exposure and the other two strategies are low, while the correlation between EIG and uncertainty is moderate. These dependencies motivated our decision to fit a separate logistic regression model for each strategy and to compare strategies using formal model comparison and posterior predictive checks, rather than including them all in a single regression model.

    1. This section provides a concrete example of crowdsourcing through the game Fold-It. Instead of relying only on computers, researchers invited the public to help solve complex protein-folding problems through gameplay. Surprisingly, human players were able to contribute valuable solutions that led to scientific discoveries.

    2. Some online platforms are specifically created for crowdsourcing. For example: Wikipedia: Is an online encyclopedia whose content is crowdsourced. Anyone can contribute, just go to an unlocked Wikipedia page and press the edit button. Institutions don’t get special permissions (e.g., it was a scandal when US congressional staff edited Wikipedia pages), and the expectation that editors do not have outside institutional support is intended to encourage more people to contribute. Quora: An crowdsourced question and answer site. Stack Overflow: A crowdsourced question-and-answer site specifically for programming questions. Amazon Mechanical Turk: A site where you can pay for crowdsourcing small tasks (e.g., pay a small amount for each task, and then let a crowd of people choose to do the tasks and get paid). Upwork: A site that lets people find and contract work with freelancers (generally larger and more specialized tasks than Amazon Mechanical Turk. Project Sidewalk: Crowdsourcing sidewalk information for mobility needs (e.g., wheelchair users). 16.2.2. Example Crowdsourcing Tasks# You probably already have some ideas of how crowds can work together on things like editing articles on a site like Wikipedia or answer questions on a site like Quora, but let’s look at some other examples of how crowds can work together. Fold-It is a game that lets players attempt to fold proteins. At the time, researchers were having trouble getting computers to do this task for complex proteins, so they made a game for humans to try it. Researchers analyzed the best players’ results for their research and were able to publish scientific discoveries based on the contributions of players.

      These examples show that crowdsourcing can be used for a wide range of work, from knowledge-sharing and freelancing to scientific research and accessibility projects. They also show that crowdsourcing is most powerful when platforms are designed well so many small contributions can be organized into something genuinely useful.

    1. trophies, the effect of these mechan-ics becoming so solidly integrated into videogame culture is that theirgravitational pull changes how games are played and interpreted. Lea-derboards are a clear place where players are compared with one an-other. A former highly competitive Madden NFL player writes thatleaderboards are “a devilish feature,” as they transform “Madden froman escapist pastime into another stage on which to prove your self-worth.”36 Gamerscore is a measure that turns abstract effort in a gameinto concrete results that are intelligible to others at a mere glimpse.

      I 110% this hard game and you didn't heh...

      Fucking Plato virtue signaling from its cave...

    2. German soccervoted against installing goal-line technology because of cost and theargument by many purists that the inevitable human error is a classicpart of soccer.9 Mistakes ensure debate and discussion, one of the ele-ments that typify reaction to what is often called “the beautiful game.”The central line of appeal by those in favor of using technology insport to double-check human decision is that additional review canmake contests more accurate. Underlying that belief is the premisethat the person or team with the most skill should win and that er-rors in judgment necessarily reward the undeserving.

      I am concerned no talk is done about how this is tied to corruption and money.

    3. Leveling ensures the appearance that weall start from the same place and then allows us to see how we stackup against other players, as we know they are going through the samethings we are. The status inequality Castronova believes we seek istranslated into a number that grows slowly over time and broadcastsour efforts and skill to everyone we encounter. However, the notionthat we all start from the same place requires deliberate inattentionto the resources players bring to a game in the first place.

      Leveling pushes the illusion of explanatory depth behind the myth of experience. It doesn't accumulate infinitely. But more than leveling, I'd argue, it's also skill trees and abilities. They learned forever, and this linear progress is plain false. You can't magically carry more and more guns, and become more and more strong in real life, and there are no augmentations or powerups without side effects.

      You know what fucking game portrays opression properly? Rain World.

    4. one of the cofounders of thegaming site Kongregate, Emily Greer, posted about the harassmentshe has received for her participation in the game industry. Promptedby GamerGate to reflect on the difference between messages sent toher and her brother, she wrote that she had assumed the harassmentshe received was “normal for a co-founder of a game site” and wassurprised to hear that her brother and fellow cofounder did not havethe same experience. Counting up their messages, she found that shereceives about four times as much harassment as her male sibling.

      I've cut other examples for brevity.

    5. The most frequently cited touch point for GamerGaters was theinsistence that a key part of their movement was about journalismethics.70 The most constructive read of the group is as a consumerboycott of people concerned about journalistic coverage that insultedtheir target audience instead of providing objective coverage of rele-vant news.71 The most common flashpoint in this regard was a flurry ofarticles that appeared shortly after the #GamerGate hashtag was bornthat decried the death of the gamer. The two most widely circulatedand referenced essays were those by Leigh Alexander and Dan Gold-ing.72 The argument about the end of gamers had three key claims.First, video games were reaching a broader audience than ever beforeand, as such, game publishers need not focus on the classic gamer ste-reotypes as their primary audience. This argument largely followed ina tradition of cultural criticism that proclaimed the death of the authoror a variety of other subject positions, and was backed up by data thatclearly indicate the audience of videogame players is far more diverse agroup than the white males of means who match the typical stereotypeof a group of gamers.73 Second, the term “gamer” was at one point akey reclamation of space that reframed people away from being a nerdor some other insulting label into something more positive.

      Third and last argument is that they were scolded and told racist but that didn't sit with their views of themselves or their field. They aimed to protect it, and dismissed other cases as cherry picked anecdotes or as being a necessary part of the system, their system, their identity.

    6. community, fueled by a strong desire to re-tain what already exists. Typically, the cases are carefully swaddled inappeals to skill, to being good enough, and to working hard enoughto make it. All these tropes are at the center of any sort of merito-cratic appeal. If the harassed were tough enough to take it, then theywould be able to reap the rewards of success. Systemic harassment setsthe terms on which players engage, giving stark advantage to thosewho are not targeted and retaining power for those who have alreadyclimbed the ladder.

      There's this non-homogeneous group of white privilege people that yearn to continue playing these types of games, and that may even see themselves as activists when buying them. These may be big mainstream titles, but much like in cinema and TV, their budgets are also big. They know, and they don't mind, they wish these games be as larger and ambitious as possible, ever bigger, and more complex, and continuously "improving", and "innovating" in this sense. They see defending this kind of consumption as defending their identity, defending who they are, defending dark comedy and freedom of speech... freedom of speech, at which point does it become hate speech? Why should their tone for people that have no skin in the game and who aim to get rid of their identity, of their way of living, without asking? You see how both sides have self-reinforcing narratives, and they may even acknowledge this, and although many left-wingers would love to parse out this radically big titles, instead of talking it out and recognising the current exclusionary and biased present (not perpetuating endless debates), some prominent white privilege people push a zero-sum incompatibility competition narrative where one must survive, and it will be them.

      You can't expect a person who's played 5000 hours, to quit Fifa overnight.

    7. More recently, the psychol-ogist Paul Piff has conducted research on a modified Monopoly gamewhere one player is given substantial advantages over the other as de-termined by a coin flip at the beginning of the game.113 This experi-ment, in conjunction with other experimental research, leads Piff toan argument that being wealthy affects behavior in profound ways.114Across multiple measures, his research has found that being in a pow-erful position leads a person to be less empathetic, less supportive ofothers, and more likely to ignore structural inequality.

      To downplay inequalities, and barriers, and focus on objectivist fallacious measurements. It is most commonly thrown that money makes one happy, but that is a partly false statement. It's not money that motivates one to do work (necessarily), rather rationalisation. And the classical conundrum of how much you'd pay for a restaurant if everything is divided or on the house, doesn't consider the inherited circumstances that bias it.

    8. The dominance of Korean players ingames like Starcraft and League of Legends is due in part to the largesystems of support to back them, from state-run organizations like theKorean eSports Association (KeSPA), the large infrastructure and re-wards enabling players to improve, wide broadcasts and support fortournaments, and financial rewards that enable players to focus onplay.106 All of these elements produce a system where some are led tobelieve they are better than others and those who struggle are led tothe conclusion that it is their own personal failing, rather than poten-tial systematic issues that ensure the deck is stacked. Structural fac-tors are occasionally acknowledged—Todd Harper finds that somefighting game players justify certain players’ performance based ontheir “Asian hands”—but these elements are tied to creating an envi-ronment where a particular kind of skill is praised.

      INHERITANCE, SOCIALISATION, INVESTMENT. Check how much Catalan society invests in football athletes! Meritocracy or talentocracy disguise children exploitation (which is not too dissimilar to parents using their children for views on social media, and also perpetuates the family institution).

    9. Instead of developers branching outin new directions, a risk-averse approach to game development anda lack of diversity in the community of people making games cre-ates an echo chamber where recycling content and ideas ensures thatthose who are part of the community already are rewarded and theirsuccess is justified under the guise of merit. Weerasuriya’s positionthat as a gamer he is interested in making “cool things” is not neces-sarily wrong, but it does elide key dynamics of videogame consump-tion and production. Producing the kinds of games he wants to playmeans that he is increasingly speaking to an audience of people likehim, which undercuts any idea of a true meritocracy by building keyassumptions into the “workplace” of games.

      Remember, meritocracy was never meants as a means to pursue innovation and diversity, but as a replacement for traditions and aristocracy. So, what gets popular and is seen as deserving of merit, falls prey to popularity and survivorship biases. It would necessitate that marketing dissappeared, come on. It would need to equalise salary to avoid creating non-meritocratic gatekeeping and give true incentives for those innovating. But then... who would assess innovation? Exactly those who previously did, or the whole of population... which would maintain things as they were, unchallenged, keeping the status quo.

      How do I say this... meritocarcy without breaking off with traditions, and without doing a hard reset, without destroying all inheritance and present structures, and without deeply changing culture, is grounds for ENSHITTIFIED MONOPOLIES. Violence besets violence, and privilege besets privilege. Meritocracy won't erase close ties, friendships, and networks. Meritocracy is a self-exploitation premise for enterpreneurship, that favours already consolidated and rich extroverted individuals. That is aggressive. That is monopolistic. That kills "healthy competition", or more than that, it kills cooperation. It kills care, and it kills interdependence.

      It's winner-take-all. It's a coin with a face that says "I win", and a tails that says "You lose". Emperor Nero's conundrum, a Catch-22.

    10. Detailed in a lengthy article by Robert Guthrie,prison servers are described as a “dystopian experience unlike any-thing I’ve ever experienced in a video game.”36 Prison servers, whichare run outside the bounds and rules of the primary version of Mine-craft, work differently than most other instantiations of the game. In-stead of jumping into an open world, on a prison server players startout with just a pick and perhaps some basic gear and must then setout to do hard labor, repeatedly working in stone mines to ascend togreater status on the server. Working hard enough eventually awardsplayers with special titles, privileges, resources, and maybe even a placeon the leaderboard. These servers are funded by donations, so a wayto move up more quickly is to spend money to skip out on the grind,which offers an aristocratic approach for players with means. Guth-rie was surprised to find that players did not object to other playersbeing able to buy their way ahead; instead, they stuck around, “hop-ing for handouts or an opportunity down the road to make their wayinto the upper echelons. Occasional generosity from wealthy playersand lottery-style games seems to be what keeps these players engaged,but there really isn’t a path to the highest ranks without paying realmoney.”

      That's dark, I think. It speaks of how retribution is so engraved in our society, that we yearn for it even if false. But the dramatic ups and downs of this kind of life, as portrayed in shows like When Life gives you Tangerines, ridiculises oppression. It makes it invisible, as you don't lose a cared one in Minecraft...

    11. Patricia Hernandez breaks the process down in her review ofthe game, noting that, upon launch, Overwatch first awards a “play ofthe game” and displays the player who executed the maneuver alongwith a video clip; then it shows a bunch of statistics from the matchand highlights four of the twelve players in the match for their con-tributions; players are then prompted “to ‘like’ their favorite matchcontributors, and everyone gets to see who got voted the most.”11 Thisis an incredibly meritocratic approach to assessing what happened inthe game, ultimately terminating in a popularity contest.The feature that received substantial scorn upon Overwatch’s re-lease was the play of the game, largely because it takes one momentout of context and then chooses to only celebrate one of twelve play-ers when the efforts of the other members of the team often madethe moment possible.

      Survivorship bias distilled.

    12. The growth in development costs createsa situation where companies betting $100 million or more on a gamefocus more on what has worked than on what could be.Focus on meritocracy reaches beyond the design of games andinto the narrative stories they typically tell. Most major game sto-rylines, from Grand Theft Auto III to Uncharted to Restaurant Story,enable players to grow from a relative weakling into a strong, powerfuldemigod.

      Of course, because becoming powerful is luring, sexy, it reificates a type of lifestyle, of desire, of righteousness, of imperialistic white saviourism. It's the marketing American cold war (once purportedly anti-slavery) Dream old fairy tale of economic mobility. It's a post-hoc rationalisation of Plato's or Confuncius' stupid concepts of virtue. It's "justice served", "eye-for-an-eye".

    13. Claude, left shot and betrayed by his girlfriend while robbing a banktogether. Claude manages to survive but is captured, placing players ina position where they are alone and on their way to a ten-year prisonsentence for bank robbery. The game’s narrative unfolds from rockbottom for Claude, who transforms into a leader of the underworldwho successfully outfoxes the mafia, a Columbian drug cartel, andthe Yakuza in the space of a few hours of player-led intervention andexploration. By the end of the game, Claude has eviscerated the car-tel and exacted his revenge on both the mafia don who sought to killhim and the girlfriend who initially betrayed him.

      I find more scary games and shows like "When Life Gives You Tangerines" that promote self-exploitation, because it's those people that end up invisiblising vulnerable people.

    Annotators

    1. On the 27th, we bought two more horses, and two miles upstream from the mouth of the Oualla-Oualla, we encountered a band of Indians camped there for the night. This river is 180 feet wide and rises in the same mountains as the Oumatalla; beavers, otters, and deer frequent its vicinity. The nation that gives it its name lives near its confluence with the Columbia; these Indians are quite gentle, but do not know the art of hunting fur-bearing animals; their number is 200. The inhabitants of these townships have, compared to those near the falls, few means of subsistence, because their land is poorly endowed with suitable fishing grounds, and fishing is not plentiful there. They are therefore forced to subsist, for most of the year, on a small quantity of game and roots, which they have great difficulty obtaining; so that those who find this way of life too arduous hasten to the falls. It is with scoundrels of this kind that the most famous fishing spots are populated; and, for this reason, they can be called, like our large cities, the capitals of depravity (17 m.).

      les oualla-ouallas.

      but i wonder why the people who don't like subsistence life are scoundrels

    1. and cameras, and records, and other things that hold reservoirs of emotion for people who make art. Paint, pencils, a dressmaker's mannequin, books, a wooden model of a person, a not-yet-dry clay bust, a video game cabinet. Everything is flattened under its power.

      The author lists the items that are destroyed in the ad which are all important tools to people that use them as they're expression of art or their job.

    1. Briefing : Prévention des Addictions et Accompagnement des Jeunes (3-25 ans)

      Synthèse

      Ce document synthétise les enjeux actuels de la lutte contre les addictions chez les jeunes, tels que présentés par la Mission interministérielle de lutte contre les drogues et les conduites addictives (MILDECA).

      Le point central de cette analyse est la vulnérabilité biologique du cerveau des jeunes, qui ne finit sa maturation qu'aux alentours de 25 ans.

      Toute consommation prématurée altère le système nerveux et impacte directement la réussite scolaire et l'insertion sociale.

      La stratégie de prévention préconisée repose sur un changement de paradigme : s'éloigner des interventions ponctuelles pour privilégier le développement des compétences psychosociales (CPS) à travers des programmes probants évalués par la recherche.

      --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

      I. État des Lieux et Réalité des Addictions en France

      L'addiction est définie comme une dépendance psychique et comportementale liée à l'utilisation de substances psychoactives qui perturbent le système nerveux central.

      Contrairement aux idées reçues, le profil de l'addict n'est pas marginalisé ; il concerne l'ensemble de la population.

      Données de santé publique et coûts sociaux

      Les chiffres soulignent une problématique majeure de santé publique, souvent banalisée par rapport à d'autres crises sanitaires :

      Tabac : 75 000 décès par an.

      Alcool : 41 000 décès par an (soit un "demi-Covid" annuel récurrent).

      Coût social : L'alcool et le tabac coûtent chacun 120 milliards d'euros par an à la société, contre 10 milliards pour les autres drogues.

      Violences : L'alcool est impliqué dans plus d'un tiers des violences en général, et jusqu'à 80 % des violences faites aux femmes selon certains territoires.

      La banalisation culturelle

      La France présente des taux de consommation excessivement élevés. Un adulte sur quatre dépasse les repères de consommation à moindre risque (plus de 2 verres par jour ou 10 verres par semaine).

      Cette culture de l'alcool s'installe dès l'enfance, souvent au sein de la famille (initiation lors de fêtes familiales, usage de boissons type "Champomy" qui préparent au marketing de l'alcool).

      --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

      II. Les Jeunes : Une Population à Haute Vulnérabilité

      L'adolescence est une période à risque marqué par le besoin de découverte de sensations et l'influence du groupe de pairs.

      Le cerveau en construction

      Le cerveau humain n'achève sa formation qu'à 25 ans.

      Toute consommation de substances psychoactives avant cet âge provoque des altérations cognitives durables, affectant directement les capacités d'apprentissage.

      Lien avec le décrochage scolaire

      Les addictions alimentent différentes formes de décrochage :

      1. Le décrochage discret : L'élève est présent physiquement mais désengagé, ses facultés étant altérées par les produits (ex: consommation de cannabis avant les cours).

      2. Le décrochage par l'échec : Malgré un travail réel, l'élève ne parvient plus à suivre en raison des effets cognitifs des substances.

      3. L'influence de l'environnement : Le manque de cadre protecteur familial et l'accessibilité trop aisée aux produits (vente interdite aux mineurs mal respectée) aggravent ces risques.

      --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

      III. Analyse des Substances et Nouveaux Comportements

      | Substance / Comportement | État de la situation chez les jeunes | Risques et caractéristiques | | --- | --- | --- | | Alcool | 44 % d'expérimentation en 6ème ; 85 % à 17 ans. | Développement du binge drinking (API) ; consommation banalisée en famille. | | Tabac | En baisse constante (perçu comme cher, "odorant" et sans effet immédiat). | Le risque n'est pas proportionnel à la quantité : l'arrêt total est la seule protection réelle. | | Cannabis | 600 000 jeunes de 17 ans en situation de dépendance. | Teneur en THC beaucoup plus élevée qu'il y a 20 ans ; risques de psychose et mal-être accrus. | | Cocaïne | Diffusion croissante dans tous les milieux professionnels. | Risques cardiovasculaires graves (AVC) avant 50 ans ; absence de traitement médical de substitution. | | Protoxyde d'azote | Usage de plus en plus fréquent via de grandes bonbonnes industrielles. | Risques immédiats : brûlures, chutes, paralysies neurologiques graves. | | Jeux d'argent | Croissance de 30 à 40 % (paris sportifs, poker). | Marketing agressif ciblant les milieux défavorisés ; risque financier et isolement. | | Écrans / Jeux vidéo | Usage intensif (plus de 4h/jour pour les 15-24 ans). | Impact sur le sommeil et l'activité physique ; pas de lien direct systématique avec l'échec scolaire. |

      --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

      IV. La Prévention par les Compétences Psychosociales (CPS)

      La MILDECA préconise de délaisser les "coups médiatiques" ou les interventions policières ponctuelles au profit du développement des CPS.

      Ce sont les capacités d'une personne à répondre aux épreuves de la vie et à maintenir un état de bien-être.

      Les trois piliers des CPS

      Cognitives : Prise de décision, auto-contrôle, pensée critique face au marketing.

      Émotionnelles : Régulation du stress, gestion des émotions, confiance en soi.

      Sociales : Empathie, communication, résistance à la pression des pairs.

      Programmes probants et évalués

      Plusieurs programmes ont démontré leur efficacité par des suivis longitudinaux de chercheurs :

      Tina et Tony (4-6 ans) : Activités ludiques en maternelle.

      Good Behavior Game (Élémentaire) : Travail sur le comportement en groupe.

      Unplug (12-14 ans) : 12 séances interactives en collège pour apprendre à dire non et décrypter les influences.

      Primavera : Programme de transition école-collège.

      --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

      V. Recommandations pour les Professionnels et les Familles

      Posture éducative

      Changement de comportement des adultes : Le développement des CPS nécessite que les adultes incarnent eux-mêmes ces compétences (coopération, gestion non violente des conflits).

      Valorisation positive : La "prédiction de l'échec" par un enseignant peut enfermer l'élève dans un cercle vicieux. À l'inverse, une vision positive favorise la résilience.

      Lutte contre les contrevérités : Il est crucial de déconstruire l'idée que le cannabis est une "drogue douce" ou que l'alcool est inoffensif en milieu familial.

      Dispositifs d'aide

      CJC (Consultations Jeunes Consommateurs) : Accueil anonyme et gratuit pour les jeunes et leurs parents.

      Plateformes numériques :

      Faminum : Pour réguler l'usage des écrans en famille.    ◦ Maad Digital : Média d'information scientifique sur les addictions adapté aux jeunes.

      Programmes de soutien à la parentalité : Travailler la relation jeune-famille pour renforcer l'environnement protecteur.

      En conclusion, la prévention efficace ne consiste plus à parler uniquement des produits, mais à armer les jeunes de capacités relationnelles et émotionnelles leur permettant de faire des choix responsables face à un environnement de plus en plus incitatif.

    1. Real games are difficult, goes this argument: you can die in them; you can take “real” actions (i.e., shooting and loot collecting, not walking or investigating). Real game heroes are powerful and effective.

      Outlandish: I wholeheartedly disagree with this take on games. I believe that a game doesn't have to be complex or even hard to be considered interesting. Different people have different views on what's considered interesting: there are people who'd prefer easier and light hearted games.

    2. A number of traditional big-budget titles don’t demand this kind of moral engagement, which makes sense—asking a player to stop and consider the horrible things they’re doing is antithetical to moving forward” (Clark 2017). Slowness is forefronted in a game of permalife: adrenaline is neither the goal nor the appeal

      In my opinion, games typically considered walking simulators are best when they do what's described in this section. I honestly think this is the only kind of story which walking simulators excel at (stories in which the horrible truth about the main character is revealed slowly).

    3. Gone Home also plays with player agency by subverting expectations about danger and complicity. The first moments of the game create a sense of mystery more frequently associated with survival horror: the abandoned house is cast as unnatural and threatening, with the player invited to explore it suspiciously, suspecting some external danger behind the apparent disappearance of the family. That danger, of course, turns out to be internal, not external. The player becomes the intruder in what should be a familiar environment

      Outlandish: This interpretation of this misleading horror element of the game 'Gone Home' is interesting for sure. But, I do wonder if the creators of the game meant for it to be intentional because I believe a majority of players felt this way.

    4. As in adventure games, players of walking simulators strive to recreate the “ideal walkthrough,” the preexisting story that must be uncovered step by step through the player’s actions. But in these games, the next step is not occluded by puzzles: rather, it’s generally made so obvious it’s impossible to miss.

      Outlandish: It's more than easy to lose sight of what you're doing and not realize what the game is going for, I remember when I tried to play video games as a kid I wouldn't realize what I was actually supposed to do and then get mad when nothing was going my way. I felt that way when playing Gone Home at times.

    5. Even in text games like Adventure

      Outlandish: Not sure if this qualifies as outlandish, but if this is referring to the old Atari video game, I dont think it was text.

    6. walking for pleasure into new and unseen places is not an act of idleness but a necessary part of retaining our humanity in a modern world increasingly cut off from nature

      OUTLANDISH .I think this is pretty stupid. I can get walking out in nature or like in real life but on a screen I'm not gonna be admiring a video game the same way I admire nature even if it's super realistic. Like it's still a game and though there could be aspects of beauty in no way do I believe I am gonna retain my humanity.

    7. Yet this has only produced a tiny number of mildly suc-cessful games. But people still bitch and moan when the term gets applied to their work, or work they personally enjoy.

      Outlandish - Personally, I think I would react the same if a game I spent hundreds of hours making got grouped into a category of games that's considered to be trash by the general public.

    8. While the game attracts attention for its centering of a queer narrative, the distance of the avatar from that narrative invites critique:

      I think it's interesting to see how participating in a walking simulator game allows you to view a story from a completely different perspective that you might be used to. In terms of Gone Home, the player is detached in terms of knowing what has been happening in their home and family across the time period they have been gone, that presents the opportunity for judgement and other emotions to arise.

    9. While the game attracts attention for its centering of a queer narrative, the distance of the avatar from that narrative invites critique:there’s a fundamental passivity to the game that contradicts this praise, particularly where the queer-centered narrative is concerned.

      This quote really makes me think about the tension between immersion and observation in games. Gone Home lets the player witness an important queer story without ever participating in it…does that create empathy, or does it keep the player at arm’s length? It also raises questions about what it means to “experience” a story through a character: can understanding and reflection replace direct involvement, or does passivity limit the emotional impact?

    10. The player becomes the intruder in what should be a familiar environment by virtue of returning after long absence, seeing the intimate lives of her family with fresh eyes. The player’s initial fear that they might need to act quickly to defend themselves from some lurking supernatural horror becomes transmuted, by the end of the story, into the inevitable realization that their character has already lost her chance to act,

      The way that the player become an intruder in your own home is really crazy to think about. Personally, for me it can't be a home if you don't want to be there and you don't even recognize all the character traits it makes as a home. This "long absence" that's there is something that can make it feel like are an intruder but it should be quick turnaround to feel like you're home. This makes you realize that something is really wrong in this home and that's really the horror aspect of this game.

    11. in adventure games specifically, it provides a space for thinking and reflecting, a necessary precursor to successfully overcoming obstacles. Walking “leaves us free to think without being wholly lost in our thoughts,” writes Rebecca Solnit in her book Wanderlust: A History of Walking: “The rhythm of walking generates a kind of rhythm of thinking, and the passage through a landscape echoes or stimulates the passage through a series of thoughts… one that suggests that the mind is also a landscape of sorts and that walking is one way to traverse it” (2001). Every walk is a chance “to assimilate the new into the known,” the fundamental precursor to that new perspective on the world that adventure games strive to induce.

      I do get what they’re saying, but I’m not fully convinced that walking is automatically grounds for reflection. Although slowing down can create space to think, it just ends up becoming boring for the player if there is nothing big happening. If the slowness of a game is intentional, like it is in walking simulators, then the world has to carry a lot of weight and substance.

    12. What kind of exploration, then, do the worlds of walking simulators support? Contrary to expectations, these games are rarely just about exploration. There are a few exceptions: Proteus (2013) is a joyful exploration of a shifting island purely for its own sake, and experimental games like Césure and Lumiere (both 2013) place the player in explorable abstracted spaces of light, color, and shadow (Reed 2013). But the most famous and successful walking simulators are best understood as explorations not of environment, but of character. Just as the environments in first-person shooters exist to support action-packed combat, the environments in most walking sims are designed to be platforms for understanding and empathizing with characters. In games like Dear Esther, Virginia (2016), What Remains of Edith Finch (2017), and many others, 3D game worlds come to be understood as metaphorical spaces offering windows into the minds and stories of the people within them. Sometimes this is made literal as part of the game’s fiction (as in the 2014 games Mind: Path to Thalamus and Ether One, both about entering an environmental representation of another character’s mind) but more commonly we understand this reification as(p. 126)working in the same way experimental films signify abstract meanings with concrete visuals, or the reality-bending conventions of magical realism or unreliable narrators creating layers of truth in literature.

      This argument can definitely be backed by my own prior experiences. Whether it’s Gone Home or other similar games that I've played and seen–some with horror and mystery aspects–I never truly explored the environments simply for the sake of exploring my surroundings. Rather, I was always driven by a sense of curiosity to unfold the mysteries surrounding my character and the others around me.

    13. To call something a “walking simulator” became not just a complaint about pacing but an existential fight for survival, spiraling to include larger and larger questions of who gets to be a gamer and what should be “counted” as a game (Chess and Shaw 2015). Real games are difficult, goes this argument: you can die in them; you can take “real” actions (i.e., shooting and loot collecting, not walking or investigating). Real game heroes are powerful and effective. An ugly corollary to this argument, advanced by some, was that “real games” shouldn’t be about the disenfranchised.

      When I read this portion of this passage, I was wondering what was the point of being so hateful towards alternative types of media? I feel that It is odd for gamers to be so affected by different types or games entering the gaming sphere. Shouldn't they be happy that something they love is gaining more traction and new ideas are being implemented?

    14. In classic adventure games, you spend a lot of time walking. The world would usually be divided into stage-sized screens which your avatar must move across, at walking pace, to reach an edge and the next linked area. These animations can seem painfully slow by today’s standards. Some games, including parts of Loom, would zoom out to sprawling vistas to make environments seem especially epic, your character reduced to a cluster of tiny pixels lost in immensity, the journey to the edge of the screen even more drawn out. Even in text games like Adventure or point-and-click games like Myst, where movement is instantaneous, players still spent much of their time navigating complex environments, retracing their steps to return to earlier areas looking for clues, unsure where to go next. Mainstream game design has moved toward minimizing these down times, adding mechanics like fast travel or quest markers to get players straight to the next point of interest, another filing away of the adventure game’s rough corners.

      I think this point of adventure games making it easy to move to the interesting parts is something I see fairly often. There's not many games I’ve played that don't have some sort of feature to skip to the interesting parts and skip over travel. I have noticed that most games do require you to usually travel to a particular location the more time-consuming way at least once before you can skip there immediately.This definitely allows the player to appreciate the action of exploration more.

    15. There isn’t a lot of, “Walk through a door, hit a trigger, and watch this thing happen.” Everything that changes your perception of what the game means is through you interacting with what’s there and having an effect on the state of the world that in turn affects you. (qtd. in Suel-lentrop 2017)

      The ability to interact with objects further elevates the story and environmental atmosphere of 'Gone Home', which made the walking aspect of the game much more meaningful to me.

    16. Games scholar Bonnie Ruberg has called this notion “permalife,” for games which not only include but center the notion of making death impossible (2017). She notes that permalife games are often made by queer designers, positing that “permanent living represents a particularly potent trope for expressing both hopes and concerns about contemporary queer life in the face of an uncertain future.”

      I think this idea of Permalife is the most interesting idea in this chapter. Most games are focused on survival mechanics where death is the reset button. But permalife suggests that the challenge isn’t dying by continuing. It mirrors life, and that allows for emotional issues to really stand out through these games. But I also think that there needs to be something to keep the player moving forward. Sure some people may go on without a failure condition, but others would feel unmotivated to do so. They would need to nail down aspects like emotional weight, narrative curiosity and more for the game to really work.

    17. Stripping the violence from a first-person shooter, however, often results in a strange interstitial kind of experience, something in-between and unrecognizable. O’Connor’s review of the tourism Quake mod highlights some of the unsuitability of these environments to casual exploration. The architecture of these games in their original form is a means to the end of success in combat: to the extent the player notices it at all, it is while looking for places to hide, physical obstacles, routes for evasion or ambush. Details are designed to be glanced at briefly, not lingered over.

      I find it interesting that calmer games like walking sims originated from more violent and action-packed games like first-person shooters. Wanting to explore a world usually unavailable due to actions and conflict is common in human beings. It’s like setting a pack of cookies on a table, saying no one can eat it, and then leaving. Surely no one will miss one cookie in the pack. It’s the same concept for these shooter games. Players are busy running around, surviving, and fighting, so they don’t get to actually appreciate the world they are in (by design). It makes a part of their brain curious to experience the world they are already in without the pressures of battle, so a modder will take a cookie form the pack and eat it, opening up the rest of the pack for other people to enjoy. That’s when they realize the game they were praising for graphics and immersion is actually just a rough sketch, raisin cookies when they thought they were chocolate chips. This creates a sense of disappointment. I can see how walking sims were born from it. To cure the disappointment players felt when they realize the game they loved isn’t as polished as they thought. But without the allure of fighting, walking sims need something else, some other temptation. So, they promise ice cream with the cookies, sprinkling lore and stories into their world. Finding out pieces of the story give players their dopamine boost while satisfying their curiosity for adventure. The article then mentioned punishments within the game and how walking sims remove that and instead explore living with the consequences of your actions. This adds more depth to the ice cream and cookies players have been enjoying before, forcing them to either love or hate them more intensely.

    18. Gone Home also plays with player agency by subverting expectations about danger and complicity. The first moments of the game create a sense of mystery more frequently associated with survival horror: the abandoned house is cast as unnatural and threatening, with the player invited to explore it suspiciously, suspecting some external danger behind the apparent disappearance of the family. That danger, of course, turns out to be internal, not external. The player becomes the intruder in what should be a familiar environment by virtue of returning after long absence, seeing the intimate lives of her family with fresh eyes. The player’s initial fear that they might need to act quickly to defend themselves from some lurking supernatural horror becomes transmuted, by the end of the story, into the inevitable realization that their character has already lost her chance to act,

      Originally, I was not a fan of the subversion of my expectations, but in the past week since I have played it and discussed the game in class, the horror elements have grown on me. Over time, I have started to realize the purpose of subverting my expectations. The realization that Katie is too late to help her sister is cleverly implemented. Seeing satanic imagery leads the player to believe in supernatural elements, but it is just a red herring. The fear the player has allows them to relate to Sam and her experience of coming out. The lightning and creaking noises make the player anxious but not so anxious that they can’t keep playing and have to take a break. As this feeling grows, it transforms into internal fears and intensifies the feeling for the player.

    19. “Walking simulator” began as a derogatory label, and is still controversial among game creators: while some have reclaimed it as a useful category, to others it seems reductive or laden with too many negative associations.

      Walking simulators challenge the traditional view that games were designed only for players to win. The game’s purpose shifts from “Achieve a certain number of kills” or “Capture a certain number of enemy bases” to “Explore the house” or “Check your surroundings.” Players learn how to interpret and examine their environments.

    20. The Quake mod also changes the music, replacing the sharp-edged original soundtrack from Trent Reznor with tracks from one of his more “chilled-out” albums. The change in music is another important move to eliminate the game’s tension and replace it with a thoroughly different mind-set.

      It is interesting to me that there were mods created for Quake that removed the entire main goal of the game. I have never thought about taking out a main mechanic of a videogame and then playing it. It makes me rethink all the games ive played and imagine it just like exploration. Playing games with different music can change the whole vibe of the game, I have noticed, like i remember playing horror games with my own music and it made it not as scary.

    1. What about engaging in a virtual game world where you can have a conversation with a character that knows you and your backstory?

      Hmmm intriguing and somewhat creepy at the same time.

    1. Author response:

      The following is the authors’ response to the original reviews.

      Public reviews:

      Reviewer #1 (Public review):

      Summary:

      Schafer et al. tested whether the hippocampus tracks social interactions as sequences of neural states within an abstract social space defined by dimensions of affiliation and power, using a task in which participants engaged in narrative-based social interactions. The findings of this study revealed that individual social relationships are represented by unique sequences of hippocampal activity patterns. These neural trajectories corresponded to the history of trial-to-trial affiliation and power dynamics between participants and each character, suggesting an extended role of the hippocampus in encoding sequences of events beyond spatial relationships.

      The current version has limited information on details in decoding and clustering analyses which can be improved in the future revision.

      Strengths:

      (1) Robust Analysis: The research combined representational similarity analysis with manifold analyses, enhancing the robustness of the findings and the interpretation of the hippocampus's role in social cognition.

      (2) Replicability: The study included two independent samples, which strengthens the generalizability and reliability of the results.

      Weaknesses:

      I appreciate the authors for utilizing contemporary machine-learning techniques to analyze neuroimaging data and examine the intricacies of human cognition. However, the manuscript would benefit from a more detailed explanation of the rationale behind the selection of each method and a thorough description of the validation procedures. Such clarifications are essential to understand the true impact of the research. Moreover, refining these areas will broaden the manuscript's accessibility to a diverse audience.

      We thank the reviewer for these comments and have addressed them in various ways.

      First, we removed the spline-based decoding and spectral clustering analyses. As we detail in our response to the recommendations, these approaches were complex and raised legitimate interpretational concerns, making it unclear how they supported our core claims. The revised manuscript now focuses on a set of representational similarity analyses to show representations consistent with social dimension similarity (affiliation vs. power decision trials) and social location similarity (trajectory/map-like coding based on participant choices).

      Second, we expanded the Methods and Results to more clearly explain the analyses, the questions they address, and associated controls and robustness tests. The dimension similarity analysis tests whether hippocampal patterns differentiate affiliation and power decisions in a way consistent with an abstract dimension representation. The location similarity RSAs test whether within-character neural pattern distances scale with Euclidean distance in social space (relationship-specific trajectories), and whether pattern distances across all characters scale with location distances when distances are globally standardized, consistent with a shared map-like coordinate system.

      Third, we emphasize new controls. For the dimension similarity RSA, we test for potential confounds such as word count, text sentiment, and reaction time differences between affiliation and power trials. For the location similarity RSA, we control for temporal distance between trials and show (in the Supplement) that the reported effects cannot be explained by temporal autocorrelation in the fMRI data or by the relationship between temporal distance and behavioral location distance.

      We believe that these changes address the reviewer’s request for clearer rationale and validation.

      Reviewer #2 (Public review):

      Summary:

      Using an innovative task design and analysis approach, the authors set out to show that the activity patterns in the hippocampus related to the development of social relationships with multiple partners in a virtual game. While I found the paper highly interesting (and would be thrilled if the claims made in the paper turned out to be true), I found many of the analyses presented either unconvincing or slightly unconnected to the claims that they were supposed to support. I very much hope the authors can alleviate these concerns in a revision of the paper.

      Strengths & Weaknesses:

      (1) The innovative task design and analyses, and the two independent samples of participants are clear strengths of the paper.

      We thank the reviewer for this comment.

      (2) The RSA analysis is not what I expected after I read the abstract and tile of the result section "The hippocampus represents abstract dimensions of affiliation and power". To me, the title suggests that the hippocampus has voxel patterns, which could be read out by a downstream area to infer the affiliation and power value, independent of the exact identity of the character in the current trial. The presented RSA analysis however presents something entirely different - namely that the affiliation trials and power trials elicit different activity patterns in the area indicated in Figure 3. What is the meaning of this analysis? It is not clear to me what is being "decoded" here and alternative explanations have not been considered. How do affiliation and power trials differ in terms of the length of sentences, complexity of the statements, and reaction time? Can the subsequent decision be decoded from these areas? I hope in the revision the authors can test these ideas - and also explain how the current RSA analysis relates to a representation of the "dimensions of affiliation and power".

      We agree that this analysis needed to be better justified and explained. We have revised the text to clarify that by “represents the interaction decision trials along abstract social dimensions” we mean that hippocampal multivoxel patterns differentiate affiliation and power decisions in a way consistent with the conceptual framework of underlying latent dimensions. The analysis tests one simple prediction of this view – that on average these trial types are separable in the neural patterns. We have added details to the Methods, showing how the affiliation and power trials do not differ in word count or in sentiment, but do differ in their semantics, as assessed by a Large Language Model, as we expect from our task assumptions. Thanks to the reviewer’s comment, we also tested for and found a reaction time difference between affiliation and power trials, that we now control for.

      (3) Overall, I found that the paper was missing some more fundamental and simpler RSA analyses that would provide a necessary backdrop for the more complicated analyses that followed. Can you decode character identity from the regions in question? If you trained a simple decoder for power and affiliation values (using the LLE, but without consideration of the sequential position as used in the spline analysis), could you predict left-out trials? Are affiliation and power represented in a way that is consistent across participants - i.e. could you train a model that predicts affiliation and power from N-1 subjects and then predict the Nth subject? Even if the answer to these questions is "no", I believe that they are important to report for the reader to get a full understanding of the nature of the neural representations in these areas. If the claim is that the hippocampus represents an "abstract" relationship space, then I think it is important to show that these representations hold across relationships. Otherwise, the claim needs to be adjusted to say that it is a representation of a relationship-specific trajectory, but not an abstract social space.

      We appreciate this comment and agree on the value of clear, conceptually simple analyses. To address this concern, we have simplified our main analysis significantly by removing the spline-based analysis and substituting it with a multiple regression representational similarity analysis approach. We test whether within-character neural pattern distances scale with distance in social space (relationship-specific trajectories), and whether pattern distances across all characters scale with location distances when distances are globally standardized. We find evidence for both, consistent with a shared map-like coordinate system.

      We agree that decoding character identity and an across-participant decoding approach could be informative. However, our current task is not well designed for such analyses and as such would complicate the paper. Although we agree that these questions are interesting, they would test questions that are outside the scope of this paper. 

      (4) To determine that the location of a specific character can be decoded from the hippocampal activity patterns, the authors use a sequential analysis in a lowdimensional space (using local linear embedding). In essence, each trial is decoded by finding the pair of two temporally sequential trials that is closest to this pattern, and then interpolating the power/affiliation values linearly between these two points. The obvious problem with this analysis is that fMRI pattern will have temporal autocorrelation and the power and affiliation values have temporal autocorrelation. Successful decoding could just reflect this smoothness in both time series. The authors present a series of control analyses, but I found most of them to not be incisive or convincing and I believe that they (and their explanation of their rationale) need to be improved. For example, the circular shifting of the patterns preserves some of the autocorrelation of the time series - but not entirely. In the shifted patterns, the first and last items are considered to be neighboring and used in the evaluation, which alone could explain the poor performance. The simplest way that I can see is to also connect the first and last item in a circular fashion, even when evaluating the veridical ordering. The only really convincing control condition I found was the generation of new sequences for every character by shuffling the sequence of choices and re-creating new artificial trajectories with the same start and endpoint. This analysis performs much better than chance (circular shuffling), suggesting to me that a lot of the observed decoding accuracy is indeed simply caused by the temporal smoothness of both time series.

      We thank the reviewer for emphasizing this important concern; we agree that we did not sufficiently address this in the initial submission. This concern is one main reason we removed the spline-based analysis and now use regression-based representational similarity analyses in its place. In the revision, we report autocorrelation-related analyses in the supplement, and via controls and additional analysis show that temporal distance (or its square) cannot explain the location-like effects. This substantially improves our ability to interpret the findings.

      (5) Overall, I found the analysis of the brain-behavior correlation presented in Figure 5 unconvincing. First, the correlation is mostly driven by one individual with a large network size and a 6.5 cluster. I suspect that the exclusion of this individual would lead to the correlation losing significance. Secondly, the neural measure used for this analysis (determining the number of optimal clusters that maximize the overlap between neural clustering and behavioral clustering) is new, non-validated, and disconnected from all the analyses that had been reported previously. The authors need to forgive me for saying so, but at this point of the paper, would it not be much more obvious to use the decoding accuracy for power and affiliation from the main model used in the paper thus far? Does this correlate? Another obvious candidate would be the decoding accuracy for character identity or the size of the region that encodes affiliation and power. Given the plethora of candidate neural measures, I would appreciate if the authors reported the other neural measures that were tried (and that did not correlate). One way to address this would have been to select the method on the initial sample and then test it on the validation sample - unfortunately, the measure was not pre-registered before the validation sample was collected. It seems that the correlation was only found and reported on the validation sample?

      We agree that this analysis was too complicated and under constrained, and thus not convincing. We think that removing this cluster-based analysis is the most conservative response to the reviewer’s concerns and have removed it from the revised paper.

      Recommendations to the authors:

      Reviewer #1 (Recommendations for the authors):

      The manuscript's description of the shuffling analysis performed during decoding is currently ambiguous, particularly concerning the control variables. This ambiguity is present only in the Figure 4 legends and requires a more detailed explanation within the methods section. It is essential to clarify whether the permutation process was conducted within each character's data set or across multiple characters' data sets. If permutations were confined to within-character data, the conclusion would be that the hippocampus encodes context-specific information rather than providing a twodimensional common space.

      We thank the reviewer for this comment. We have now removed the spline analysis due to these and other problems and have replaced it with representational similarity analyses that are both more rigorous and easier to interpret. We think these analyses allow us to make the claim that the characters are represented in a common space. 

      In the methods, we explain the analyses (page 23-24, lines 475-500):

      “We also expected the hippocampus to represent the different characters’ changing social locations, which are implicit in the participant’s choices. We used multiple regression searchlight RSA to test whether hippocampal pattern dissimilarity increases with social location distance, based on participant-specific trial-wise beta images where boxcar regressors spanned each trial’s reaction time.”

      “We ran two complementary regression analyses to address two related questions. First, we asked whether the hippocampus represents how a specific relationship changes over time. For this analysis, for each participant and each searchlight, we computed character-specific (i.e., only for same character trial pairs) correlation distances between trial-wise beta patterns and Euclidean distances between the social location behavioral coordinates. Distances were zscored within character trial pairs to isolate character-specific changes. The second analysis asked whether the there is a common map-like representation, where all trials, regardless of relationship, are represented in a shared coordinate system. Here, we included all trial pairs and z-scored the distances globally. For both regression analyses, we included control distances to control for possible confounds. To account for generic time-related changes, we controlled for absolute scan-time difference, as this correlated with location distance across participants (see Temporal autocorrelation of hippocampal beta patterns in the supplement). Although the square of this temporal distance did not explain any additional variance in behavioral distances, we ran a robustness analysis including both temporal distance and its square and saw qualitatively the same clusters with similar effect sizes. As such, we report the main analysis only. We included binary dimension difference (0 = trial pairs of different dimension, 1 = trials pairs of the same dimension), to ensure effects could not be explained by dimension-related effects. In the group-level model, we controlled for sample and the average reaction time between affiliation and power decisions.”

      In the results, we describe the results and our interpretation (pages 11-12, lines 185208):

      “We have shown that the left hippocampus represents the affiliation and power trials differently, consistent with an abstract dimensional representation. Does it also represent the changing social coordinates of each character? To test this, we multiple-regression RSA searchlight to test whether left hippocampus patterns represent the characters’ changing social locations across interactions (see Figure 3). We restricted the distances to those from trial pairs from the same character and standardized the distances within character (see Figure 3BD). We controlled for temporal distance to ensure the effect was not explainable by the time between trials, and for whether the trials shared the same underlying dimension (affiliation or power; see Location similarity searchlight analyses for more details). At the group level, we controlled for sample and the average reaction time difference between affiliation and power trials. Using the same testing logic as the dimensionality similarity analysis, we first tested our hypothesis in the bilateral hippocampus and found widespread effects in both the left (peak voxel MNI x/y/z = -35/-22/-15, cluster extent = 1470 voxels) and right (peak voxel MNI x/y/z = 37/-19/-14, cluster extent = 1953 voxels) hemispheres. The whole-brain searchlight analysis revealed additional clusters in the left putamen (-27/-3/14, cluster extent = 131 voxels) and left posterior cingulate cortex (-10/-28/41, cluster extent = 304 voxels).”

      “We then asked a second, complementary question: does the hippocampus represent all interactions, across characters, within a shared map? To test for this map-like structure, we repeated the analysis but now included all trial pairs, z-scoring distances globally rather than within character (Figure 3E-F). The remainder of the procedure followed the same logic as the preceding analysis. The hippocampus analysis revealed an extensive right hippocampal cluster (27/27/-14, cluster extent = 1667 voxels). The whole-brain analysis did not show any significant clusters.”

      We also describe the results in the discussion (page 12, lines 220-226): 

      “Then, we show that the hippocampus tracks the changing social locations (affiliation and power coordinates), above and beyond the effects of dimension or time; the hippocampus seemed to reflect both the changing within-character locations, tracking their locations over time, and locations across characters, as if in a shared map. Thus, these results suggest that the hippocampus does not just encode static character-related representations but rather tracks relationship changes in terms of underlying affiliation and power.”

      The manuscript's description of the decoding analysis is unclear regarding the variability of the decoded positions. The authors appear to decode the position of a character along a spline, which raises the question of whether this position correlates with time, since characters are more likely to be located further from the center in later trials. There is a concern that the decoded position may not solely reflect the hippocampal encoding of spatial location, but could also be influenced by an inherent temporal association. Given that a character's position at time t is likely to be similar to its positions at t−1 and t+1, it is crucial that the authors clearly articulate their approach to separating spatial representation from temporal autocorrelation. While this issue may have been addressed in the construction of the test set, the manuscript does not seem to adequately explain how such biases were mitigated in the training set.

      We agree that temporal confounding needs to be better accounted for, as our claims depend on space-like signals being separable from time-like ones. We address this in several ways in the revised manuscript.

      First, we emphasize that this is a narrative-based task, where temporal structure is relevant. As such, our analyses aim to demonstrate that effects go beyond simple temporal confounds, like trial order or time elapsed.

      Despite the temporal structure to the task, the decisions for the same character are spaced in time, and interleaved with other characters’ decisions, reducing the chance that a simple temporal confound could explain trajectory-related effects. We now describe the task better in the revised methods (page 16, lines 314-318):

      “All six characters’ decision trials are interleaved with one another and with narrative slides. On average, after a decision trial for a given character, participants view ~11 narrative slides and complete ~3 decisions for other characters before returning to that same character, such that each character’s choices are separated by an average of ~20 seconds (range 12 seconds to 10 min).”

      To address temporal autocorrelation in the fMRI time series, we used SPM’s FAST algorithm. Briefly, FAST models temporal autocorrelation as a weighted combination of candidate correlation functions, using the best estimate to remove autocorrelated signal.

      We also now report the temporal autocorrelation profile of the hippocampal beta series in the supplement, including (pages 29-31, lines 593-656):

      “The Social Navigation Task is a narrative-based task, where the relationships with characters evolve over time; trial pairs that are close in time may have more similar fMRI patterns for reasons unrelated to social mapping (e.g., slow drift). It is important to account for the role of time in our analyses, to ensure effects go beyond simple temporal confounds, like the time between decision trials. To aid in this, we quantified how fMRI signals change over time using a pattern autocorrelation function across decision trial lags. We defined the left and right hippocampus and the left and right intracalcarine cortex using the HarvardOxford atlas and thresholded them at 50% probability. We chose intracalcarine corex as an early visual control region that largely corresponds to primary visual cortex (V1), as it is likely to be driven by the visually presented narrative. We used the same trial-wise beta images as in the location similarity RSA (boxcar regressors spanning each decision trial’s reaction time). For each participant and region-of-interest (ROI), we extracted the decision trial-by-voxel beta matrix and quantified three kinds of temporal dependence: beta autocorrelation, multivoxel pattern correlation and multivoxel pattern correlation after regressing out temporal distance.”

      “To estimate the temporal autocorrelation of the trial-wise beta values, we treated each voxel’s beta values as a time series across trials and measured how much a voxel’s response on one trial correlated (Pearson) with its response on previous trials. We averaged these voxel wise autocorrelations within each ROI. At one trial apart (lag 1), both the hippocampus and V1 showed small positive autocorrelations, indicating modest trial-to-trial carryover in response amplitude (see Supplemental figure 1) that by three trials apart was approximately 0.”

      “Because our representational similarity analyses depend on trial-by-trial pattern similarity, we also estimated how multivoxel patterns were autocorrelated over time. For each lag, we computed the Pearson correlation between each trial’s voxelwise pattern and the pattern from the trial that many trials earlier, then averaged those correlations to obtain a single autocorrelation value for that lag. At one trial apart, both regions showed positive autocorrelation, with V1 having greater autocorrelation than the hippocampus; pattern correlations between trials 3 or 4 trials apart reduced across participants, settling into low but positive values. Then, for each participant and ROI, we regressed out the effect of absolute trial onset differences from all pairwise pattern correlations, to mirror the effects of controlling for these temporal distances in regressions. After removing this temporal distance component, the short lag pattern autocorrelation dropped substantially in both regions. The similarity in autocorrelation profiles between the two regions suggests that significant similarity effects in the hippocampus are unlikely to be driven by generic temporal autocorrelation.”

      “Relationship between behavioral location distance and temporal distance “

      “We also quantified how temporal distances between trials relates to their behavioral location distances, participant by participant. Our dimension similarity analysis controls for temporal distance between trials by design (see Social dimension similarity searchlight analysis), but our location similarity analysis does not. To decide on covariates to include in the analysis, we tested whether temporal distances can explain behavioral location distances. For each participant, we computed the correlations between trial pairs’ Euclidean distances in social locations and their linear temporal distances (“linear”) and the temporal distances squared (“quadratic”), to test for nonlinear effects. We then summarized the correlations using one-sample t-tests. The linear relationship was statistically significant (t<sub>49</sub> = 12.24, p < 0.001), whereas the quadratic relationship was not (t<sub>49</sub> = -0.55, p = 0.586). Similarly, in participant specific regressions with both linear and quadratic temporal distances, the linear effect was significant (t<sub>49</sub> = 5.69, p < 0.001) whereas the quadratic effect was not (t<sub>49</sub> = 0.20, p = 0.84). Based on this, we included linear temporal distances as a covariate in our location similarity analyses (see Location similarity searchlight analyses), and verified that adding a quadratic temporal distance covariate does not alter the results. Thus, the reported location-related pattern similarity effects go beyond what can be explained by temporal distance alone.”

      How the free parameter of spectral clustering was determined, if there is any?

      The interpretation of the number of hippocampal activity clusters is ambiguous. It is suggested that this number could fluctuate due to unique activity patterns or the fit to behaviorally defined trajectories. A lower number of clusters might indicate either a noisier or less distinct representation, raising the question of the necessity and interpretability of such a complex analysis. This concern is compounded by the potential sensitivity of the clustering to the variance in Euclidean distances of each trial's position relative to the center. If a character's position is consistently near the center, this could artificially reduce the perceived number of clusters. Furthermore, the manuscript should address whether there is any correlation between the number of clusters and behavioral performance. Specifically, what are the implications if participants are able to perform the task adequately with a smaller number of distinct hippocampal representation states?

      The rationale for conducting both cluster analysis and position decoding as separate analyses remains unclear. While cluster analysis can corroborate the findings of position decoding, it is not apparent why the authors chose to include trials across characters for cluster analysis but not for decoding analysis. An explanation of the reasoning behind this methodological divergence would help in understanding the distinct contributions of each analysis to the study's findings.

      The paper by Cohen et al. (1997), which provides the questionnaire for measuring the social network index, is not cited in the references. Upon reviewing the questionnaire that the author may have used, it appears that the term "social network size" does not refer to the actual size but to a score or index derived from the questionnaire responses. It may be more appropriate to replace the term "size" with a different term to more accurately reflect this distinction.

      Thank you for seeking these clarifications. Given the complexity of this analysis, we have decided to drop it to focus instead on our dimension and location representational similarity analysis results.

      Reviewer #2 (Recommendations for the authors):

      How did the participants' decisions on previous trials influence the future trials that the subjects saw? If the different participants were faced with different decision trials, then how did you compare their decision? If two participants made the same decisions, would they have seen exactly the same sequence of trials (see point X on how the trial sequence was randomized).

      All participants experience the same narrative, with the same decisions (i.e., the same available options); their choices (i.e., the options they select) are what implicitly shape each character’s affiliation and power locations, and thus each character’s trajectory. In other words, the narrative is fixed; what changes is the social coordinates assigned to each trial’s outcome depending on the participant’s choice of how to interact from the two narrative options. This means that we can meaningfully compare participants' neural patterns, given that every participant received the same text and images throughout.

      We have now added details on the narrative structure, replacing more ambiguous statements with a clearer description (page 16, lines 309-318):

      “The sequence of trials, including both narrative and decision trials, were fixed across participants; all that differs are the choices that the participants make. Narrative trials varied in duration, depending on the content (range 2-10 seconds), but were identical across participants. Decision trials always lasted 12 seconds, with two options presented until the participant made a choice, after which a blank screen was presented for the remainder of the duration. All six characters’ decision trials are interleaved with one another, and with the narrative slides. On average, after a decision trial for a given character, participants view ~11 narrative slides and complete ~3 decisions for other characters before returning to another decision with the same character, such that each character’s choices are separated by an average of ~20 seconds (ranging from 12 seconds to 10 min).”

      Figure 2B: I assume that "count" is "count of participants"? It would be good to indicate this on the axis/caption.

      Thank you for noting this. We have now removed this figure to improve the clarity of our figures. 

      We have shown that the hippocampus represents the interaction decision trials along abstract social dimensions, but does it track each relationship's unique sequence of abstract social coordinates?". Please clarify what you mean by "represents the interaction decision trials”.

      By “represents the interaction decision trials along abstract social dimensions”, we mean that when the participant makes a choice during the social interactions the hippocampal patterns represent the current social dimension of the choice (affiliation vs power). In other words, the hippocampal BOLD patterns differentiate affiliation and power decisions, consistent with our hypothesis of abstract social dimension representation in the hippocampus. We have clarified this (page 11, lines 185-187):

      “We have shown that the left hippocampus represents the affiliation and power trials differently, consistent with an abstract dimensional representation.”

      Page 8: "Hippocampal sequences are ordered like trajectories": It is not entirely clear to me what is meant by the split midpoint. Is this the midpoint of the piece-wise linear interpolation between two points, or simply the mean of all piecewise splines from one character? If the latter, is the null model the same as simply predicting the mean affiliation and power value for this character? If yes, please clarify and simplify this for the reader.

      Page 8: "Hippocampal sequences track relationship-specific paths". First, I was misled by the "relationship-specific". I first understood this to mean that you wanted to test whether two relationships (i.e. the identity of the partner) had different representations in Hippocampus, even if the power/affiliation trajectories are the same. I suggest changing the title of this section.

      The analysis in this section also breaks any temporal autocorrelation of measured patterns - so I am not sure if this is a strong analysis that should be interpreted at all. This analysis seems to not address the claim and conclusion that is drawn from it. I assume that the random trajectories have different choices and different affiliation/power values than the true trajectories. So the fact that the true trajectories can be better decoded simply shows that either choices or affiliation and power (or both) are represented in the neural code - but not necessarily anything beyond this.

      Page 9: "Neural trajectories reflect social locations, not just choices". The motivation of this analysis is not clear to me. As I understand this analysis, both social location and choices are changed from the real trajectories. How can it then show that it reflects social locations, not just the choices?

      Figure 4 caption: "on the -based approximation" Is there a missing "point"-[based] here?

      We agree with the reviewer that this analysis is hard to interpret and does not adequately address concerns regarding temporal autocorrelation, and as such we have removed it from the manuscript. We describe the new results that include controlling for temporal distance between trials (pages 11-12, lines 185-208):

      “We have shown that the left hippocampus represents the affiliation and power trials differently, consistent with an abstract dimensional representation. Does it also represent the changing social coordinates of each character? To test this, we multiple-regression RSA searchlight to test whether left hippocampus patterns represent the characters’ changing social locations across interactions (see Figure 3). We restricted the distances to those from trial pairs from the same character and standardized the distances within character (see Figure 3BD). We controlled for temporal distance to ensure the effect was not explainable by the time between trials, and for whether the trials shared the same underlying dimension (affiliation or power; see Location similarity searchlight analyses for more details). At the group level, we controlled for sample and the average reaction time difference between affiliation and power trials. Using the same testing logic as the dimensionality similarity analysis, we first tested our hypothesis in the bilateral hippocampus and found widespread effects in both the left (peak voxel MNI x/y/z = -35/-22/-15, cluster extent = 1470 voxels) and right (peak voxel MNI x/y/z = 37/-19/-14, cluster extent = 1953 voxels) hemispheres. The whole-brain searchlight analysis revealed additional clusters in the left putamen (-27/-3/14, cluster extent = 131 voxels) and left posterior cingulate cortex (-10/-28/41, cluster extent = 304 voxels).”

      “We then asked a second, complementary question: does the hippocampus represent all interactions, across characters, within a shared map? To test for this map-like structure, we repeated the analysis but now included all trial pairs, z-scoring distances globally rather than within character (Figure 3E-F). The remainder of the procedure followed the same logic as the preceding analysis. The hippocampus analysis revealed an extensive right hippocampal cluster (27/27/-14, cluster extent = 1667 voxels). The whole-brain analysis did not show any significant clusters.”

      We emphasize that the results are robust to the inclusion of temporal distance squared, in the methods (pages 23-24, lines 493-496):

      “Although the square of this temporal distance did not explain any additional variance in behavioral distances, we ran a robustness analysis including both temporal distance and its square and saw qualitatively the same clusters with similar effect sizes.”

      Page 8: last paragraph: The text sounds like you have already shown that you can decode character identity from the patterns - but I do not believe you have it this point. I would consider this would be an interesting addition to the paper, though.

      This section has been removed, and we have been careful to not imply this in the current version of the manuscript. While we agree a character identity decoding would enrich our argument, we do not believe our task is well-suited to capture a character identity effect. Each character only has 12 decision trials, and these trials are partially clustered in time - this is one problem of temporal autocorrelation that we thank the reviewers for pushing us to consider in more detail. Dimension and location patterns, on the other hand, are more natural to analyze in our task, especially in representational similarity analyses that test whether the relevant differences scale with neural distances.

      Page 14ff: Why is "Analysis section" not part of "Materials and Methods"? I believe adding the analysis after a careful description of the methods would improve the clarity of this section.

      We agree with the reviewer and have now consolidated these two sections.

      Two or three examples of Affiliation and Power decision trials should be provided, so the reader can form a more thorough understanding of how these dimensions were operationalized. For the RSA analysis, it is important to consider other differences between these two types of trials.

      We agree that adding examples will clarify the operationalization of these dimensions. We now include example affiliation and power trials in a table (page 17-18).

      We thank the reviewer for noting the need to rule out alternative hypotheses; we have added several such tests. Affiliation and power trials were not different in word count (page 17, lines 329-332):

      “To ensure that any observed neural or behavioral differences were not confounded by trivial features of the text, we tested for differences between the affiliation and power trials (where the two options are concatenated). There were no differences in word count (affiliation average = 26.6, power average = 25.6; t-test p = 0.56).”

      They were also not different in their sentiment, as assessed by a Large Language Model (LLM) analysis (page 17, lines 332-335): 

      “The text’s sentiment also did not differ between these trial types (t-test p = 0.72), as quantified by comparing sentiment compound scores (from most negative, −1, to most positive, +1), using a Large Language Model (LLM) specialized for sentiment analysis [26]. “

      The affiliation and power trials were different in terms of semantic content, consistent with our assumptions (page 17, lines 337-347):

      “Our framework assumes that affiliation and power trials differ in their semantic content–that is, in the conceptual meaning of the text, beyond word count or sentiment. To test this assumption, we used an LLM-based semantic embedding analysis. Each decision trial was embedded into a semantic vector. We then measured the cosine similarity between pairs of trials and calculated the difference between average within-dimension similarity (affiliation-affiliation and power-power comparisons) and average between-dimension similarity (affiliationpower comparisons) and assessed its statistical significance with permutation testing (1,000 shuffles of trial labels). As expected, decision trials of the same dimension were more similar to each other than trials of different dimension, across multiple LLMs (OpenAI’s text-embedding-3-small [27]: similarity difference = 0.041, p < 0.001; all-MiniLM-L12-v2 [28]: similarity difference = 0.032, p < 0.001).”

      The affiliation and power trials were different in average reaction time. To control for this difference in the dimension RSA analysis, we added each participant’s absolute value reaction time difference between the trial types as a covariate. The results were nearly identical to what they were before. We updated the text to reflect this new control (page 23, lines 471-474):

      “However, there was a significant difference in the average reaction time between affiliation and power decisions across participants (t<sub>49</sub> = 6.92, p < 0.001; affiliation mean = 4.92 seconds (s), power mean = 4.51 s), so we controlled for this in the group-level analysis.”

      The exact implementation and timing of the behavioral tasks should be described better. How many narrative trials were intermixed with the decision trials? Which characters were they assigned to? How was the sequence of trials determined? Was it fixed across participants, or randomized?

      We agree that additional details are helpful. In the Methods, we now describe this with more detail (page 16, lines 301-318):

      “There are two types of trials: “narrative” trials where background information is provided or characters talk or take actions (a total of 154 trials), and “decision” trials where the participant makes decisions in one-on-one interactions with a character that can change the relationship with that character (a total of 63 trials). On each decision, participants used a button response box to select between the two options. The options (1 or 2, assigned to the index and middle fingers) choice directions (+/-1 arbitrary unit on the current dimension) were counterbalanced.”

      “The sequence of trials, including both narrative and decision trials, were fixed across participants; all that differs are the choices that the participants make. Narrative trials varied in duration, depending on the content (range 2-10 seconds), but were identical across participants. Decision trials always lasted 12 seconds, with two options presented until the participant made a choice, after which a blank screen was presented for the remainder of the duration. All six characters’ decision trials are interleaved with one another, and with the narrative slides. On average, after a decision trial for a given character, participants view ~11 narrative slides and complete ~3 decisions for other characters before returning to another decision with the same character, such that each character’s choices are separated by an average of ~20 seconds (ranging from 12 seconds to 10 min).”

      What is the exact timing of trials during fMRI acquisition - i.e. how long were the trials, what was the ITI, were there long phases of rest to determine the resting baseline? These are all important factors that will determine the covariance between regressors and should be reported carefully. Ideally, I would like to see the trial-by-trial temporal auto-correlation structure across beta-weights to be reported.

      We thank the reviewer for asking for this clarification. We have added the following text to clarify the trial timing (page 16, lines 314-318):

      “All six characters’ decision trials are interleaved with one another and with narrative slides. On average, after a decision trial for a given character, participants view ~11 narrative slides and complete ~3 decisions for other characters before returning to that same character, such that each character’s choices are separated by an average of ~20 seconds (range 12 seconds to 10 min).”

      We now describe the temporal autocorrelation patterns in the supplement, including how we decided on how to control for temporal distance in representational similarity analyses (pages 29-31, lines 593-656):

      “The Social Navigation Task is a narrative-based task, where the relationships with characters evolve over time; trial pairs that are close in time may have more similar fMRI patterns for reasons unrelated to social mapping (e.g., slow drift). It is important to account for the role of time in our analyses, to ensure effects go beyond simple temporal confounds, like the time between decision trials. To aid in this, we quantified how fMRI signals change over time using a pattern autocorrelation function across decision trial lags. We defined the left and right hippocampus and the left and right intracalcarine cortex using the HarvardOxford atlas and thresholded them at 50% probability. We chose intracalcarine corex as an early visual control region that largely corresponds to primary visual cortex (V1), as it is likely to be driven by the visually presented narrative. We used the same trial-wise beta images as in the location similarity RSA (boxcar regressors spanning each decision trial’s reaction time). For each participant and region-of-interest (ROI), we extracted the decision trial-by-voxel beta matrix and quantified three kinds of temporal dependence: beta autocorrelation, multivoxel pattern correlation and multivoxel pattern correlation after regressing out temporal distance.”

      “To estimate the temporal autocorrelation of the trial-wise beta values, we treated each voxel’s beta values as a time series across trials and measured how much a voxel’s response on one trial correlated (Pearson) with its response on previous trials. We averaged these voxel wise autocorrelations within each ROI. At one trial apart (lag 1), both the hippocampus and V1 showed small positive autocorrelations, indicating modest trial-to-trial carryover in response amplitude (see Supplemental figure 1) that by three trials apart was approximately 0.”

      “Because our representational similarity analyses depend on trial-by-trial pattern similarity, we also estimated how multivoxel patterns were autocorrelated over time. For each lag, we computed the Pearson correlation between each trial’s voxelwise pattern and the pattern from the trial that many trials earlier, then averaged those correlations to obtain a single autocorrelation value for that lag. At one trial apart, both regions showed positive autocorrelation, with V1 having greater autocorrelation than the hippocampus; pattern correlations between trials 3 or 4 trials apart reduced across participants, settling into low but positive values. Then, for each participant and ROI, we regressed out the effect of absolute trial onset differences from all pairwise pattern correlations, to mirror the effects of controlling for these temporal distances in regressions. After removing this temporal distance component, the short lag pattern autocorrelation dropped substantially in both regions. The similarity in autocorrelation profiles between the two regions suggests that significant similarity effects in the hippocampus are unlikely to be driven by generic temporal autocorrelation.”

      “Relationship between behavioral location distance and temporal distance “

      “We also quantified how temporal distances between trials relates to their behavioral location distances, participant by participant. Our dimension similarity analysis controls for temporal distance between trials by design (see Social dimension similarity searchlight analysis), but our location similarity analysis does not. To decide on covariates to include in the analysis, we tested whether temporal distances can explain behavioral location distances. For each participant, we computed the correlations between trial pairs’ Euclidean distances in social locations and their linear temporal distances (“linear”) and the temporal distances squared (“quadratic”), to test for nonlinear effects. We then summarized the correlations using one-sample t-tests. The linear relationship was statistically significant (t<sub>49</sub> = 12.24, p < 0.001), whereas the quadratic relationship was not (t<sub>49</sub> = -0.55, p = 0.586). Similarly, in participant specific regressions with both linear and quadratic temporal distances, the linear effect was significant (t<sub>49</sub> = 5.69, p < 0.001) whereas the quadratic effect was not (t<sub>49</sub> = 0.20, p = 0.84). Based on this, we included linear temporal distances as a covariate in our location similarity analyses (see Location similarity searchlight analyses), and verified that adding a quadratic temporal distance covariate does not alter the results. Thus, the reported location-related pattern similarity effects go beyond what can be explained by temporal distance alone.”

    1. A retail strategy indicates how a retailer will deal effectively with its environment, customers, and competitors.2 As the retail management decision-making process (discussed in Chapter 1) indicates, the retail strategy (Section II) is the bridge between understanding the world of retailing (Section I) and more tactical merchandise management and store operations activities (Sections III and IV) undertaken to implement the retail strategy. The first part of this chapter defines the term retail strategy and discusses three important elements of retail strategy: (1) the target market segment, (2) the retail format, and (3) the retailer’s bases of sustainable competitive advantage. Then we outline approaches that retailers use to build a sustainable competitive advantage. After reviewing the various growth opportunities, including international expansion, that retailers can pursue, the chapter concludes with a discussion of the strategic retail planning process.

      Retail strategy is essentially the game plan that a retailer adopts in order to be successful. It describes how the business will react to the environment, how it will satisfy the needs of the customers, and how it will differentiate itself from other retailers. It links the overall understanding of retailing to the operational decisions such as merchandise and store operations. A retail strategy has three key components: target market, retail format, and competitive advantage.

  3. drive.google.com drive.google.com
    1. New designs areemerging, but taking them to scalewill require a game-changing strategy:unleashing the potential of teachersto lead the transformation of theirprofession.

      Over time, an increasing number of responsibilities have been placed on them, leading to a decline in their effectiveness in their primary area of expertise. To foster a more productive environment, educators should be encouraged to exercise their creativity. They should not be burdened with additional roles such as social worker, police officer, counselor, or, in some cases, a substitute parental figure. Addressing this issue is important for improving the overall educational experience and supporting the best outcomes for students.

    1. To put it in theterms of this book, slow games de-emphasize pressureand emphasize meditation.

      I think this is key. Even without a productivist mindset, some games can get frustratingly slow. Too challenging, in a way. Too painful perhaps. Too minimal to encourage reflection. Is a game like Mini Metro a reflective one? I don't think much. But then again, is a game like Magnet Block? Not either, probably.

      I feel the focus on walking simulators is nice as it gives many examples of what could be, but it misses genres like puzzles, or visual novels, that may sometimes be blurry! Coffee Talk or The Red Strings may be somewhat reflective, but is Doki Doki Literature Club or Gods Will be Watching? The story... the story and the intensity therein, its agressiveness, its fear, violence, etc. I'd argue contribute to the perception as well.

    Annotators

    1. You were not designed to live like this.

      The "Kingdom" logic fundamentally re-wires the concept of rank through the Greek principle of Sōma (σῶμα)—the Body. In 1 Corinthians 12:26, the spiritual mechanics are clear: "If one part suffers, every part suffers with it; if one part is honoured, every part rejoices with it." In the Empire, rank is a zero-sum game (Comparison). In the Kingdom, rank is replaced by Function (Collaboration). The Hebrew concept of Anavah (Humility) is not about thinking less of oneself, but about "occupying your designated space." When you occupy your specific "vector" in the Body, the threat of "rank loss" evaporates because your value is intrinsic to your function, not your height on a ladder. The Kingdom system replaces Social Dominance with Covenantal Security.

    1. How Socrates inspired Rangers' motivational T-shirt sloganPublished in:Fort Worth Star-Telegram (TX), Feb 21, 2017,Points of View Reference SourceBy:Stevenson, StefanStevenson, Stefan How Socrates inspired Rangers' motivational T-shirt slogan ~~~~~~~~ Stefan Stevenson Feb. 21--SURPRISE, Ariz. -- Before the Texas Rangers opened their first full squad workout of spring training Tuesday morning, manager Jeff Banister held his annual team meeting with players, coaches and support staff. Besides introducing faces to the new players in the major league clubhouse, Banister reminded the players of the meaning of the '86400' and 'The Game Knows' slogans on the front and back of the workout shirts he had made up. The front of the shirts read simply: "86400." "The Game Knows" runs across the back. 86,400 Seconds in a day, which Rangers' manager Jeff Banister hopes inspires his players to make them all count. There are 86,400 seconds in a day, Banister said, and "They go by very quickly. Don't waste any of them." "Very simple message," said Banister, who nevertheless invoked Socrates' famous quote "An unexamined life is not worth living" as inspiration. "Socrates talked about evaluating and reflecting on your own life and where you've been and how you take inventory," he said. "I thought about how do we take inventory on what we do each day. It's a lot of seconds but they go by very fast but how are you preparing and utilizing them on a daily basis to play a game that you're very skilled at?" The message on the back, "The Game Knows," is a reminder to the players that they're "all in this game together." "It's a reflection of how you play is what you put into it," Banister said. "It's just a reminder that great teammates challenge each other and they lead by example. Our guys are great at that. They prepare extremely well, they work hard." It's just a reminder that great teammates challenge each other and they lead by example. Our guys are great at that. Rangers' Jeff Banister on T-shirt slogan Banister's message also included a reminder to his players that spring is about baby steps. "We didn't' say this was go time. Go time is when you get the flyovers and you're standing on the foul lines and the stands are full," he said. That's go time. Right now, it's get ready time and get better time." He also reminded them of a mission unaccomplished. "The reality is we haven't completed our ultimate mission. That will always be the goal for us. But we can't do that today, we can't complete it today," he said. "If you're a team that looks back on what you've done in the past you don't really pay attention to what's right in front of you." Stefan Stevenson: 817-390-7760, @StevensonFWST ___ (c)2017 the Fort Worth Star-Telegram Visit the Fort Worth Star-Telegram at www.star-telegram.com Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC. Copyright of Fort Worth Star-Telegram (TX) is the property of Fort Worth Star-Telegram (TX). The copyright in an individual article may be maintained by the author in certain cases. Content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. Source: Fort Worth Star-Telegram (TX), Feb 21, 2017 Item: 2W6689243756
    1. deplorable message he was sent as an example.

      My example for malinformation revolves around one of the hottest topics in the sports world, gambling. While this industry is highly profitable for provinces in Canada, there is mal-information that comes with it, usually targeted at the athletes themselves.

      This CBC article from 2023 details hate speech from fans directed at a player on the Toronto Raptors due to his performance. A fan sent the message “I chose the wrong slave today”, after Chris Boucher scored ten points when the fan needed five for their bet to cash. This fan used a real game result and intended to harass Boucher through hate speech in his direct messages.

    1. For the past decade, there has been a moderate amount of influence between film and video games. Although most of them are awful, several films have been made based on video games. More commonly, video games are made based on film subjects. Many readers of this article will think of PacMan or Pong when they hear of video games. If so, then the possibility of creating a narrative film on a video game story should sound surprising. As my examples indicate, recent games are far more complex than PacMan; they often involve complex stories and characterization. For those who have not played heavily narrative-integrated games, the possibility of basing a narrative of whatever sophistication on a game should indicate the level of narrative complexity already to be found in the medium.

      This paragraph explains how movies are considered an art form and because movies have been made based on video games, shouldn't video games be considered an art form as well? The movies involving video game plots were just the tip of the iceberg. Since those movies, video games now offer a more interactive storyline and characterization.

    2. One reason that video game play is not considered an artistic performance is that video games are numerous and the technology has changed rapidly over the last few decades. As such, there is no one video game around which players have focused on for extended periods of time.

      The author is trying to understand that art may be seen as a longing for a singular piece and since there are many evolving games, they aren't special or meaningful enough to be considered so.

    3. Nevertheless, we should not ignore the aesthetic experience of the performers of art works. The video game player can plausibly be considered a performer in a larger video game performance

      The author tries to convey that performative art works can't be done without the performer which can also be a video game player and the art being the game design meant to enhance visual engagement.

    4. Max Payne (Remedy Entertainment, 2001) is a third-person shooter, a game where the camera takes a perspective from slightly behind the character, allowing the player to control the direction in which the character looks and moves. Max Payne is a noir-revenge thriller in which the player's avatar[7] is a rogue cop on a mission to avenge the death of his wife and child. The game employs first-person, voice-over narration, like many works in the film noir genre, and it includes periodic graphic-novel cut scenes, inserts that develop the narration between levels or major sections of play. Although the cut-rateChandler-inspired dialogue and voice-over could use some extensive rewriting, the game makes a great effort to motivate revenge-directed anger by forcing the player to work through hallucinatory flashback episodes in which Max is impotent to prevent the slaughtering of his family. The elaborate plot, complete with double-crossings and evidence of conspiracies spiraling out to the highest levels, helps to evoke classic noir-inspired dread.

      This paragraph gives an example of a video game and describes the visual rhetoric of camera angles, narration, dialogue, and storytelling that it contains.

    1. Okay, now that we've seen how some of the modern cryptographic techniques work. Let's see how they work together to make our internet secure. Securing the internet involves making the https protocol and the secure socket level protocol (ssl) secure. You've all familiar with https. This is the protocol you use when, for example, you want to give Amazon your credit card number so that you can buy a book or a movie. The secure socket level is a transport level protocol that is used when the client and server want to communicate through encrypted messages. So, both of these need be made secure And what does that mean? It means two things: that the messages can be sent securely, meaning encrypted and secondly, that the identity of the server can be trusted. When we think we're communicating with Amazon, we want to make sure we're communicating with Amazon and not some rogue site. All browsers and web servers come with a suite of both symmetric and asymmetric ciphers (public key). They also use what are known as digital certificates provided by certificate authorities that enable them to confirm the identity to confirm the identity of (trusted sites, such as Google, Amazon, etc.) servers and other computers on the internet? We're going to see how all this works together.

      Let's begin with a handshake that takes place whenever you request, or whenever your browser requests a secure session with a server. So, this is your browser on the left running on your laptop or your desktop computer (or even a mobile device: phones, tablets, etc. since they are smaller, confined computers). It makes a secure request to some server, using the https protocol to this server. The first thing the server does is it responds to the client by sending an x509 certificate, that's a standard certificate containing its public key. The client takes this certificate and uses one of its digital certificates that it has built into it to authenticate that the server really is who it says it is, that the server is Amazon. It also uses the certificate authorities information to confirm that the public key that was sent does belong to Amazon. So, in other words, it can be assured that when it sends an encrypted message, now back to the server that it's sending it to Amazon, and then only Amazon can read the the message. Given that once the client authenticates the server's identity and public key, it uses the publicly key to encrypt a randomly generated symmetric key. The client generates this internally encrypts it in the servers publicly and sends it back to the server. The server, of course, then uses its private key to decrypt the symmetric key. Now, at this point, both the client and server are sharing a symmetric key. And from then on, they can communicate in encrypted messages using that shared symmetric key. All the rest of the traffic between them during this session is done encrypted using that symmetric key. Now, why do they use both public key and symmetric keys in this handshake? Well, the reason is that they use the public key for exchanging the symmetric key. And they use the symmetric key for the actual encryption of the data that they're sending back and forth. And the reason for is, this is simply that symmetric key cryptography is much more efficient than public key cryptography. So, this saves time in terms of the traffic that goes on back and forth between the client and the server. Slide 87

      Now, what role do the certificate authorities play? Well, first of all, a Certificate Authority is an entity like a corporation or a foundation that issues digital certificates. These certify the ownership of the public keys, so these certificate authorities need to do whatever it takes including maybe visiting the mem, visiting the organizations that say that may that create these public keys to determine that the public key really is what it says, (example) it is the public key of Google or the public key of Amazon. And the fact that they are trusted third parties, these authorities is what enables the browsers and the servers to trust them. They don't have any stake in the game other than authenticating that these public keys really do belong to who they say they belong to. So, commercial certificate authorities charge money to organizations to create browsers and so forth, and they will automatically provide a set of these certificates that are built into the browsers. For example, Mozilla maintains a list of at least 57 different trusted certificate authority corresponding certificates built right into its software.

    1. Karlsefni caused trees to be felled and to be hewed into timbers wherewith to load his ship, and the wood was placed upon a cliff to dry. They gathered somewhat of all of the valuable products of the land: grapes, and all kinds of game and fish, and other good things.

      It seems like the vikings were having a lot of success early on. I wonder how it all went wrong, and what exact events made them leave.

    2. Natives of North America also settled in complex societies in various regions, based mainly on the cultivation of corn, wild rice, squash, and pumpkins and on managing the environment to promote the success of game animals. The traditional U.S. and Canadian Thanksgiving dinner celebrates the native foods of North America, including the turkey.

      It is cool to see where most of our Thanksgiving dishes came from. Like the reason we have all of these dishes was because of the Native of North America and the things they found and ate.

    3. Now the ultimate end and scope that incited the Spaniards to endeavor the Extirpation and Desolation of this People, was Gold only…

      I remember a few years back playing a video game. I forget which one, but at some point a character said something along the lines of "After everything, all you've got to show is some metal," in relation to the pursuit of gold. That's always stuck with me. Metal has value, yes, but it's not worth blood. People shouldn't die for it, and no man with an ounce of honor should kill for it. I think that Bartolomé would've thought much the same.

    1. Romeo. What, shall this speech be spoke for our excuse? Or shall we on without a apology? Benvolio. The date is out of such prolixity: We'll have no Cupid hoodwink'd with a scarf, 500Bearing a Tartar's painted bow of lath, Scaring the ladies like a crow-keeper; Nor no without-book prologue, faintly spoke After the prompter, for our entrance: But let them measure us by what they will; 505We'll measure them a measure, and be gone. Romeo. Give me a torch: I am not for this ambling; Being but heavy, I will bear the light. Mercutio. Nay, gentle Romeo, we must have you dance. Romeo. Not I, believe me: you have dancing shoes 510With nimble soles: I have a soul of lead So stakes me to the ground I cannot move. Mercutio. You are a lover; borrow Cupid's wings, And soar with them above a common bound. Romeo. I am too sore enpierced with his shaft 515To soar with his light feathers, and so bound, I cannot bound a pitch above dull woe: Under love's heavy burden do I sink. Mercutio. And, to sink in it, should you burden love; Too great oppression for a tender thing. 520 Romeo. Is love a tender thing? it is too rough, Too rude, too boisterous, and it pricks like thorn. Mercutio. If love be rough with you, be rough with love; Prick love for pricking, and you beat love down. Give me a case to put my visage in: 525A visor for a visor! what care I What curious eye doth quote deformities? Here are the beetle brows shall blush for me. Benvolio. Come, knock and enter; and no sooner in, But every man betake him to his legs. 530 Romeo. A torch for me: let wantons light of heart Tickle the senseless rushes with their heels, For I am proverb'd with a grandsire phrase; I'll be a candle-holder, and look on. The game was ne'er so fair, and I am done. 535 Mercutio. Tut, dun's the mouse, the constable's own word: If thou art dun, we'll draw thee from the mire Of this sir-reverence love, wherein thou stick'st Up to the ears. Come, we burn daylight, ho! Romeo. Nay, that's not so. 540 Mercutio. I mean, sir, in delay We waste our lights in vain, like lamps by day. Take our good meaning, for our judgment sits Five times in that ere once in our five wits. Romeo. And we mean well in going to this mask; 545But 'tis no wit to go. Mercutio. Why, may one ask?

      romeoo benvolio and mercutioo is walking towards the feast romeo explains his unrequited love for rosaline and how hes too sad to enjoy himself and will only go as a observer

    1. Some names appear highlighted in red, an alert that a player’s workload or movement patterns may put him at higher risk for injury. Trainers and sports scientists huddle, comparing the data with what they have seen on the field.

      As an athlete myself I understand that sometimes there is injuries that seem to come out of no where or not go away. Having a technology that lets trainers know you have been over working or are at a higher risk for injury is game changing.

    2. Since the Digital Athlete team portal launched in 2023, practice-related lower-extremity strains have dropped roughly 14 percent leaguewide, according to NFL data. The same technology simulated 10,000 virtual seasons to help design the league’s new kickoff, which reduced injuries even as returns increased to their highest rate in years, the league said.

      Now knowing that the NFL's new kickoff rules cone from the digital athlete portal finally answered my question on who made this rule. I think the new kickoffs are quite bizarre, and considering how many rules the NFL has implemented in the last 10 years has made the game much more soft. The fact that some athletes are signing contracts over 50 million dollars and some almost 100 million, they should be able to play the game the right way and no cushioning rules.

    1. this year, I decided that I would get back in the game. My objective is to write one blog post per week. I’ll be happy if I can do that. But I’m also conscious that anything that I put up is going to be scraped, which makes me sort of think that I’m feeding the beast, but there are a number of people who have asked me to keep writing.

      2026 decided to blog more again despite the aicrawlers. Can relate. I realised that my primary goal for blogging is distributed conversations as it was at the start, so whatever else happens is a 'don't care'.

    1. Thosewho cannot afford innumerable booster packs, war-game units and paint,role-playing accessories, or many rolls of quarters cannot participate in thesetraditional settings in the same way as those who can. Those who cannotafford innumerable loot boxes, character skins and equipment, or a varietyof in-game resources cannot participate in contemporary digital gameplay inthe same way as those who can. Of course, those who can afford more gamesin any setting can participate in more gameplay.

      Cultural capital therefore stems from monetary and time capital. You need both, and then you are allowed new forms of communication, new forms of convincing others, of sharing a framework, an ideology, of not just performing but coming learned. This is a current pervasive ideal: The fact that different motivations and experiential situations are to be homogenised, and that when you come to an educational activity, you must do so with specific requirements and mindset.

      This is one of the most notable wings of meritocratic thought and efficiency, when in actuality, lack of retraining often makes senior workers stagnate, and replace about collective innovation for top-down imposition, whereas newer entrants are judged harshly and demobilised, sterilised, as if they were playing pretend with toys and not engaging with the real material.

    2. Game controllers represent a “control technology” and “control revolu-tion” in response to the “crisis of control” resulting from the need to inter-act with digitalized gameplay. Controllers determine how gameplay inputscan be processed and communication reciprocated to make some form ofgameplay possible. That is, controllers are a revolution because we didn’tneed them before gameplay became digital, but also because they mediate,remediate, and make possible familiar gameplay elements, activities, andoutcomes within a digital setting.Bolter and Grusin describe how remediation is “representation of onemedium in another.”10 They write, “Every act of mediation depends on otheracts of mediation. Media are continually commenting on, reproducing, andreplacing each other,”11 or at least are becoming more popular.

      Akin to McLuhan's tetrad :)

    3. Kelly Hacker and I described these posts and reviewsabout Rust as expressing a “privilege of rejection,”63 an idea that is similar yetcomplementary to Passmore et al.’s privilege of immersion. We characterizethis privilege of rejection as when (predominantly white-masculine) playersneed not accept—or learn to be neutral about—playing as demographicallyunaligned embodiments simply to participate in the medium of games. Thatis, rejecting demographically misaligned characters has little influence ontheir options of games to play.

      Note the impact shall be different depending on the game! In social games, take VR chat, or Second Lind, perhaps even The Sims, this is much more prominent. These aren't examined. Games like Minecraft allow more than parametric customisation, they have mods and skins... and in this sense, ethnographies on game worlds, will be exemplatory, but also limited by these constraints. Sure, white is a terrible default... but we shouldn't ask indie devs to add perfect customisation settings when their games lack basic accessibility features like high contrast or text read-aloud.

    4. Sexual orientation is challenging to code reliably in any context, for rea-sons described in greater detail by scholars such as Adrienne Shaw and Eliza-veta Friesem. Writing about the creation of the LGBTQ Video Game Archive

      And gender, and any/most self-defined identities, which can and do change over time (and probably will more in the future, with transhumanism), even if they are stereotypically pushed top-down, like functional diversity.

    Annotators

    1. Matillion’s core strength is ELT (Extract, Load, Transform), which traditionally relies on batch processing;

      In today's AI day and age, you need up to date real time info rather than historical batch loading. Without having a streaming broker, you aren't really playing in the game

    1. Solution 2 : Sicko's Lagoon

      This solution seems to revolve around the following

      • Loot being constant but not generous. This menas the player will always be picoing things up but everything matters.
      • Loot being losable. So that everything they have muat be guarded but of course that playing the game is inevitably risking losing it.
      • Interdependent. This means that there's no 'win button'. Very little will actually win you the game and as such you're looking for something thatauits your needs. And when you don't find it you're doing your best to use what you have.
      • Indirectly supportive og your goal. The racing game here is an excellent example because going faster won't help you win if your turning circle is rubbish. So the core challenge or test must require an interaction of different abilities to overcome.
    1. One particularly striking example of an attempt to infer information from seemingly unconnected data was someone noticing that the number of people sick with COVID-19 correlated with how many people were leaving bad reviews of Yankee Candles saying “they don’t have any scent” (note: COVID-19 can cause a loss of the ability to smell):

      This raises an interesting connection for me because hedge fund "quants" also use this strategy: finding seemingly useless or irrelevant data to game the market. Somehow, both are effective, if not only for a short period

    1. Moneyball, the sport hasattracted data nerds throughout its history.

      yes!!!! However, they don't always work out. I personally love when stats can back up something, like stealing bases, but I know that although stealing bases is statistically not a smart choice, it adds drama to the game. The same can be said with boxing, but when we lose the integrity of sport, it just becomes numbers and playing in the favor of whomever get to benefit from those numbers

    2. Andthey keep quiet about the purpose of the LSI–R questionnaire. Otherwise,they know, many prisoners will attempt to game it, providing answers tomake them look like model citizens the day they leave the joint.

      SO messed up. Using this type of data and justifying it as a form of subconscious racism

    3. Moreover, their data is highly relevant to the outcomes they aretrying to predict. This may sound obvious, but as we’ll see throughoutthis book, the folks building WMDs routinely lack data for the behaviorsthey’re most interested in

      can the same be said for any sport? I think of the times where underdogs win. I watch a lot of volleyball and never thought A&M would win the national championship. But their game throughout the season became increasingly better. Were player statistics getting to the level of a #1 team?

    4. In other words, he was thinking like a data scientist. He had analyzedcrude data, most of it observational: Ted Williams usually hit the ball toright field. Then he adjusted

      Sports data amazes me and I see how coaches make so much. Not only do they have to be experts in the game, but they also have to constantly monitor trends on game days and make critical decisions, especially during high stakes games.

    1. Men hunted big game, defended the band from predatory animals, and fought; women gathered, fished, trapped small animals, and grew the "three sisters" of corn, beans, and squash in garden plots they shifted when soil fertility began to wane. Because they controlled the more dependable food sources, women had social power; they typically were responsible for distributing all the food and often chose the men who led councils and war parties.

      At what point in history did men begin to have more power in leadership roles then, and why?

  4. Jan 2026
    1. What's important to recognize is that Advantage/Disadvantage doesn't technically ban or even replace the diegetic conversation. In theory the two procedures can co-exist, but in practice—with player priorities, optimal play, and finite time—A/D takes precedence.

      One solution might be to. Have NPCs use the mechanics in ways that teach the player how effective they are. Similar to the way that Pokemon uses mechanics to teach people how to play the Pokemon game and helps them to avoid the trap of simply getting large damage moves and using only them.

    1. ime Management Strategies for Success Following are some strategies you can begin using immediately to make the most of your time: Prepare to be successful. When planning ahead for studying, think yourself into the right mood. Focus on the positive. “When I get these chapters read tonight, I’ll be ahead in studying for the next test, and I’ll also have plenty of time tomorrow to do X.” Visualize yourself studying well! Use your best—and most appropriate—time of day. Different tasks require different mental skills. Some kinds of studying you may be able to start first thing in the morning as you wake, while others need your most alert moments at another time. Break up large projects into small pieces. Whether it’s writing a paper for class, studying for a final exam, or reading a long assignment or full book, students often feel daunted at the beginning of a large project. It’s easier to get going if you break it up into stages that you schedule at separate times—and then begin with the first section that requires only an hour or two. Do the most important studying first. When two or more things require your attention, do the more crucial one first. If something happens and you can’t complete everything, you’ll suffer less if the most crucial work is done. If you have trouble getting started, do an easier task first. Like large tasks, complex or difficult ones can be daunting. If you can’t get going, switch to an easier task you can accomplish quickly. That will give you momentum, and often you feel more confident tackling the difficult task after being successful in the first one. If you’re feeling overwhelmed and stressed because you have too much to do, revisit your time planner. Sometimes it’s hard to get started if you keep thinking about other things you need to get done. Review your schedule for the next few days and make sure everything important is scheduled, then relax and concentrate on the task at hand. If you’re really floundering, talk to someone. Maybe you just don’t understand what you should be doing. Talk with your instructor or another student in the class to get back on track. Take a break. We all need breaks to help us concentrate without becoming fatigued and burned out. As a general rule, a short break every hour or so is effective in helping recharge your study energy. Get up and move around to get your blood flowing, clear your thoughts, and work off stress. Use unscheduled times to work ahead. You’ve scheduled that hundred pages of reading for later today, but you have the textbook with you as you’re waiting for the bus. Start reading now, or flip through the chapter to get a sense of what you’ll be reading later. Either way, you’ll save time later. You may be amazed how much studying you can get done during downtimes throughout the day. Keep your momentum. Prevent distractions, such as multitasking, that will only slow you down. Check for messages, for example, only at scheduled break times. Reward yourself. It’s not easy to sit still for hours of studying. When you successfully complete the task, you should feel good and deserve a small reward. A healthy snack, a quick video game session, or social activity can help you feel even better about your successful use of time. Just say no. Always tell others nearby when you’re studying, to reduce the chances of being interrupted. Still, interruptions happen, and if you are in a situation where you are frequently interrupted by a family member, spouse, roommate, or friend, it helps to have your “no” prepared in advance: “No, I really have to be ready for this test” or “That’s a great idea, but let’s do it tomorrow—I just can’t today.” You shouldn’t feel bad about saying no—especially if you told that person in advance that you needed to study. Have a life. Never schedule your day or week so full of work and study that you have no time at all for yourself, your family and friends, and your larger life. Use a calendar planner and daily to-do list. We’ll look at these time management tools in the next section.

      The main idea of “Time Management Strategies for Success” is that managing your time well is about working smarter, not just harder. This section gives practical, realistic strategies students can use right away to stay productive, reduce stress, and avoid procrastination—while still having a life.

      In simple terms, it teaches you how to:

      Plan ahead with a positive mindset, so studying feels less stressful and more motivating.

      Use your energy wisely by doing tasks at the time of day when you focus best.

      Break big tasks into smaller, manageable pieces to avoid feeling overwhelmed.

      Set priorities, so the most important work gets done first.

      Build momentum by starting with easier tasks when motivation is low.

      Stay flexible by reviewing your schedule when things feel out of control.

      Ask for help when needed, instead of staying stuck and confused.

      Take regular breaks to avoid burnout and stay mentally fresh.

      Use small pockets of free time during the day to get work done early.

      Avoid distractions, especially multitasking, to keep your focus strong.

      Reward yourself after completing tasks to stay motivated.

      Learn to say no to interruptions without feeling guilty.

      Balance work and life, making time for rest, friends, and personal well-being.

      Use planners and to-do lists to stay organized and on track.

    1. The discs and cartridges of digital games, which can also be analogousto collections of physical pieces, can be sold, lent, borrowed, or stolen inmuch the same way. Even when these activities violate terms and condi-tions, for games that are not digitally distributed or networked, such termsand conditions were/are hard to enforce. However, game software and digitalplatforms and their collections of assets and code do not belong to players,and lending or imposing our own terms of use on them is explicitly prohib-ited and technically challenging to implement.

      Not necessarily... you know, there is a vibrant community behind videogame cracking (and virtualisation). And DRM-free titles (from GOG, or itch) provide a cheesy way of sharing games more easily than sharing "disks".

    2. Start “buttons” are not always literal/physical buttons; they may simply bemenu prompts. These buttons or prompts are a common feature of digitalgames with an incredibly straightforward function. Explicitly, although Iwill not suggest actually, they are the inner edge of the periludic thresholdbecause interacting with them means starting gameplay.

      Think of finding the buttons to actually find a competitive match for a game like League, not to mention the "accept" to enter it.

    3. Pagination does not inform readers about textualcontent, but it can influence how they interact with a book. Knowing howmany pages remain in a chapter, for example, can help readers better decidehow best to allocate their time—when to continue reading or when to putthe book down and go to sleep. Even if they provide no information aboutnarrative or other content, completion percentages and similar informa-tion help players make similar decisions about their participation in digitalgameplay—helping prioritize tasks or allocate real-life time.

      They are also a partial spoiler, for you can deduce information based on how long the game will last.

    Annotators

    Annotators

    1. eLife Assessment

      This important work investigates cooperative behaviors in adolescents using a repeated Prisoner's Dilemma game. The approach used in the study is solid. The impact of this work could be further enhanced with more rigorous modelling procedures and more modeling selection/comparison details, as well as by framing the findings in terms of the specific game-theoretic context, rather than general cooperation. Findings from this study will be of interest to developmental psychologists, economists, and social psychologists.

    2. Reviewer #1 (Public review):

      Summary:

      Wu and colleagues aimed to explain previous findings that adolescents, compared to adults, show reduced cooperation following cooperative behaviour from a partner in several social scenarios. The authors analysed behavioural data from adolescents and adults performing a zero-sum Prisoner's Dilemma task and compared a range of social and non-social reinforcement learning models to identify potential algorithmic differences. Their findings suggest that adolescents' lower cooperation is best explained by a reduced learning rate for cooperative outcomes, rather than differences in prior expectations about the cooperativeness of a partner. The authors situate their results within the broader literature, proposing that adolescents' behaviour reflects a stronger preference for self-interest rather than a deficit in mentalising.

      Strengths:

      The work as a whole suggests that, in line with past work, adolescents prioritise value accumulation, and this can be, in part, explained by algorithmic differences in weighted value learning. The authors situate their work very clearly in past literature, and make it obvious the gap they are testing and trying to explain. The work also includes social contexts which move the field beyond non-social value accumulation in adolescents. The authors compare a series of formal approaches that might explain the results and establish generative and model-comparison procedures to demonstrate the validity of their winning model and individual parameters. The writing was clear, and the presentation of the results was logical and well-structured.

      Weaknesses:

      I had some concerns about the methods used to fit and approximate parameters of interest. Namely, the use of maximum likelihood versus hierarchical methods to fit models on an individual level, which may reduce some of the outliers noted in the supplement, and also may improve model identifiability.

      There was also little discussion given the structure of the Prisoner's Dilemma, and the strategy of the game (that defection is always dominant), meaning that the preferences of the adolescents cannot necessarily be distinguished from the incentives of the game, i.e. they may seem less cooperative simply because they want to play the dominant strategy, rather than a lower preferences for cooperation if all else was the same.

      The authors have now addressed my comments and concerns in their revised version.

      Appraisal & Discussion:

      Overall, I believe this work has the potential to make a meaningful contribution to the field. Its impact would be strengthened by more rigorous modelling checks and fitting procedures, as well as by framing the findings in terms of the specific game-theoretic context, rather than general cooperation.

      Comments on revisions:

      Thank you to the authors for addressing my comments and concerns.

    3. Reviewer #2 (Public review):

      Summary:

      This manuscript investigates age-related differences in cooperative behavior by comparing adolescents and adults in a repeated Prisoner's Dilemma Game (rPDG). The authors find that adolescents exhibit lower levels of cooperation than adults. Specifically, adolescents reciprocate partners' cooperation to a lesser degree than adults do. Through computational modeling, they show that this relatively low cooperation rate is not due to impaired expectations or mentalizing deficits, but rather a diminished intrinsic reward for reciprocity. A social reinforcement learning model with asymmetric learning rate best captured these dynamics, revealing age-related differences in how positive and negative outcomes drive behavioral updates. These findings contribute to understanding the developmental trajectory of cooperation and highlight adolescence as a period marked by heightened sensitivity to immediate rewards at the expense of long-term prosocial gains.

      Strengths:

      Rigid model comparison and parameter recovery procedure. Conceptually comprehensive model space. Well-powered samples.

      Weaknesses:

      A key conceptual distinction between learning from non-human agents (e.g., bandit machines) and human partners is that the latter are typically assumed to possess stable behavioral dispositions or moral traits. When a non-human source abruptly shifts behavior (e.g., from 80% to 20% reward), learners may simply update their expectations. In contrast, a sudden behavioral shift by a previously cooperative human partner can prompt higher-order inferences about the partner's trustworthiness or the integrity of the experimental setup (e.g., whether the partner is truly interactive or human). The authors may consider whether their modeling framework captures such higher-order social inferences. Specifically, trait-based models-such as those explored in Hackel et al. (2015, Nature Neuroscience)-suggest that learners form enduring beliefs about others' moral dispositions, which then modulate trial-by-trial learning. A learner who believes their partner is inherently cooperative may update less in response to a surprising defection, effectively showing a trait-based dampening of learning rate.

      This asymmetry in belief updating has been observed in prior work (e.g., Siegel et al., 2018, Nature Human Behaviour) and could be captured using a dynamic or belief-weighted learning rate. Models incorporating such mechanisms (e.g., dynamic learning rate models as in Jian Li et al., 2011, Nature Neuroscience) could better account for flexible adjustments in response to surprising behavior, particularly in the social domain.

      Second, the developmental interpretation of the observed effects would be strengthened by considering possible non-linear relationships between age and model parameters. For instance, certain cognitive or affective traits relevant to social learning-such as sensitivity to reciprocity or reward updating-may follow non-monotonic trajectories, peaking in late adolescence or early adulthood. Fitting age as a continuous variable, possibly with quadratic or spline terms, may yield more nuanced developmental insights.

      Finally, the two age groups compared-adolescents (high school students) and adults (university students)-differ not only in age but also in sociocultural and economic backgrounds. High school students are likely more homogenous in regional background (e.g., Beijing locals), while university students may be drawn from a broader geographic and socioeconomic pool. Additionally, differences in financial independence, family structure (e.g., single-child status), and social network complexity may systematically affect cooperative behavior and valuation of rewards. Although these factors are difficult to control fully, the authors should more explicitly address the extent to which their findings reflect biological development versus social and contextual influences.

      Comments on revisions:

      The authors have addressed most of my previous comments adequately. I only have a minor question: The models with some variations of RL seem to have very similar AIC. What were the authors' criteria in deciding which model is the "winning" model when several models have similar AIC? Are there ways of integrating models with similar structures into a "model family"? Alternatively, is it possible that different models fit better for different subgroups of participants (e.g., high schoolers vs. college students)?

    4. Author response:

      The following is the authors’ response to the previous reviews

      Public Reviews:

      Reviewer #1 (Public review):

      Summary:

      Wu and colleagues aimed to explain previous findings that adolescents, compared to adults, show reduced cooperation following cooperative behaviour from a partner in several social scenarios. The authors analysed behavioural data from adolescents and adults performing a zero-sum Prisoner's Dilemma task and compared a range of social and non-social reinforcement learning models to identify potential algorithmic differences. Their findings suggest that adolescents' lower cooperation is best explained by a reduced learning rate for cooperative outcomes, rather than differences in prior expectations about the cooperativeness of a partner. The authors situate their results within the broader literature, proposing that adolescents' behaviour reflects a stronger preference for self-interest rather than a deficit in mentalising.

      Strengths:

      The work as a whole suggests that, in line with past work, adolescents prioritise value accumulation, and this can be, in part, explained by algorithmic differences in weighted value learning. The authors situate their work very clearly in past literature, and make it obvious the gap they are testing and trying to explain. The work also includes social contexts that move the field beyond non-social value accumulation in adolescents. The authors compare a series of formal approaches that might explain the results and establish generative and modelcomparison procedures to demonstrate the validity of their winning model and individual parameters. The writing was clear, and the presentation of the results was logical and wellstructured.

      We thank the reviewer for recognizing the strengths of our work.

      Weaknesses:

      (Q1) I also have some concerns about the methods used to fit and approximate parameters of interest. Namely, the use of maximum likelihood versus hierarchical methods to fit models on an individual level, which may reduce some of the outliers noted in the supplement, and also may improve model identifiability.

      We thank the reviewer for this suggestion. Following the comment, we added a hierarchical Bayesian estimation. We built a hierarchical model with both group-level (adolescent group and adult group) and individual-level structures for the best-fitting model. Four Markov chains with 4,000 samples each were run, and the model converged well (see Figure supplement 7)

      We then analyzed the posterior parameters for adolescents and adults separately. The results were consistent with those from the MLE analysis (see Figure 2—figure supplement 5). These additional results have been included in the Appendix Analysis section (also see Figure supplement 5 and 7). In addition, we have updated the code and provided the link for reference. We appreciate the reviewer’s suggestion, which improved our analysis.

      (Q2) There was also little discussion given the structure of the Prisoner's Dilemma, and the strategy of the game (that defection is always dominant), meaning that the preferences of the adolescents cannot necessarily be distinguished from the incentives of the game, i.e. they may seem less cooperative simply because they want to play the dominant strategy, rather than a lower preferences for cooperation if all else was the same.

      We thank the reviewer for this comment and agree that adolescents’ lower cooperation may partly reflect a rational response to the incentive structure of the Prisoner’s Dilemma.

      However, our computational modeling explicitly addressed this possibility. Model 4 (inequality aversion) captures decisions that are driven purely by self-interest or aversion to unequal outcomes, including a parameter reflecting disutility from advantageous inequality, which represents self-oriented motives. If participants’ behavior were solely guided by the payoff-dominant strategy, this model should have provided the best fit. However, our model comparison showed that Model 5 (social reward) performed better in both adolescents and adults, suggesting that cooperative behavior is better explained by valuing social outcomes beyond payoff structures.

      Besides, if adolescents’ lower cooperation is that they strategically respond to the payoff structure by adopting defection as the more rewarding option. Then, adolescents should show reduced cooperation across all rounds. Instead, adolescents and adults behaved similarly when partners defected, but adolescents cooperated less when partners cooperated and showed little increase in cooperation even after consecutive cooperative responses. This pattern suggests that adolescents’ lower cooperation cannot be explained solely by strategic responses to payoff structures but rather reflects a reduced sensitivity to others’ cooperative behavior or weaker social reciprocity motives. We have expanded our Discussion to acknowledge this important point and to clarify how the behavioral and modeling results address the reviewer’s concern.

      “Overall, these findings indicate that adolescents’ lower cooperation is unlikely to be driven solely by strategic considerations, but may instead reflect differences in the valuation of others’ cooperation or reduced motivation to reciprocate. Although defection is the payoffdominant strategy in the Prisoner’s Dilemma, the selective pattern of adolescents’ cooperation and the model comparison results indicate that their reduced cooperation cannot be fully explained by strategic incentives, but rather reflects weaker valuation of social reciprocity.”

      Appraisal & Discussion:

      (Q3) The authors have partially achieved their aims, but I believe the manuscript would benefit from additional methodological clarification, specifically regarding the use of hierarchical model fitting and the inclusion of Bayes Factors, to more robustly support their conclusions. It would also be important to investigate the source of the model confusion observed in two of their models.

      We thank the reviewer for this comment. In the revised manuscript, we have clarified the hierarchical Bayesian modeling procedure for the best-fitting model, including the group- and individual-level structure and convergence diagnostics. The hierarchical approach produced results that fully replicated those obtained from the original maximumlikelihood estimation, confirming the robustness of our findings. Please also see the response to Q1.

      Regarding the model confusion between the inequality aversion (Model 4) and social reward (Model 5) models in the model recovery analysis, both models’ simulated behaviors were best captured by the baseline model. This pattern arises because neither model includes learning or updating processes. Given that our task involves dynamic, multi-round interactions, models lacking a learning mechanism cannot adequately capture participants’ trial-by-trial adjustments, resulting in similar behavioral patterns that are better explained by the baseline model during model recovery. We have added a clarification of this point to the Results:

      “The overlap between Models 4 and 5 likely arises because neither model incorporates a learning mechanism, making them less able to account for trial-by-trial adjustments in this dynamic task.”

      (Q4) I am unconvinced by the claim that failures in mentalising have been empirically ruled out, even though I am theoretically inclined to believe that adolescents can mentalise using the same procedures as adults. While reinforcement learning models are useful for identifying biases in learning weights, they do not directly capture formal representations of others' mental states. Greater clarity on this point is needed in the discussion, or a toning down of this language.

      We sincerely thank the reviewer for this professional comment. We agree that our prior wording regarding adolescents’ capacity to mentalise was somewhat overgeneralized. Accordingly, we have toned down the language in both the Abstract and the Discussion to better align our statements with what the present study directly tests. Specifically, our revisions focus on adolescents’ and adults’ ability to predict others’ cooperation in social learning. This is consistent with the evidence from our analyses examining adolescents’ and adults’ model-based expectations and self-reported scores on partner cooperativeness (see Figure 4). In the revised Discussion, we state:

      “Our results suggest that the lower levels of cooperation observed in adolescents stem from a stronger motive to prioritize self-interest rather than a deficiency in predicting others’ cooperation in social learning”.

      (Q5) Additionally, a more detailed discussion of the incentives embedded in the Prisoner's Dilemma task would be valuable. In particular, the authors' interpretation of reduced adolescent cooperativeness might be reconsidered in light of the zero-sum nature of the game, which differs from broader conceptualisations of cooperation in contexts where defection is not structurally incentivised.

      We thank the reviewer for this comment and agree that adolescents’ lower cooperation may partly reflect a rational response to the incentive structure of the Prisoner’s Dilemma. However, our behavioral and computational evidence suggests that this pattern cannot be explained solely by strategic responses to payoff structures, but rather reflects a reduced sensitivity to others’ cooperative behavior or weaker social reciprocity motives. We have expanded the Discussion to acknowledge this point and to clarify how both behavioral and modeling results address the reviewer’s concern (see also our response to Q2).

      (Q6) Overall, I believe this work has the potential to make a meaningful contribution to the field. Its impact would be strengthened by more rigorous modelling checks and fitting procedures, as well as by framing the findings in terms of the specific game-theoretic context, rather than general cooperation.

      We thank the reviewer for the professional comments, which have helped us improve our work.

      Reviewer #2 (Public review):

      Summary:

      This manuscript investigates age-related differences in cooperative behavior by comparing adolescents and adults in a repeated Prisoner's Dilemma Game (rPDG). The authors find that adolescents exhibit lower levels of cooperation than adults. Specifically, adolescents reciprocate partners' cooperation to a lesser degree than adults do. Through computational modeling, they show that this relatively low cooperation rate is not due to impaired expectations or mentalizing deficits, but rather a diminished intrinsic reward for reciprocity. A social reinforcement learning model with asymmetric learning rate best captured these dynamics, revealing age-related differences in how positive and negative outcomes drive behavioral updates. These findings contribute to understanding the developmental trajectory of cooperation and highlight adolescence as a period marked by heightened sensitivity to immediate rewards at the expense of long-term prosocial gains.

      Strengths:

      (1) Rigid model comparison and parameter recovery procedure.

      (2) Conceptually comprehensive model space.

      (3) Well-powered samples.

      We thank the reviewer for highlighting the strengths of our work.

      Weaknesses:

      (Q1) A key conceptual distinction between learning from non-human agents (e.g., bandit machines) and human partners is that the latter are typically assumed to possess stable behavioral dispositions or moral traits. When a non-human source abruptly shifts behavior (e.g., from 80% to 20% reward), learners may simply update their expectations. In contrast, a sudden behavioral shift by a previously cooperative human partner can prompt higher-order inferences about the partner's trustworthiness or the integrity of the experimental setup (e.g., whether the partner is truly interactive or human). The authors may consider whether their modeling framework captures such higher-order social inferences. Specifically, trait-based models-such as those explored in Hackel et al. (2015, Nature Neuroscience)-suggest that learners form enduring beliefs about others' moral dispositions, which then modulate trial-bytrial learning. A learner who believes their partner is inherently cooperative may update less in response to a surprising defection, effectively showing a trait-based dampening of learning rate.

      We thank the reviewer for this thoughtful comment. We agree that social learning from human partners may involve higher-order inferences beyond simple reinforcement learning from non-human sources. To address this, we had previously included such mechanisms in our behavioral modeling. In Model 7 (Social Reward Model with Influence), we tested a higher-order belief-updating process in which participants’ expectations about their partner’s cooperation were shaped not only by the partner’s previous choices but also by the inferred influence of their own past actions on the partner’s subsequent behavior. In other words, participants could adjust their belief about the partner’s cooperation by considering how their partner’s belief about them might change. Model comparison showed that Model 7 did not outperform the best-fitting model, suggesting that incorporating higher-order influence updates added limited explanatory value in this context. As suggested by the reviewer, we have further clarified this point in the revised manuscript.

      Regarding trait-based frameworks, we appreciate the reviewer’s reference to Hackel et al. (2015). That study elegantly demonstrated that learners form relatively stable beliefs about others’ social dispositions, such as generosity, especially when the task structure provides explicit cues for trait inference (e.g., resource allocations and giving proportions). By contrast, our study was not designed to isolate trait learning, but rather to capture how participants update their expectations about a partner’s cooperation over repeated interactions. In this sense, cooperativeness in our framework can be viewed as a trait-like latent belief that evolves as evidence accumulates. Thus, while our model does not include a dedicated trait module that directly modulates learning rates, the belief-updating component of our best-fitting model effectively tracks a dynamic, partner-specific cooperativeness, potentially reflecting a prosocial tendency.

      (Q2) This asymmetry in belief updating has been observed in prior work (e.g., Siegel et al., 2018, Nature Human Behaviour) and could be captured using a dynamic or belief-weighted learning rate. Models incorporating such mechanisms (e.g., dynamic learning rate models as in Jian Li et al., 2011, Nature Neuroscience) could better account for flexible adjustments in response to surprising behavior, particularly in the social domain.

      We thank the reviewer for the suggestion. Following the comment, we implemented an additional model incorporating a dynamic learning rate based on the magnitude of prediction errors. Specifically, we developed Model 9:  Social reward model with Pearce–Hall learning algorithm (dynamic learning rate), in which participants’ beliefs about their partner’s cooperation probability are updated using a Rescorla–Wagner rule with a learning rate dynamically modulated by the Pearce–Hall (PH) Error Learning mechanism. In this framework, the learning rate increases following surprising outcomes (larger prediction errors) and decreases as expectations become more stable (see Appendix Analysis section for details).

      The results showed that this dynamic learning rate model did not outperform our bestfitting model in either adolescents or adults (see Figure supplement 6). We greatly appreciate the reviewer’s suggestion, which has strengthened the scope of our analysis. We now have added these analyses to the Appendix Analysis section (also Figure Supplement 6) and expanded the Discussion to acknowledge this modeling extension and further discuss its implications.

      (Q3) Second, the developmental interpretation of the observed effects would be strengthened by considering possible non-linear relationships between age and model parameters. For instance, certain cognitive or affective traits relevant to social learning-such as sensitivity to reciprocity or reward updating-may follow non-monotonic trajectories, peaking in late adolescence or early adulthood. Fitting age as a continuous variable, possibly with quadratic or spline terms, may yield more nuanced developmental insights.

      We thank the reviewer for this professional comment. In addition to the linear analyses, we further conducted exploratory analyses to examine potential non-linear relationships between age and the model parameters. Specifically, we fit LMMs for each of the four parameters as outcomes (α+, α-, β, and ω). The fixed effects included age, a quadratic age term, and gender, and the random effects included subject-specific random intercepts and random slopes for age and gender. Model comparison using BIC did not indicate improvement for the quadratic models over the linear models for α<sup>+</sup> (ΔBIC<sub>quadratic-linear</sub> = 5.09), α<sup>-</sup>(ΔBIC<sub>quadratic-linear</sub> = 3.04), β (ΔBIC<sub>quadratic-linear</sub> = 3.9), or ω (ΔBIC<sub>quadratic-linear</sub>= 0). Moreover, the quadratic age term was not significant for α<sup>+</sup>, α<sup>−</sup>, or β (all ps > 0.10). For ω, we observed a significant linear age effect (b = 1.41, t = 2.65, p = 0.009) and a significant quadratic age effect (b = −0.03, t = −2.39, p = 0.018; see Author response image 1). This pattern is broadly consistent with the group effect reported in the main text. The shaded area in the figure represents the 95% confidence interval. As shown, the interval widens at older ages (≥ 26 years) due to fewer participants in that range, which limits the robustness of the inferred quadratic effect. In consideration of the limited precision at older ages and the lack of BIC improvement, we did not emphasize the quadratic effect in the revised manuscript and present these results here as exploratory.

      Author response image 1.

      Linear and quadratic model fits showing the relationship between age and the ω parameter, with 95% confidence intervals.

      (Q4) Finally, the two age groups compared - adolescents (high school students) and adults (university students) - differ not only in age but also in sociocultural and economic backgrounds. High school students are likely more homogenous in regional background (e.g., Beijing locals), while university students may be drawn from a broader geographic and socioeconomic pool. Additionally, differences in financial independence, family structure (e.g., single-child status), and social network complexity may systematically affect cooperative behavior and valuation of rewards. Although these factors are difficult to control fully, the authors should more explicitly address the extent to which their findings reflect biological development versus social and contextual influences.

      We appreciate this comment. Indeed, adolescents (high school students) and adults (university students) differ not only in age but also in sociocultural and socioeconomic backgrounds. In our study, all participants were recruited from Beijing and surrounding regions, which helps minimize large regional and cultural variability. Moreover, we accounted for individual-level random effects and included participants’ social value orientation (SVO) as an individual difference measure.

      Nonetheless, we acknowledge that other contextual factors, such as differences in financial independence, socioeconomic status, and social experience—may also contribute to group differences in cooperative behavior and reward valuation. Although our results are broadly consistent with developmental theories of reward sensitivity and social decisionmaking, sociocultural influences cannot be entirely ruled out. Future work with more demographically matched samples or with socioeconomic and regional variables explicitly controlled will help clarify the relative contributions of biological and contextual factors. Accordingly, we have revised the Discussion to include the following statement:

      “Third, although both age groups were recruited from Beijing and nearby regions, minimizing major regional and cultural variation, adolescents and adults may still differ in socioeconomic status, financial independence, and social experience. Such contextual differences could interact with developmental processes in shaping cooperative behavior and reward valuation. Future research with demographically matched samples or explicit measures of socioeconomic background will help disentangle biological from sociocultural influences.”

      Reviewer #3 (Public review):

      Summary:

      Wu and colleagues find that in a repeated Prisoner's Dilemma, adolescents, compared to adults, are less likely to increase their cooperation behavior in response to repeated cooperation from a simulated partner. In contrast, after repeated defection by the partner, both age groups show comparable behavior.

      To uncover the mechanisms underlying these patterns, the authors compare eight different models. They report that a social reward learning model, which includes separate learning rates for positive and negative prediction errors, best fits the behavior of both groups. Key parameters in this winning model vary with age: notably, the intrinsic value of cooperating is lower in adolescents. Adults and adolescents also differ in learning rates for positive and negative prediction errors, as well as in the inverse temperature parameter.

      Strengths:

      The modeling results are compelling in their ability to distinguish between learned expectations and the intrinsic value of cooperation. The authors skillfully compare relevant models to demonstrate which mechanisms drive cooperation behavior in the two age groups.

      We thank the reviewer’s recognition of our work’s strengths.

      Weaknesses:

      (Q1) Some of the claims made are not fully supported by the data:

      The central parameter reflecting preference for cooperation is positive in both groups. Thus, framing the results as self-interest versus other-interest may be misleading.

      We thank the reviewer for this insightful comment. In the social reward model, the cooperation preference parameter is positive by definition, as defection in the repeated rPDG always yields a +2 monetary advantage regardless of the partner’s action. This positive value represents the additional subjective reward assigned to mutual cooperation (e.g., reciprocity value) that counterbalances the monetary gain from defection. Although the estimated social reward parameter ω was positive, the effective advantage of cooperation is Δ=p×ω−2. Given participants’ inferred beliefs p, Δ was negative for most trials (p×ω<2), indicating that the social reward was insufficient to offset the +2 advantage of defection. Thus, both adolescents and adults valued cooperation positively, but adolescents’ smaller ω and weaker responsiveness to sustained partner cooperation suggest a stronger weighting on immediate monetary payoffs.

      In this light, our framing of adolescents as more self-interested derives from their behavioral pattern: even when they recognized sustained partner cooperation and held high expectations of partner cooperation, adolescents showed lower cooperative behavior and reciprocity rewards compared with adults. Whereas adults increased cooperation after two or three consecutive partner cooperations, this pattern was absent among adolescents. We therefore interpret their behavior as relatively more self-interested, reflecting reduced sensitivity to the social reward from mutual cooperation rather than a categorical shift from self-interest to other-interest, as elaborated in the Discussion.

      (Q2) It is unclear why the authors assume adolescents and adults have the same expectations about the partner's cooperation, yet simultaneously demonstrate age-related differences in learning about the partner. To support their claim mechanistically, simulations showing that differences in cooperation preference (i.e., the w parameter), rather than differences in learning, drive behavioral differences would be helpful.

      We thank the reviewer for raising this important point. In our model, both adolescents and adults updated their beliefs about partner cooperation using an asymmetric reinforcement learning (RL) rule. Although adolescents exhibited a higher positive and a lower negative learning rate than adults, the two groups did not differ significantly in their overall updating of partner cooperation probability (Fig. 4a-b). We then examined the social reward parameter ω, which was significantly smaller in adolescents and determined the intrinsic value of mutual cooperation (i.e., p×ω). This variable differed significantly between groups and closely matched the behavioral pattern.

      Following the reviewer’s suggestion, we conducted additional simulations varying one model parameter at a time while holding the others constant. The difference in mean cooperation probability between adults and adolescents served as the index (positive = higher cooperation in adults). As shown in the Author response image 2, decreases in ω most effectively reproduced the observed group difference (shaded area), indicating that age-related differences in cooperation are primarily driven by variation in the social reward parameter ω rather than by others.

      Author response image 2.

      Simulation results showing how variations in each model parameter affect the group difference in mean cooperation probability (Adults – Adolescents). Based on the bestfitting Model 8 and parameters estimated from all participants, each line represents one parameter (i.e., α+, α-, ω, β) systematically varied within the tested range (α±:0.1–0.9; ω, β:1–9) while other parameters were held constant. Positive values indicate higher cooperation in adults. Smaller ω values most strongly reproduced the observed group difference, suggesting that reduced social reward weighting primarily drives adolescents’ lower cooperation.

      (Q3) Two different schedules of 120 trials were used: one with stable partner behavior and one with behavior changing after 20 trials. While results for order effects are reported, the results for the stable vs. changing phases within each schedule are not. Since learning is influenced by reward structure, it is important to test whether key findings hold across both phases.

      We thank the reviewer for this thoughtful and professional comment. In our GLMM and LMM analyses, we focused on trial order rather than explicitly including the stable vs. changing phase factor, due to concerns about multicollinearity. In our design, phases occur in specific temporal segments, which introduces strong collinearity with trial order. In multi-round interactions, order effects also capture variance related to phase transitions.

      Nonetheless, to directly address this concern, we conducted additional robustness analyses by adding a phase variable (stable vs. changing) to GLMM1, LMM1, and LMM3 alongside the original covariates. Across these specifications, the key findings were replicated (see GLMM<sub>sup</sub>2 and LMM<sub>sup</sub>4–5; Tables 9-11), and the direction and significance of main effects remained unchanged, indicating that our conclusions are robust to phase differences.

      (Q4) The division of participants at the legal threshold of 18 years should be more explicitly justified. The age distribution appears continuous rather than clearly split. Providing rationale and including continuous analyses would clarify how groupings were determined.

      We thank the reviewer for this thoughtful comment. We divided participants at the legal threshold of 18 years for both conceptual and practical reasons grounded in prior literature and policy. In many countries and regions, 18 marks the age of legal majority and is widely used as the boundary between adolescence and adulthood in behavioral and clinical research. Empirically, prior studies indicate that psychosocial maturity and executive functions approach adult levels around this age, with key cognitive capacities stabilizing in late adolescence (Icenogle et al., 2019; Tervo-Clemmens et al., 2023). We have clarified this rationale in the Introduction section of the revised manuscript.

      “Based on legal criteria for majority and prior empirical work, we adopt 18 years as the boundary between adolescence and adulthood (Icenogle et al., 2019; Tervo-Clemmens et al., 2023).”

      We fully agree that the underlying age distribution is continuous rather than sharply divided. To address this, we conducted additional analyses treating age as a continuous predictor (see GLMM<sub>sup</sub>1 and LMM<sub>sup</sub>1–3; Tables S1-S4), which generally replicated the patterns observed with the categorical grouping. Nevertheless, given the limited age range of our sample, the generalizability of these findings to fine-grained developmental differences remains constrained. Therefore, our primary analyses continue to focus on the contrast between adolescents and adults, rather than attempting to model a full developmental trajectory.

      (Q5) Claims of null effects (e.g., in the abstract: "adults increased their intrinsic reward for reciprocating... a pattern absent in adolescents") should be supported with appropriate statistics, such as Bayesian regression.

      We thank the reviewer for highlighting the importance of rigor when interpreting potential null effects. To address this concern, we conducted Bayes factor analyses of the intrinsic reward for reciprocity and reported the corresponding BF10 for all relevant post hoc comparisons. This approach quantifies the relative evidence for the alternative versus the null hypothesis, thereby providing a more direct assessment of null effects. The analysis procedure is now described in the Methods and Materials section:

      “Post hoc comparisons were conducted using Bayes factor analyses with MATLAB’s bayesFactor Toolbox (version v3.0, Krekelberg, 2024), with a Cauchy prior scale σ = 0.707.”

      (Q6) Once claims are more closely aligned with the data, the study will offer a valuable contribution to the field, given its use of relevant models and a well-established paradigm.

      We are grateful for the reviewer’s generous appraisal and insightful comments.

      Recommendations for the authors:

      Reviewer #1 (Recommendations for the authors):

      (1) I commend the authors on a well-structured, clear, and interesting piece of work. I have several questions and recommendations that, if addressed, I believe will strengthen the manuscript.

      We thank the reviewer for commending the organization of our paper.

      (2) Introduction: - Why use a zero-sum (Prisoner's Dilemma; PD) versus a mixed-motive game (e.g. Trust Task) to study cooperation? In a finite set of rounds, the dominant strategy can be to defect in a PD.

      We thank the reviewer for this helpful comment. We agree that both the rationale for using the repeated Prisoner’s Dilemma (rPDG) and the limitations of this framework should be clarified. We chose the rPDG to isolate the core motivational conflict between selfinterest and joint welfare, as its symmetric and simultaneous structure avoids the sequential trust and reputation dependencies/accumulation inherent to asymmetric tasks such as the Trust Game (King-Casas et al., 2005; Rilling et al., 2002).

      Although a finitely repeated rPDG theoretically favors defection, extensive prior research shows that cooperation can still emerge in long repeated interactions when players rely on learning and reciprocity rather than backward induction (Rilling et al., 2002; Fareri et al., 2015). Our design employed 120 consecutive rounds, allowing participants to update expectations about partner behavior and to establish stable reciprocity patterns over time. We have added the following clarification to the Introduction:

      “The rPDG provides a symmetric and simultaneous framework that isolates the motivational conflict between self-interest and joint welfare, avoiding the sequential trust and reputation dynamics characteristic of asymmetric tasks such as the Trust Game (Rilling et al., 2002; King-Casas et al., 2005)”

      (3) Methods:

      Did the participants know how long the PD would go on for?

      Were the participants informed that the partner was real/simulated?

      Were the participants informed that the partner was going to be the same for all rounds?

      We thank the reviewer for the meticulous review work, which helped us present the experimental design and reporting details more clearly. the following clarifications: I. Participants were not informed of the total number of rounds in the rPDG. This prevented endgame expectations and avoided distraction from counting rounds, which could introduce additional effects. II. Participants were told that their partner was another human participant in the laboratory. However, the partner’s behavior was predetermined by a computer program. This design enabled tighter experimental control and ensured consistent conditions across age groups, supporting valid comparisons. III. Participants were informed that they would interact with the same partner across all rounds, aligning with the essence of a multiround interaction paradigm and stabilizing partner-related expectations. For transparency, we have clarified these points in the Methods and Materials section:

      “Participants were told that their partner was another human participant in the laboratory and that they would interact with the same partner across all rounds. However, in reality, the actions of the partner were predetermined by a computer program. This setup allowed for a clear comparison of the behavioral responses between adolescents and adults. Participants were not informed of the total number of rounds in the rPDG.”

      (4) The authors mention that an SVO was also recorded to indicate participant prosociality. Where are the results of this? Did this track game play at all? Could cooperativeness be explained broadly as an SVO preference that penetrated into game-play behaviour?

      We thank the reviewer for pointing this out. We agree that individual differences in prosociality may shape cooperative behavior, so we conducted additional analyses incorporating SVO. Specifically, we extended GLMM1 and LMM3 by adding the measured SVO as a fixed effect with random slopes, yielding GLMM<sub>sup</sub>3 and LMM<sub>sup</sub>6 (Tables 12–13). The results showed that higher SVO was associated with greater cooperation, whereas its effect on the reward for reciprocity was not significant. Importantly, the primary findings remained unchanged after controlling for SVO. These results indicate that cooperativeness in our task cannot be explained solely by a broad SVO preference, although a more prosocial orientation was associated with greater cooperation. We have reported these analyses and results in the Appendix Analysis section.

      (5) Why was AIC chosen rather an BIC to compare model dominance?

      Sorry for the lack of clarification. Both the Akaike Information Criterion (AIC, Akaike, 1974) and Bayesian Information Criterion (BIC, Schwarz, 1978) are informationtheoretic criterions for model comparison, neither of which depends on whether the models to be compared are nested to each other or not (Burnham et al., 2002). We have added the following clarification into the Methods.

      “We chose to use the AICc as the metric of goodness-of-fit for model comparison for the following statistical reasons. First, BIC is derived based on the assumption that the “true model” must be one of the models in the limited model set one compares (Burnham et al., 2002; Gelman & Shalizi, 2013), which is unrealistic in our case. In contrast, AIC does not rely on this unrealistic “true model” assumption and instead selects out the model that has the highest predictive power in the model set (Gelman et al., 2014). Second, AIC is also more robust than BIC for finite sample size (Vrieze, 2012).”

      (6) I believe the model fitting procedure might benefit from hierarchical estimation, rather than maximum likelihood methods. Adolescents in particular seem to show multiple outliers in a^+ and w^+ at the lower end of the distributions in Figure S2. There are several packages to allow hierarchical estimation and model comparison in MATLAB (which I believe is the language used for this analysis;

      see https://journals.plos.org/ploscompbiol/article?id=10.1371/journal.pcbi.1007043).

      We thank the reviewer for this helpful comment and for referring us to relevant methodological work (Piray et al., 2019). We have addressed this point by incorporating hierarchical Bayesian estimation, which effectively mitigates outlier effects and improves model identifiability. The results replicated those obtained with MLE fitting and further revealed group-level differences in key parameters. Please see our detailed response to Reviewer#1 Q1 for the full description of this analysis and results.

      (7) Results: Model confusion seems to show that the inequality aversion and social reward models were consistently confused with the baseline model. Is this explained or investigated? I could not find an explanation for this.

      The apparent overlap between the inequality aversion (Model 4) and social reward (Model 5) models in the recovery analysis likely arises because neither model includes a learning mechanism, making them unable to capture trial-by-trial adjustments in this dynamic task. Consequently, both were best fit by the baseline model. Please see Response to Reviewer #1 Q3 for related discussion.

      (8) Figures 3e and 3f show the correlation between asymmetric learning rates and age. It seems that both a^+ and a^- are around 0.35-0.40 for young adolescents, and this becomes more polarised with age. Could it be that with age comes an increasing discernment of positive and negative outcomes on beliefs, and younger ages compress both positive and negative values together? Given the higher stochasticity in younger ages (\beta), it may also be that these values simply represent higher uncertainty over how to act in any given situation within a social context (assuming the differences in groups are true).

      We appreciate this insightful interpretation. Indeed, both α+ and α- cluster around 0.35–0.40 in younger adolescents and become increasingly polarized with age, suggesting that sensitivity to positive versus negative feedback is less differentiated early in development and becomes more distinct over time. This interpretation remains tentative and warrants further validation. Based on this comment, we have revised the Discussion to include this developmental interpretation.

      We also clarify that in our model β denotes the inverse temperature parameter; higher β reflects greater choice precision and value sensitivity, not higher stochasticity. Accordingly, adolescents showed higher β values, indicating more value-based and less exploratory choices, whereas adults displayed relatively greater exploratory cooperation. These group differences were also replicated using hierarchical Bayesian estimation (see Response to Reviewer #1 Q1). In response to this comment, we have added a statement in the Discussion highlighting this developmental interpretation.

      “Together, these findings suggest that the differentiation between positive and negative learning rates changes with age, reflecting more selective feedback sensitivity in development, while higher β values in adolescents indicate greater value sensitivity. This interpretation remains tentative and requires further validation in future research.”

      (9) A parameter partial correlation matrix (off-diagonal) would be helpful to understand the relationship between parameters in both adolescents and adults separately. This may provide a good overview of how the model properties may change with age (e.g. a^+'s relation to \beta).

      We thank the reviewer for this helpful comment. We fully agree that a parameter partial correlation matrix can further elucidate the relationships among parameters. Accordingly, we conducted a partial correlation analysis and added the visually presented results to the revised manuscript as Figure 2-figure supplement 4.

      (10) It would be helpful to have Bayes Factors reported with each statistical tests given that several p-values fall within the 0.01 and 0.10.

      We thank the reviewer for this important recommendation. We have conducted Bayes factor analyses and reported BF10 for all relevant post hoc comparisons. We also clarified our analysis in the Methods and Materials section:

      “Post hoc comparisons were conducted using Bayes factor analyses with MATLAB’s bayesFactor Toolbox (version v3.0, Krekelberg, 2024), with a Cauchy prior scale σ = 0.707.”

      (11) Discussion: I believe the language around ruling out failures in mentalising needs to be toned down. RL models do not enable formal representational differences required to assess mentalising, but they can distinguish biases in value learning, which in itself is interesting. If the authors were to show that more complex 'ToM-like' Bayesian models were beaten by RL models across the board, and this did not differ across adults and adolescents, there would be a stronger case to make this claim. I think the authors either need to include Bayesian models in their comparison, or tone down their language on this point, and/or suggest ways in which this point might be more thoroughly investigated (e.g., using structured models on the same task and running comparisons: https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0087619).

      We thank the reviewer for the comments. Please see our response to Reviewer 1 (Appraisal & Discussion section) for details.

      Reviewer #2 (Recommendations for the authors):

      (1) The authors may want to show the winning model earlier (perhaps near the beginning of the Results section, when model parameters are first mentioned).

      We thank the reviewer for this suggestion. We agree that highlighting the winning model early improves clarity. Currently, we have mentioned the winning model before the beginning of the Results section. Specifically, in the penultimate paragraph of the Introduction we state:

      “We identified the asymmetric RL learning model as the winning model that best explained the cooperative decisions of both adolescents and adults.”

      Reviewer #3 (Recommendations for the authors):

      (1) In addition to the points mentioned above, I suggest the following:

      Clarify plots by clearly explaining each variable. In particular, the indices 1 vs. 1,2 vs 1,2,3 were not immediately understandable.

      We thank the reviewer for this suggestion. We agree that the indices were not immediately clear. We have revised the figure captions (Figure 1 and 4) to explicitly define these terms more clearly:

      “The x-axis represents the consistency of the partner’s actions in previous trials (t<sub>−1</sub>: last trial; t<sub>−1,2</sub>: last two trials;<sub>t−1,2,3</sub>: last three trials).”

      (2) It's unclear why the index stops at 3. If this isn't the maximum possible number of consecutive cooperation trials, please consider including all relevant data, as adolescents might show a trend similar to adults over more trials.

      We thank the reviewer for raising this point. In our exploratory analyses, we also examined longer streaks of consecutive partner cooperation or defection (up to four or five trials). Two empirical considerations led us to set the cutoff at three in the final analyses. First, the influence of partner behavior diminished sharply with temporal distance. In both GLMMs and LMMs, coefficients for earlier partner choices were small and unstable, and their inclusion substantially increased model complexity and multicollinearity. This recency pattern is consistent with learning and decision models emphasizing stronger weighting of recent evidence (Fudenberg & Levine, 2014; Fudenberg & Peysakhovich, 2016). Second, streaks longer than three were rare, especially among some participants, leading to data sparsity and inflated uncertainty. Including these sparse conditions risked biasing group estimates rather than clarifying them. Balancing informativeness and stability, we therefore restricted the index to three consecutive partner choices in the main analyses, which we believe sufficiently capture individuals’ general tendencies in reciprocal cooperation.

      (3) The term "reciprocity" may not be necessary. Since it appears to reflect a general preference for cooperation, it may be clearer to refer to the specific behavior or parameter being measured. This would also avoid confusion, especially since adolescents do show negative reciprocity in response to repeated defection.

      We thank you for this comment. In our work, we compute the intrinsic reward for reciprocity as p × ω, where p is the partner cooperation expectation and ω is the cooperation preference. In the rPDG, this value framework manifests as a reciprocity-derived reward: sustained mutual cooperation maximizes joint benefits, and the resulting choice pattern reflects a value for reciprocity, contingent on the expected cooperation of the partner. This quantity enters the trade-off between U<sub>cooperation</sub> and U<sub>defection</sub> and captures the participant’s intrinsic reward for reciprocity versus the additional monetary reward payoff of defection. Therefore, we consider the term “reciprocity” an acceptable statement for this construct.

      (4) Interpretation of parameters should closely reflect what they specifically measure.

      We thank the reviewer for pointing this out. We have refined the relevant interpretations of parameters in the current Results and Discussion sections.

      (5) Prior research has shown links between Theory of Mind (ToM) and cooperation (e.g., Martínez-Velázquez et al., 2024). It would be valuable to test whether this also holds in your dataset.

      We thank the reviewer for this thoughtful comment. Although we did not directly measure participants’ ToM, our design allowed us to estimate participants’ trial-by-trial inferences (i.e., expectations) about their partner’s cooperation probability. We therefore treat these cooperation expectations as an indirect representation for belief inference, which is related to ToM processes. To test whether this belief-inference component relates to cooperation in our dataset, we further conducted an exploratory analysis (GLMM<sub>sup</sub>4) in which participants’ choices were regressed on their cooperation expectations, group, and the group × cooperation-expectation interaction, controlling for trial number and gender, with random effects. Consistent with the ToM–cooperation link in prior research (MartínezVelázquez et al., 2024), participants’ expectations about their partner’s cooperation significantly predicted their cooperative behavior (Table 14), suggesting that decisions were shaped by social learning about others’ inferred actions. Moreover, the interaction between group and cooperation expectation was not significant, indicating that this inference-driven social learning process likely operates similarly in adolescents and adults. This aligns with our primary modeling results showing that both age groups update beliefs via an asymmetric learning process. We have reported these analyses in the Appendix Analysis section.

      (6) More informative table captions would help the reader. Please clarify how variables are coded (e.g., is female = 0 or 1? Is adolescent = 0 or 1?), to avoid the need to search across the manuscript for this information.

      We thank the reviewer for raising this point. We have added clear and standardized variable coding in the table notes of all tables to make them more informative and avoid the need to search the paper. We have ensured consistent wording and formatting across all tables.

      (7) I hope these comments are helpful and support the authors in further strengthening their manuscript.

      We thank the three reviewers for their comments, which have been helpful in strengthening this work.

      References

      (1) Fudenberg, D., & Levine, D. K. (2014). Recency, consistent learning, and Nash equilibrium. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 111(Suppl. 3), 10826–10829. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1400987111.

      (2) Fudenberg, D., & Peysakhovich, A. (2016). Recency, records, and recaps: Learning and nonequilibrium behavior in a simple decision problem. ACM Transactions on Economics and Computation, 4(4), Article 23, 1–18. https://doi.org/10.1145/2956581

      (3) Hackel, L., Doll, B., & Amodio, D. (2015). Instrumental learning of traits versus rewards: Dissociable neural correlates and effects on choice. Nature Neuroscience, 18, 1233– 1235. https://doi.org/10.1038/nn.4080

      (4) Icenogle, G., Steinberg, L., Duell, N., Chein, J., Chang, L., Chaudhary, N., Di Giunta, L., Dodge, K. A., Fanti, K. A., Lansford, J. E., Oburu, P., Pastorelli, C., Skinner, A. T.Sorbring, E., Tapanya, S., Uribe Tirado, L. M., Alampay, L. P., Al-Hassan, S. M.,Takash, H. M. S., & Bacchini, D. (2019). Adolescents’ cognitive capacity reaches adult levels prior to their psychosocial maturity: Evidence for a “maturity gap” in a multinational, cross-sectional sample. Law and Human Behavior, 43(1), 69–85. https://doi.org/10.1037/lhb0000315

      (5) Krekelberg, B. (2024). Matlab Toolbox for Bayes Factor Analysis (v3.0) [Computer software]. Zenodo. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13744717

      (6) Martínez-Velázquez, E. S., Ponce-Juárez, S. P., Díaz Furlong, A., & Sequeira, H. (2024). Cooperative behavior in adolescents: A contribution of empathy and emotional regulation? Frontiers in Psychology, 15,1342458. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2024.1342458

      (7) Tervo-Clemmens, B., Calabro, F. J., Parr, A. C., et al. (2023). A canonical trajectory of executive function maturation from adolescence to adulthood. Nature Communications, 14, 6922. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-023-42540-8

      (8) King-Casas, B., Tomlin, D., Anen, C., Camerer, C. F., Quartz, S. R., & Montague, P. R. (2005). Getting to know you: reputation and trust in a two-person economic exchange. Science, 308(5718), 78-83. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1108062

      (9) Rilling, J. K., Gutman, D. A., Zeh, T. R., Pagnoni, G., Berns, G. S., & Kilts, C. D. (2002).A neural basis for social cooperation. Neuron, 35(2), 395-405. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0896-6273(02)00755-9

      (10) Fareri, D. S., Chang, L. J., & Delgado, M. R. (2015). Computational substrates of social value in interpersonal collaboration. Journal of Neuroscience, 35(21), 8170-8180. https://doi.org/10.1523/JNEUROSCI.4775-14.2015

      (11) Akaike, H. (2003). A new look at the statistical model identification. IEEE transactions on automatic control, 19(6), 716-723. https://doi.org/10.1109/TAC.1974.1100705

      (12) Schwarz, G. (1978). Estimating the dimension of a model. The annals of statistics, 461464. https://doi.org/10.1214/aos/1176344136

      (13) Burnham, K. P., & Anderson, D. R. (2002). Model selection and multimodel inference: A practical information-theoretic approach (2nd ed.). Springer.https://doi.org/10.1007/b97636

      (14) Gelman, A., & Shalizi, C. R. (2013). Philosophy and the practice of Bayesian statistics. British Journal of Mathematical and Statistical Psychology, 66(1), 8–38. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.2044-8317.2011.02037.x

      (15) Gelman, A., Carlin, J. B., Stern, H. S., Dunson, D. B., Vehtari, A., & Rubin, D. B. (2014). Bayesian data analysis (3rd ed.). Chapman and Hall/CRC. https://doi.org/10.1201/b16018

      (16) Vrieze, S. I. (2012). Model selection and psychological theory: A discussion of the differences between the Akaike Information Criterion (AIC) and the Bayesian Information Criterion (BIC). Psychological Methods, 17(2), 228–243. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0027127

    1. laying video games is inversely associated with emotional and social health, triggering psychological and behavioral problems15,79 that may have implications for overall academic outcomes. Conversely, because playing video games requires interaction with the task, it could also be positively associated with academic outcomes depending on the game content

      Video games can be both negative and positive. Negative because the screen time can cause behavioral issues. Positive because it could aid in the student's skillset to complete academic tasks.

    2. ducation and public health professionals should consider supervision and reduction as strategies for television viewing and video game playing to improve both the health status and academic performance of children and adolescents exposed to these activities

      While the data is not mainly negative, it is advised that screen time should be reduced to avoid a decrease in academic performance.

    1. The Sun. Printed on small, letter-sized pages, The Sun sold for just a penny. With the Industrial Revolution in full swing, Day employed the new steam-driven, two-cylinder press to print The Sun. While the old printing press was capable of printing approximately 125 papers per hour, this technologically improved version printed approximately 18,000 copies per hour. As he reached out to new readers, Day knew that he wanted to alter the way news was presented. He printed the paper’s motto at the top of every front page of The Sun: “The object of this paper is to lay before the public, at a price within the means of every one, all the news of the day, and at the same time offer an advantageous medium for advertisements.”

      Before the 1830s, newspapers were expensive and mostly for rich political nerds. Benjamin Day changed the game by making the paper smaller, using a faster press, and selling it for just a penny.

      The Penny Press turned newspapers into the first true form of mass media.

      The text states that Day slashed the price of the paper to a penny and utilized a two cylinder steam engine to massively increase production.

      Because the paper became affordable and shifted its focus to human-interest stories rather than just dry politics, it reached the average person for the first time. This expanded the audience from a small elite group to the general public, creating the massmarket journalism we recognize today.

    1. “I open a drawer, and inside that drawer, I have another cabinet with more drawers,”

      I have experienced this when modifying game files on my PC, finding the directory, opening a file, then finding even more files, and even more when opening one of those.

    1. In the early Internet message boards that were centered around different subjects, experienced users would “troll for newbies” by posting naive questions that all the experienced users were already familiar with. The “newbies” who didn’t realize this was a troll would try to engage and answer, and experienced users would feel superior and more part of the group knowing they didn’t fall for the troll like the “newbies” did. These message boards are where the word “troll” with this meaning comes from.

      I think this still occurs in settings like video games. For example, tricking a new player into doing something that every experienced player knows doesn't work or negatively impacts the new player in some way. I see this most often when streamers are trying out a new game (typically well-known and the streamer is just late to playing it, like minecraft), where they suggest things they know are trolls. Something that comes to mind would be like playing a bed in the nether for Minecraft.

    2. and their extreme misogyny: Rule 30. There are no girls on the internet Rule 31. TITS or GTFO - the choice is yours [meaning: if you claim to be a girl/woman, then either post a photo of your breasts, or get the fuck ou

      Misogyny on the internet seems to be more severe than in real life—especially in the realm of online gaming. At first, I thought this was because gaming is a space that glorifies skill and power, where authority is tied almost exclusively to “game performance,” and stereotypes about women being worse at games lead to a loss of discursive power. However, if misogyny was already pervasive in the early internet, then I think there must be other contributing factors and explanations as well.

    3. But they are amusing themselves, for it is their adversary who is obliged to use words responsibly, since he believes in words.

      Sartre pointed out the strategic advantage of the "bad faith" argument: one party treats the dialogue not as a search for truth, but as a game; the other party, however, is bound by norms (reason, evidence, politeness). Applied to modern trolling, this explains why "seriously responding" often fails—the opponent's goal is not to be persuaded, but to make you invest time and effort, lose patience, and appear "too serious" in the public sphere. Therefore, the strategy is often not to argue more forcefully, but to identify their incentive structure (wasting your time, disrupting order) and reduce your susceptibility to being exploited.

    1. But readers cannot easily return to the overview in order to get a sense of where they are or how much is left to read. In trying to create texts that do not “privilege” any one order of reading or interpretive framework, the postmodernists are privileging confusion itself.

      I noticed this in "depression quest" that there was no way of getting a sense of where you were in the game. For me, it made me connect better with my own personal journey through the story.

    2. Its lasting appeal as both a story and a game pattern derives from the melding of a cognitive problem (finding the path) with an emotionally symbolic pattern (facing what is frightening and unknown).

      I found it interesting how broad this definition is and how well it fits many of the video games people play. As someone who plays a lot of games, I can think about how it applies to almost all of them that I am personally familiar with.

    3. Like Odysseus in the Cyclops’s cave, the player escapes by outsmarting a ferocious monster using only the materials at hand.

      As a player, you feel the strong sense of power described in agency previously through solving puzzles and thinking outside of the box. You start to feel that you have outsmarted the game or the circumstances. This accomplished feeling leads to greater engagement with the narrative and gameplay elements.

    4. For instance, a computationally sophisticated MIT student who is also an expert gamer instanced a particular dramatic moment from the text-based Zork II as among his lifetime favorites: The story involves a dragon that is slow to rouse but always lethal if you persist in fighting him. Elsewhere in the dungeon is a wall of ice that is impossible to pass. What you must do is attack the dragon enough to get his attention—but not so much that he “toasts” you—and then run and head for the wall of ice. The dragon follows, sees his reflection in the ice, and thinks it is another dragon. He rears up and breathes fire at his enemy; as he does so, the ice melts, drowning the dragon and eliminating the obstructing wall

      Through the medium of a game, agency is limited but the environment is engineered in a way that makes helplessness as just another step or another obstacle adding to the enjoyment. Much like Odysseus, you're placed in a situation where there's not much to work with but through your agency you can make what there is of the situation to get out of it.

    1. “Workforce partnerships,” where local industries help fund facilities and curriculum development in high-need labor markets, are designed to meet needs for both the markets and for students who will be graduating into them and who hope to be employed (not incidentally, so they can pay off their student loans). It’s another of the win-wins. But what is the long game here, from a public good perspective?

      Great questions to be asking

  5. social-media-ethics-automation.github.io social-media-ethics-automation.github.io
    1. As a rule, humans do not like to be duped. We like to know which kinds of signals to trust, and which to distrust. Being lulled into trusting a signal only to then have it revealed that the signal was untrustworthy is a shock to the system, unnerving and upsetting. People get angry when they find they have been duped. These reactions are even more heightened when we find we have been duped simply for someone else’s amusement at having done so.

      This is totally understandable. No one would like to be deceived, the feeling of it I can tell that is not good. However this small sections makes me think that how awful it is, as I never realised that authenticity can be this serious. as it made us suspect on ourself that if we can make correct judgement of the posts in the social media. Once I saw a post that it said slide left to see the cat, it turns out to be an advertisement of a boring poorly made game, everyone in the comment was upset and angry.

    1. After thoroughly reading the assignment sheet, you might not have questions right away. However, after reading it again, either before or after you try to start the assignment, you might find that you have questions. Don’t play a guessing game when it comes to tackling assignment criteria–ask the right person for help: the instructor. Discuss any and all questions with the person who assigned the work, either in person or via email. Visit him or her during office hours or stay after class. Do not wait until the last minute, as doing so puts your grade at risk. Don’t be shy about asking your professors questions. Not only will you better your understanding and the outcome of your paper, but professors tend to enjoy and benefit from student inquiry, as questions help them rethink their assignments and improve the clarity of their expectations. You are probably not the only student with a question, so be the one who is assertive and responsible enough to find answers. In the worst case scenario, when you have completed all of these steps and a professor still fails to provide you with the clarity you are looking for, discuss your questions with fellow classmates.

      I do feel like sharing ideas is not bad, when we need help, we don't always walk to the instructor maybe we just ask a classmate and have ideas and become to one another.

    2. Don’t play a guessing game when it comes to tackling assignment criteria–ask the right person for help: the instructor. Discuss any and all questions with the person who assigned the work, either in person or via email. Visit him or her during office hours or stay after class. Do not wait until the last minute, as doing so puts your grade at risk. Don’t be shy about asking your professors questions.

      It's better to be safe than sorry! You don't want to guess yourself into a grade or a higher education. It's okay to ask questions to your peers or even your instructor.

    1. Unstoppered, lurked her strange synthetic perfumes,Unguent, powdered, or liquid—troubled, confusedAnd drowned the sense in odours; stirred by the airThat freshened from the window,

      The first ecounter of Enea and Didone in Virgil's "Aeneid".

    1. Fig. 5.2 An newer bulletin board system. In this one you can click on the thread you want to view, and threads can include things like images.

      Although bulletin board systems originated decades ago, many websites today still use this forum-style structure. For example, the Dungeons & Dragons (D&D) community relies heavily on well-known bulletin board forums where players share discussions, homebrew rules, and game resources. Similarly, the fighting game MUGEN, which comes from the arcade era, has dedicated forums where users upload character models, stages, and other custom assets. These modern bulletin board systems show how this format continues to support niche communities by organizing discussions and resources in a clear, thread-based way.

    1. A Threshold Level of Expert Members

      In video games one who guides you learning a new game is often called a sherpa. They carry you, but you also remind them of how the game can be fun and not always competitive.

      For mechanics, they wouldn't have as much work if beginners didn't break stuff to begin with :)

      Rock climbing something repeatedly can feel like doing the same math problem over and over again but still getting the wrong answer until someone else comes over and shows you a new way to get to the solution.

    2. A Specific Lexis

      Much like in playing a competitive video game it is extremely helpful to know callout locations with your friends to know where enemies might be. Or to know which items are more valuable to pick up.

      Cars it is useful to know if your car is an inline-4 cylinder, V6 etc. Knowing your cars brake system if it vacuum boosted or hydro-boosted will help diagnosing issues etc.

      When rock climbing understanding callouts of specific holds, how to belay, types of movements can really help you understand more when climbing with someone else.

    3. yrics sheet

      Trying to compare this to another community I belong to would be having the tutorial mode on when playing a new game.

      Working on an older car where the system is easier and there are a lot of YouTube videos out already on this.

      In a rock climbing gym there are routes with grades on them to help people know which routes are going to be more approachable.

    1. Financial freedom my only hopeFuck livin’ rich and dyin’ brokeI bought some artwork for one millionTwo years later, that shit worth two millionFew years later, that shit worth eight millionI can’t wait to give this shit to my childrenY’all think it’s bougie, I’m like, it’s fineBut I’m tryin’ to give you a million dollars worth of game for $9.99I turned that 2 to a 4, 4 to an 8I turned my life into a nice first week release dateY’all out here still takin’ advances, huh?Me and my niggas takin’ real chances, uhY’all on the ‘Gram holdin’ money to your earThere’s a disconnect, we don’t call that money over here, yeah

      In the second verse, the rapper expands on the concept of developing wealth and obtaining financial freedom, which he defines as his only hope.

      He also makes reference to his streaming platform, Tidal, which offers a million dollars worth of game through its music catalog for $9.99 a month. Tidal is just one of the many business ventures of the rapper.

      In the closing lines, he mocks rappers who take "advances" - a form of loan that record labels offer to artists to finance their albums - and also the trend followed by some rappers on Instagram of showing off money by holding it close to their ears. He reveals, with a clever play on words, that there's a disconnect, we don't call that money over here.

      In this song, Jay-Z is constantly pointing out at the importance of property and wealth. He is, therefore, to be considered a Black capitalist. He shows how he strongly believes in economic success as the principal means reaching some form of equality or, at least, some form of upliftment.

      However, he does not really believe that wealth and status can be a proper shield from racism; thus, wealth is only a way to obtain a very partial equality.

    1. I beat yo’ ass, keep talkin’ backI beat yo’ ass, who bought you that?You stole it, I beat yo’ ass if you say that game is brokenI beat yo’ ass if you jump on my couchI beat yo’ ass if you walk in this house with tears in your eyesRunnin’ from Poo Poo and PrenticeGo back outside, I beat yo’ ass, lil’ niggaThat homework better be finished, I beat yo’ assYo’ teachers better not be bitchin’ ’bout you in classThat pizza better not be wasted, you eat it allThat TV better not be loud if you got it onThem Jordans better not get dirty when I just bought ’emBetter not hear ’bout you humpin’ on Keisha’s daughterBetter not hear you got caught up, I beat yo’ assYou better not run to your father, I beat yo’ assYou know my patience runnin’ thinI got beaucoup payments to makeCounty building’s on my ass, tryna take my food stamps awayI beat yo’ ass if you tell them social workers he live hereI beat yo’ ass if I beat yo’ ass twice and you still hereSeven years old, think you run this house by yourself?Nigga, you gon’ fear me if you don’t fear no one else

      The first verse is written from the perspective of Lamar's mom, dealing with a 7 year old Kendrick. The biggest fear of the kid is being whooped by his mother, that is constantly threatening him in order to teach the boy discipline.

      The scenario Kendrick is depicting is also meant to represent the life of many poor African-Americans as the line County's building on my ass, tryna take my food stamps away is underlying. The Food Stamp Program is a program that provides food to low-income families.

      Also, the line I beat yo' ass if you tell them social workers he live here is a reference to the “man in the house” rule, where welfare benefits would be denied to a family if a man resided in the house. Kendrick's mom is alluding to this rule.

      The closing line gives the idea of how Kendrick's mom is determined to be the first reason of fear for the boy, and although it is for the reason for his own protection, this same sensation of fear will never leave him and will take more complex forms.

    1. eLife Assessment

      This important study combines a two-person joint hand-reaching paradigm with game-theoretical modeling to examine whether, and how, one's reflexive visuomotor responses are modulated by a partner's control policy and cost structure. The study provides a solid and novel set of behavioral findings suggesting that involuntary visuomotor feedback is indeed modulated in the context of interpersonal coordination. The work will be of interest to cognitive scientists studying the motoric and social aspects of action control.

    2. Reviewer #2 (Public review):

      Summary:

      Sullivan and colleagues studied the fast, involuntary, sensorimotor feedback control in interpersonal coordination. Using a cleverly designed joint-reaching experiment that separately manipulated the accuracy demands for a pair of participants, they demonstrated that the rapid visuomotor feedback response of a human participant to a sudden visual perturbation is modulated by his/her partner's control policy and cost. The behavioral results are well-matched with the predictions of the optimal feedback control framework implemented with the dynamic game theory model. Overall, the study provides an important and novel set of results on the fast, involuntary feedback response in human motor control, in the context of interpersonal coordination.

      Review:

      Sullivan and colleagues investigated whether fast, involuntary sensorimotor feedback control is modulated by the partner's state (e.g., cost and control policy) during interpersonal coordination. They asked a pair of participants to make a reaching movement to control a cursor and hit a target, where the cursor's position was a combination of each participant's hand position. To examine fast visuomotor feedback response, the authors applied a sudden shift in either the cursor (experiment 1) or the target (experiment 2) position in the middle of movement. To test the involvement of partner's information in the feedback response, they independently manipulated the accuracy demand for each participant by varying the lateral length of the target (i.e., a wider/narrower target has a lower/higher demand for correction when movement is perturbed). Because participants could also see their partner's target, they could theoretically take this information (e.g., whether their partner would correct, whether their correction would help their partner, etc.) into account when responding to the sudden visual shift. Computationally, the task structure can be handled using dynamic game theory, and the partner's feedback control policy and cost function are integrated into the optimal feedback control framework. As predicted by the model, the authors demonstrated that the rapid visuomotor feedback response to a sudden visual perturbation is modulated by the partner's control policy and cost. When their partner's target was narrow, they made rapid feedback corrections even when their own target was wide (no need for correction), suggesting integration of their partner's cost function. Similarly, they made corrections to a lesser degree when both targets were narrower than when the partner's target was wider, suggesting that the feedback correction takes the partner's correction (i.e., feedback control policy) into account.

      The strength of the current paper lies in the combination of clever behavioral experiments that independently manipulate each participant's accuracy demand and a sophisticated computational approach that integrates optimal feedback control and dynamic game theory. Both the experimental design and data analysis sound good. While the main claim is well-supported by the results, the only current weakness is the lack of discussion of limitations and an alternative explanation. Adding these points will further strengthen the paper.

    1. I would like to clarify a point regarding the discovery of lymphatic-like vessels in the brain. The preprint appears to hint towards positioning it as the first report of this finding. However, the first published study on this subject was by Chang et al.(Ref 1 below). The authors reported on the presence and characteristics (diameters, origin, length, depth and regulation by stress) of deep brain lymphatic vessels. Their work was subsequently followed by two other independent studies (Ref 2 and 3). All studies were reviewed in a review article in 2024 (https://www.sciopen.com/article/10.26599/SAB.2024.9060001?issn=2709-1325).

      Therefore, the preprint would represent a fourth report—not the first—of this discovery. It is concerning that previous foundational work has been either overlooked or cited in a misleading manner.

      References 1. Chang J, Guo B, Gao Y, Li W, Tong X, Feng Y, et al. Characteristic Features of Deep Brain Lymphatic Vessels and Their Regulation by Chronic Stress. Research (Washington, DC), 2023, 6:0120.

      1. Öz E. 'Game changer' method lets scientists peer into mice. Science (New York, NY), 2023, 380(6644):443.

      2. Liu X-G, Hua Q, Peng T-T, Chang K-X, Deng C-G, Zhang J-N, et al. Histomorphological analysis of perfusion parameters and CNS lymphatic vessels in mice: an experimental method study. NeuroReport, 2024, 35(3).

    1. Main Menu Products Cloud Services Data Center Embedded Systems Gaming and Creating Graphics Cards and GPUs Laptops Networking Professional Workstations Software Tools Cloud Services BioNeMo AI-driven platform for life sciences research and discovery DGX Cloud Fully managed end-to-end AI platform on leading clouds NVIDIA APIs Explore, test, and deploy AI models and agents Omniverse Cloud Integrate advanced simulation and AI into complex 3D workflows Private Registry Guide for using NVIDIA NGC private registry with GPU cloud NVIDIA NGC Accelerated, containerized AI models and SDKs Data Center Overview Modernizing data centers with AI and accelerated computing DGX Platform Enterprise AI factory for model development and deployment Grace CPU Architecture for data centers that transform data into intelligence HGX Platform A supercomputer purpose-built for AI and HPC IGX Platform Advanced functional safety and security for edge AI MGX Platform Accelerated computing with modular servers OVX Systems Scalable data center infrastructure for high-performance AI Embedded Systems Jetson Leading platform for autonomous machines and embedded applications DRIVE AGX Powerful in-vehicle computing for AI-driven autonomous vehicle systems Clara AGX AI-powered computing for innovative medical devices and imaging Gaming and Creating GeForce Explore graphics cards, gaming solutions, AI technology, and more GeForce Graphics Cards RTX graphics cards bring game-changing AI capabilities Gaming Laptops Thinnest and longest lasting RTX laptops, optimized by Max-Q G-SYNC Monitors Smooth, tear-free gaming with NVIDIA G-SYNC monitors DLSS Neural rendering tech boosts FPS and enhances image quality Reflex Ultimate responsiveness for faster reactions and better aim RTX AI PCs AI PCs for gaming, creating, productivity and development NVIDIA Studio High performance laptops and desktops, purpose-built for creators GeForce NOW Cloud Gaming RTX-powered cloud gaming. Choose from 3 memberships NVIDIA App Optimize gaming, streaming, and AI-powered creativity NVIDIA Broadcast App AI-enhanced voice and video for next-level streams, videos, and calls SHIELD TV World-class streaming media performance Graphics Cards and GPUs Blackwell Architecture The engine of the new industrial revolution Hopper Architecture High performance, scalability, and security for every data center Ada Lovelace Architecture Performance and energy efficiency for endless possibilities GeForce Graphics Cards RTX graphics cards bring game-changing AI capabilities NVIDIA RTX PRO Accelerating professional AI, graphics, rendering and compute workloads Virtual GPU Virtual solutions for scalable, high-performance computing Laptops GeForce Laptops GPU-powered laptops for gamers and creators Studio Laptops High performance laptops purpose-built for creators NVIDIA RTX PRO Laptops Accelerate professional AI and visual computing from anywhere Networking Overview Accelerated networks for modern workloads DPUs and SuperNICs Software-defined hardware accelerators for networking, storage, and security Ethernet Ethernet performance, availability, and ease of use across a wide range of applications InfiniBand High-performance networking for super computers, AI, and cloud data centers Networking Software Networking software for optimized performance and scalability Network Acceleration IO subsystem for modern, GPU-accelerated data centers Professional Workstations Overview Accelerating professional AI, graphics, rendering, and compute workloads DGX Spark A Grace Blackwell AI Supercomputer on your desk DGX Station The ultimate desktop AI supercomputer powered by NVIDIA Grace Blackwell NVIDIA RTX PRO AI Workstations Accelerate innovation and productivity in AI workflows NVIDIA RTX PRO Desktops Powerful AI, graphics, rendering, and compute workloads NVIDIA RTX PRO Laptops Accelerate professional AI and visual computing from anywhere Software Agentic AI Models - Nemotron AI Agents - NeMo AI Blueprints AI Inference - Dynamo AI Inference - NIM AI Microservices - CUDA-X Automotive - DRIVE Data Science - Apache Spark Data Science - RAPIDS Decision Optimization - cuOpt Healthcare - Clara Industrial AI - Omniverse Intelligent Video Analytics - Metropolis NVIDIA AI Enterprise NVIDIA Mission Control NVIDIA Run:ai Physical AI - Cosmos Robotics - Isaac Telecommunications - Aerial See All Software Tools AI Workbench Simplify AI development with NVIDIA AI Workbench on GPUs API Catalog Explore NVIDIA's AI models, blueprints, and tools for developers Data Center Management AI and HPC software solutions for data center acceleration GPU Monitoring Monitor and manage GPU performance in cluster environments Nsight Explore NVIDIA developer tools for AI, graphics, and HPC NGC Catalog Discover GPU-optimized AI, HPC, and data science software NVIDIA App for Laptops Optimize enterprise GPU management NVIDIA NGC Accelerate AI and HPC workloads with NVIDIA GPU Cloud solutions Desktop Manager Enhance multi-display productivity with NVIDIA RTX Desktop Manager RTX Accelerated Creative Apps Creative tools and AI-powered apps for artists and designers Video Conferencing AI-powered audio and video enhancement Solutions Artificial Intelligence Cloud and Data Center Design and Simulation High-Performance Computing Robotics and Edge AI Autonomous Vehicles Artificial Intelligence Overview Add intelligence and efficiency to your business with AI and machine learning Agentic AI Build AI agents designed to reason, plan, and act AI Data Powering a new class of enterprise infrastructure for AI Conversational AI Enables natural, personalized interactions with real-time speech AI Cybersecurity AI-driven solutions to strengthen cybersecurity and AI infrastructure Data Science Iterate on large datasets, deploy models more frequently, and lower total cost Inference Drive breakthrough performance with AI-enabled applications and services Cloud and Data Center Overview Powering AI, HPC, and modern workloads with NVIDIA AI Data Platform for Enterprise Bringing enterprise storage into the era of agentic AI AI Factory Full-stack infrastructure for scalable AI workloads Accelerated Computing Accelerated computing uses specialized hardware to boost IT performance Cloud Computing On-demand IT resources and services, enabling scalability and intelligent insights Colocation Accelerate the scaling of AI across your organization Networking High speed ethernet interconnect solutions and services Sustainable Computing Save energy and lower cost with AI and accelerated computing Virtualization NVIDIA virtual GPU software delivers powerful GPU performance Design and Simulation Overview Streamline building, operating, and connecting metaverse apps Computer Aided-Engineering Develop real-time interactive design using AI-accelerated real-time digital twins Digital Twin Development Harness the power of large-scale, physically-based OpenUSD simulation Rendering Bring state-of-the-art rendering to professional workflows Robotic Simulation Innovative solutions to take on your robotics, edge, and vision AI challenges Scientific Visualization Enablies researchers to visualize their large datasets at interactive speeds Vehicle Simulation AI-defined vehicles are transforming the future of mobility Extended Reality Transform workflows with immersive, scalable interactions in virtual environments High-Performance Computing Overview Discover NVIDIA’s HPC solutions for AI, simulation, and accelerated computing HPC and AI Boost accuracy with GPU-accelerating HPC and AI Scientific Visualization Enables researchers to visualize large datasets at interactive speeds Simulation and Modeling Accelerate simulation workloads Quantum Computing Fast-tracking the advancement of scientific innovations with QPUs Robotics and Edge AI Overview Innovative solutions to take on robotics, edge, and vision AI challenges Robotics GPU-accelerated advances in AI perception, simulation, and software Edge AI Bring the power of NVIDIA AI to the edge for real-time decision-making solutions Vision AI Transform data into valuable insights using vision AI Autonomous Vehicles Overview AI-enhanced vehicles are transforming the future of mobility Open Source AV Models and Tools For reasoning-based AV systems AV Simulation Explore high-fidelity sensor simulation for safe autonomous vehicle development Reference Architecture Enables vehicles to be L4-ready Infrastructure Essential data center tools for safe autonomous vehicle development In-Vehicle Computing Develop automated driving functions and immersive in-cabin experiences Safety State-of-the-art system for AV safety, from the cloud to the car Industries

      Robust

      This web using clean HTML and work well with different browsers (Chrome, Safari, Firefox,etc). The content processed correctly by tools as I tested the Safari screen reader.

    1. The focus of this chapter is on ‘activist simulation games,’ which aremotivated by an activist or political intention on the part of the game-maker, and which attempt to harness simulation and procedurality in thegame to convey the maker’s political critique or message to the playingpublic. Schleiner argues that that the ‘toyness’ of the world of such games,the miniature abstraction of the model that announces itself as game,not life, contributes to a nullifijication of the game’s critical impact. Tobreak away from this situation, she argues, requires a ‘broken toy tactic’of interruption or sabotage that breaks the spell of games’ procedural,operational logic.

      Next chapter also tried to problematise the idea of serious or commerical games as the saviours of gaming, from the lens that they are embeded in a chokepoint technofeudalism that translates volunteering, modding, community building, hacking, and charitative donations, as a solutionist fix that doesn't change the system, rather tries to cover its holes. Against the idea to mobilise the youngster slackers with mainstream video games, it develops the Shirky principle idea that actually, this contributes to the concentration and surveillance data grab of BigTech that's part of the problem. It specially attacked a book cited in multiple chapters: Ellen Middaugh, and Chris Evans’ The civic potential of video games.

      It argues from Baudrillard's complicit euphoria, cult of the ego, hedonism, the society of the spectacle, consumerism, the maximisation - compulsive collection of diverse pleasures. I deleted it because it doesn't provide alternative paths, like how against instrumental solutionism, games must die, and culture must die too, but it must be reborn again and again breaking the Overton window of what's accepted, reborn with non-conventional meanings and feelings, reborn without its elitist concentrated play, without its assumptions (with alternatives instead), and reborn with coordinating transgressive revolution ingrained on it.

      Footnote 2 from this chapter expands on this a bit.

    2. The brokenness of September 12thmanifests in that playing well delivers loss, subverting the expectationof the player to master a rewarding challenge of eliminating terrorists. InMcDonald’s Video Game, on the other hand, the very operationality of themodel of fast food production cycles transmitted to the player overcomesthe game’s critical impact.

      And yet, September 12th is too much simple. As a simulation, it only conveys the ideal of violence begets violence, but such a principle can leave players with a sour patronising mouth taste of "I already knew that". The world is more complex, but immersion and its mastery from habit also difficult periodically leaving it and challenging one's perspectives, like it happens in McDonald's, Frostpunk, Mini Metro, Democracy, or Cities Skylines. These simulations can be much more insightful, but the requirement is that players know how to read.

    3. toy-like, cheerful cow and hamburger world that the ironic subtext of thisbeing an unethical business practice is often missed by players. For instance,when my game design students in Singapore played McDonald’s Video Game,they seemed largely unconcerned about the detrimental side efffects of thistype of production on workers, animals, consumers, or the environment.

      From the text: Frasca proposes that players, not only game designers, potentially impact the ultimate rhetorical “outcome” of a game by channeling the course of play into directions unimagined by the game-maker (2003b, 228). Frasca calls upon Brazilian theater director Augusto Boal’s “Theater of the Oppressed” as a model for how a game can depart from Aristotlean narrative closure. Frasca writes “one of [Boal’s] most popular techniques, re-enacts the same play several times by allowing diffferent audience members to get into the stage and take the protagonist’s role”.

      This happens in hacking, modding, and maker cultures, cheating in GTA, in Card/Collection games to give yourself the console and obtain whichever item, like how Minecraft creative mode allows. This "becoming" the designer enables "seeing" through its lens. Counter play can also happen when steering against stereotypical gameful intentions, as with Disaster Sims in the series with the same name, or as prompted in reflection simulation games like Proteus.

    4. A tactical recipe for the activist simulation game consists then of twosteps, fij irst a positive, then a negative; fij irst to constructively programa simulation of a harmful operation from the world into the game, fol-lowed up by either a game-maker, or player instigated interruption, orsabotage that breaks the spell of the game’s movement and procedurality,thereby illuminating its operationality in a critical light.

      That's where designing and maker precepts also come in. In reading a game, in watching it reflectively, in playing as a designer, a deconstructor. This is not often taught to players. An issue with the argument is that when they leave, they may leave out of frustration, which can cause missunderstandings and not prompt reflection. It can make these players abstain from simulation genres as a whole, and engage in more arcade "neutral" (immediate gratification) f2p titles.

    5. Smaller game jams are occasionally even ‘designed’ and leveraged as toolsfor political participation themselves. For instance, the GeziJam was held inJune 2013 to support and raise awareness of the protesters trying to stall thedestruction of the Taksim Gezi Park in Istanbul. The conceptually related#JamForLeelah reflected on the suicide of Leelah Alcorn in December 2014and challenged participants to tackle the issue of transgender sensibilitiesthrough the creation of games. In some cases, game developers are trying tomonetize this awareness and create games to raise funds for socio-politicalcauses. For instance, the game Kubba was created by Ahmed Abdelsamea(2012), an Egyptian indie designer, to generate revenue benefij iting therefugees of the Syrian civil war (Curley 2012). The game mimics the moreor less iconic Western game franchise Cooking Mama (Offfijice Create 2006),challenging players to prepare the eponymous Syrian dish, Kubba. Thegame is a variation of the earlier Flash game Ta’mya (2012); yet, while theoriginal has English text and is available on Kongregate

      Flash games died, no... Adobe killed them. Flash games were free. They lived on Kongregate, on Newgrounds, on Miniclip.

    Annotators

    1. It’s as though I’m unprepared for meaning to appear out of what was previously noise.

      As someone learning a new language I have had this exact experience! I started playing a game in Japanese when I was younger without speaking any. I recently started playing again and not only can I understand so much more, I can read and use context to learn new stuff!! It's been such a cool experience!

    1. Now if we (being thereto provoked by Spanish injuries) would either join with these savages or send or give them armor

      Indigenous people here are being talked about like if they were pieces in a game of chess rather than actual people. It's a common theme I've seen throughout many of these passages.

    1. His primary legacy is that of pioneering the way for civilization and finding the trails that allow the "farmer's frontier" to follow him,.

      As the eastern lands were taken up, migration flowed across them to the west. Daniel Boone, the great backwoodsman, who combined the occupations of hunter, trader, cattle-raiser, farmer, and surveyor -- learning, probably from the traders, of the fertility of the lands of the upper Yadkin, where the traders were wont to rest as they took their way to the Indians, left his Pennsylvania home with his father, and passed down the Great Valley road to that stream.

      Learning from a trader whose posts were on the Red River in Kentucky of its game and rich pastures, he pioneered the way for the farmers to that region. Thence he passed to the frontier of Missouri, where his settlement was long a landmark on the frontier. Here again he helped to open the way for civilization, finding salt licks, and trails, and land.

    1. After being asked to teach the History and Culture of Games course in 2017, Rebecca found the history materials in the course were basic and canonical (a chess-to-Pong-to-Mario narrative) and the only cultural discussion in the course was instruction on how to fit into the games industry’s culture, with assignments like how to make an effective elevator pitch for your game idea

      Prob predictable

    2. there is very little discussion about the dangers of media that seek to persuade or simplify arguments or histories, or produce clear calls to action. It would be refreshing to see an analysis of these types of games and their professed design techniques that takes into account the particular cultural moment we are living through. In a golden age of propaganda, the current mediascape is rife with insular communities that intensify uncritical perspectives across the political spectrum, and games are participating here as well

      Like 60s rhetoric education

    3. Sweeping claims are made for games, similar to those made about electricity when it was new (Marvin 1988) or other technology in early phases (Sconce 2000): games are democratising, foster empathy, are good for your health, are good for learning, and so forth. Of course, many of these claims are made for important practical reasons: to achieve funding; to bring games into the academy as its own discipline; to communicate the value of academic study in games to the games industry. However, this powerful rhetoric of love for the object of study is a double-edged sword and also contributes to a narrowing or insularity in the field around what constitutes an acceptable topic of study in games (i.e. don’t publish anything too critical of games; always be making the case for games as good), and who we imagine as a games scholar (i.e. the games scholar is a gamer)

      Like early days of rhetcomp but with corporate funding pressure

    4. While games education has evolved over the past fifteen years to efficiently teach students the nuts-and-bolts of building games and achieving job placements in the industry, the pedagogy in the field has engaged less fully with contemporary approaches such as critical theory and cultural studies

      Of course

    1. Synthèse : Prévention et lutte contre le harcèlement scolaire (Webinaire FCPE-MAE)

      Résumé exécutif

      Le harcèlement scolaire est une problématique systémique qui touche environ un élève sur dix.

      Face à ce constat, le webinaire organisé par la FCPE et la MAE souligne l'impératif d'une action concertée entre parents, professionnels de l'éducation et partenaires institutionnels.

      L'approche défendue repose sur trois piliers : la détection précoce des signaux d'alerte, l'utilisation d'outils pédagogiques adaptés à chaque tranche d'âge (de la maternelle au lycée), et une coéducation active.

      La MAE, partenaire historique de l'enseignement public, met à disposition des ressources gratuites et agréées par le Ministère de l'Éducation nationale, s'inscrivant notamment dans le cadre du programme national Phare.

      L'objectif central est de briser le silence et de passer d'une logique de réaction à une culture de prévention durable.

      --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

      1. Analyse du phénomène de harcèlement scolaire

      Définitions et mécanismes

      Le harcèlement se caractérise par un rapport de force déséquilibré où une ou plusieurs personnes exercent une pression ou un contrôle répété sur une victime.

      Formes constatées : Insultes, moqueries, rumeurs, humiliations et mises à l'écart.

      Évolution : Les situations débutent souvent par des faits perçus comme « pour rire » avant de déraper vers une souffrance physique et psychologique grave.

      Le défi du cyber-harcèlement

      Le cyber-harcèlement transpose ces violences sur les réseaux sociaux, les messageries, les forums et les jeux vidéo.

      Gravité : La circulation des attaques est extrêmement rapide et peut toucher une audience très large.

      Traces : Les agressions en ligne laissent des marques durables et ne s'arrêtent pas aux portes de l'école.

      Statistique clé : Un collégien sur cinq a déjà été victime d'au moins un acte de cyber-violence répété.

      Signaux d'alerte pour les adultes

      La vigilance des parents et des enseignants doit se porter sur les changements de comportement :

      État émotionnel : Isolement, colère, tristesse subite.

      Vie scolaire : Baisse des résultats, refus d'aller en cours ou de participer à certaines activités.

      Santé physique : Troubles du sommeil, de l'appétit, maux de tête ou de ventre fréquents.

      Signes matériels : Vêtements abîmés, perte d'effets personnels.

      Rapport au numérique : Enfant qui cache son téléphone ou le consulte avec une angoisse permanente.

      --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

      2. Le cadre institutionnel et l'engagement de la MAE

      Un acteur historique

      Fondée en 1932 par des enseignants, la MAE est une mutuelle issue de l'économie sociale et solidaire. Elle bénéficie de l'agrément national du Ministère de l'Éducation nationale pour intervenir dans les établissements scolaires.

      Soutien aux familles et garanties

      Au-delà de la prévention, la MAE propose des protections spécifiques dans ses contrats d'assurance :

      • Soutien psychologique en cas de harcèlement avéré.

      • Assistance juridique en cas d'atteinte à l'image de l'enfant.

      • Aide à la suppression de contenus malveillants sur Internet.

      Le programme Phare

      Les outils présentés s'inscrivent dans le dispositif ministériel Phare, qui repose sur cinq piliers :

      1. Éduquer pour prévenir les phénomènes de harcèlement.

      2. Former une communauté protectrice autour des élèves.

      3. Intervenir efficacement sur les situations de harcèlement.

      4. Associer les parents et les partenaires.

      5. Mobiliser les instances de démocratie scolaire (CESCE).

      --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

      3. Ressources et outils pédagogiques par cycles

      Les ressources proposées sont gratuites et conçues en collaboration avec des professionnels de l'éducation (notamment l'AGEEM pour le premier degré).

      Pour les 3 - 11 ans (Maternelle et Élémentaire)

      | Outil | Description | Objectif | | --- | --- | --- | | Album "Maël le roi des bêtises" | Support de 25 pages avec cahier d'activités. | Apprendre le respect des différences et le vivre-ensemble dès le plus jeune âge. | | BD "Main dans la main" | Format innovant (illustration à gauche, exploitation pédagogique à droite). | Présenter les points de vue de tous les acteurs : victime, harceleur, aidant, suiveur, adulte. | | Jeu de l'oie "Non au harcèlement" | Mallette physique ou version dématérialisée (TBI). | Utiliser le jeu comme prétexte au débat et à l'échange collectif. |

      Pour les 11 - 18 ans (Collège et Lycée)

      Jeu de l'oie spécialisé : Orienté vers le harcèlement sexuel, sexiste et homophobe (Cycle 4).

      BD "La Jungle" : Récit d'une rentrée en collège basée sur des témoignages réels, incluant une trousse à outils et des liens utiles.

      "Le Labyrinthe de Nina" (Serious Game) :

      Concept : Jeu immersif où le joueur explore le smartphone d'une lycéenne disparue pour comprendre les mécanismes du cyber-harcèlement.  

      Partenariat : Développé avec l'association e-Enfance (gestionnaire du 3018).  

      Versions : Une version grand public (60 min) et une version "Express" (30 min) pour les ateliers scolaires, facilitant la médiation par l'enseignant.

      --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

      4. Supports multimédias et prévention numérique

      La MAE développe des formats variés pour s'adapter aux nouveaux usages des familles :

      Podcasts :

      Au-delà du miroir : Témoignages de jeunes sur la différence, la discrimination et la résilience.  

      Nos enfants, les écrans et Internet : Épisodes dédiés à la pornographie en ligne, aux réseaux sociaux et aux jeux vidéo.   

      Parentalité accompagnée : Focus sur la santé mentale et l'égalité filles-garçons.

      Vidéos "3 minutes pour comprendre" : Décryptage par Natacha Waro, psychologue clinicienne, pour identifier les signaux d'alerte et savoir comment agir.

      --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

      5. Modalités de déploiement et collaboration territoriale

      Accès aux outils

      Numérique : Téléchargement gratuit sur les sites mae.fr ou labyrinthedenina.fr, et sur les stores d'applications mobiles (Android/iOS).

      Physique : Les mallettes et albums sont distribués via les réseaux de délégués départementaux de la MAE. Les parents peuvent solliciter ces délégués via un formulaire sur le site national.

      Rôle des parents et coéducation

      Ambassadeurs : Les parents d'élèves sont encouragés à informer les directions d'école de l'existence de ces outils agréés.

      Actions locales : Collaboration possible pour organiser des "Cafés parents", des tables rondes ou des animations lors des assemblées générales de la FCPE.

      Obligations légales : Il est rappelé que depuis 2022, les enseignants ont l'obligation de se former à la lutte contre le harcèlement scolaire.

      Vigilance sur les intervenants

      Il est crucial de vérifier l'agrément des intervenants extérieurs.

      Le Ministère de l'Éducation nationale publie une liste officielle des associations autorisées à intervenir en milieu scolaire afin d'éviter les dérives ou les discours non conformes aux valeurs de la République.

    1. Under what circumstances is it permissible to touch the ball with the hand in a football game?

      The goal keeper is the only person who can touch it with their hands or when someone is doing a throw in

    1. hirteen years after Lincoln made the holiday ‘official’, the firstThanksgiving football game was played on a field at Stevens Instate,Hoboken, New Jersey. The trend rapidly grew and by 1895 theChicago Tribune estimated that as many as 120,000 athletes wereinvolved in Thanksgiving Day games throughout the country.

      I had no idea that the tradition of Football on Thanksgiving dated all the way back to the 19th century. I would've assumed it was a more modern thing meant to sell advertisements on television and radio.

    Annotators

  6. resu-bot-bucket.s3.ca-central-1.amazonaws.com resu-bot-bucket.s3.ca-central-1.amazonaws.com
    1. Developed a system for a curling team to enter game results into a spreadsheet, and automatically calculateseason statistics.∗ Built a web-based front-end allowing users to view the teams statistics over the course of the season, againstspecific opponents, or at individual events.

      Quantify and I will keep stressing this. QUANTIFY! Like how much time did you save (estimate if you have to) when entering game results vs manual calculation. It's all metrics!

      Then same with WEb-based front end using what and modern design etc something to stand out.

    1. As a girl, Ms. Book would save up her allowance then head to Indigo to pick out her next read, usually whatever had the coolest cover and best synopsis on the $6 book shelf.

      anecdotal lead

    1. Reviewer #3 (Public review):

      This paper applies a computational model to behavior in a probabilistic operant reward learning task (a 3-armed bandit) to uncover differences between individuals with temporomandibular disorder (TMD) compared with healthy controls. Integrating computational principles and models into pain research is an important direction, and the findings here suggest that TMD is associated with subtle changes in how uncertainty is represented over time as individuals learn to make choices that maximize reward. There are a number of strengths, including the comparison of a volatile Kalman filter (vKF) model to some standard base models (Rescorla Wagner with 1 or 2 learning rates) and parameter recovery analyses suggesting that the combination of task and vKF model may be able to capture some properties of learning and decision-making under uncertainty that may be altered in those suffering from chronic pain-related conditions.

      I've focused my comments in four areas: (1) Questions about the patient population, (2) Questions about what the findings here mean in terms of underlying cognitive/motivational processes, (3) Questions about the broader implications for understanding individuals with TMD and other chronic pain-related disorders, and (4) Technical questions about the models and results.

      (1) Patient population

      This is a computational modelling study, so it is light on characterization of the population, but the patient characteristics could matter. The paper suggests they were hospitalized, but this is not a condition that requires hospitalization per se. It would be helpful to connect and compare the patient characteristics with large-scale studies of TMD, such as the OPPERA study led by Maixner, Fillingim, and Slade.

      (2) What cognitive/motivational processes are altered in TMD

      The study finds a pattern of alterations in TMD patients that seems clear in Figure 2. Healthy controls (HC) start the task with high estimates of volatility, uncertainty, and learning rate, which drop over the course of the task session. This is consistent with a learner that is initially uncertain about the structure of the environment (i.e., which options are rewarded and how the contingencies change over time) but learns that there is a fixed or slowly changing mean and stationary variance. The TMD patients start off with much lower volatility, uncertainty, and learning rate - which are actually all near 0 - and they remain stable over the course of learning. This is consistent with a learner who believes they know the structure of the environment and ignores new information.

      What is surprising is that this pattern of changes over time was found in spite of null group differences in a number of aspects of performance: (1) stay rate, (2) switch rate, (3) win-stay/lose-switch behaviors, (4) overall performance (corrected for chance level), (5) response times, (6) autocorrelation, (7) correlations between participants' choice probability and each option's average reward rate, (7) choice consistency (though how operationalized is not described?), (8) win-stay-lose-shift patterns over time. I'm curious about how the patterns in Figure 2 would emerge if standard aspects of performance are essentially similar across groups (though the study cannot provide evidence in favor of the null). It will be important to replicate these patterns in larger, independent samples with preregistered analyses.

      The authors believe that this pattern of findings reveals that TMD patients "maintain a chronically heightened sensitivity to environmental changes" and relate the findings to predictive processing, a hallmark of which (in its simplest form) is precision-weighted updating of priors. They also state that the findings are not related to reduced overall attentiveness or failure to understand the task, but describe them as deficits or impairments in calibrating uncertainty.

      The pattern of differences could, in fact, result from differences in prior beliefs, conceptualization of the task, or learning. Unpacking these will be important steps for future work, along with direct measures of priors, cognitive processes during learning, and precision-weighted updating.

      (3) Implications for understanding chronic pain

      If the findings and conclusions of the paper are correct, individuals with TMD and perhaps other pain-related disorders may have fundamental alterations in the ways in which they make decisions about even simple monetary rewards. The broader questions for the field concern (1) how generalizable such alterations are across tasks, (2) how generalizable they are across patient groups and, conversely, how specific they are to TMD or chronic pain, (3) whether they are the result of neurological dysfunction, as opposed to (e.g.) adaptive strategies or assumptions about the environment/task structure.

      It will be important to understand which features of patients' and/or controls' cognition are driving the changes. For example, could the performance differences observed here be attributable to a reduced or altered understanding of the task instructions, more uncertainty about the rules of the game, different assumptions about environments (i.e., that they are more volatile/uncertain or less so), or reduced attention or interest in optimizing performance? Are the controls OVERconfident in their understanding of the environment?

      This set of questions will not be easy to answer and will be the work of many groups for many years to come. It is a judgment call how far any one paper must go to address them, but my view is that it is a collaborative effort. Start with a finding, replicate it across labs, take the replicable phenomena and work to unpack the underlying questions. The field must determine whether it is this particular task with this model that produces case-control differences (and why), or whether the findings generalize broadly. Would we see the same findings for monetary losses, sounds, and social rewards? Tasks with painful stimuli instead of rewards?

      Another set of questions concerns the space of computational models tested, and whether their parameters are identifiable. An alteration in estimated volatility or learning rate, for example, can come from multiple sources. In one model, it might appear as a learning rate change and in another as a confirmation bias. It would be interesting in this regard to compare the "mechanisms" (parameters) of other models used in pain neuroscience, e.g., models by Seymour, Mancini, Jepma, Petzschner, Smith, Chen, and others (just to name a few).

      One immediate next step here could be to formally compare the performance of both patients and controls to normatively optimal models of performance (e.g., Bayes optimal models under different assumptions). This could also help us understand whether the differences in patients reflect deficits and what further experiments we would need to pin that down.<br /> In addition, the volatility parameter in the computational model correlated with apathy. This is interesting. Is there a way to distinguish apathy as a particular clinical characteristic and feature of TMD from apathy in the sense of general disinterest in optimal performance that may characterize many groups?

      If we know this, what actionable steps does it lead us to take? Could we take steps to reduce apathy and thus help TMD patients better calibrate to environmental uncertainty in their lives? Or take steps to recalibrate uncertainty (i.e., increase uncertainty adaptation), with benefits on apathy? A hallmark of a finding that the field can build off of is the questions it raises.

      (4) Technical questions about the models and results

      Clarification of some technical points would help interpret the paper and findings further:

      (a) Was the reward probability truly random? Was the random walk different for each person, or constrained?

      (b) When were self-report measures administered, and how?

      (c) Pain assessments: What types of pain? Was a body map assessed? Widespreadness? Pain at the time of the test, or pain in general?

      (d) Parameter recovery: As you point out, r = 0.47 seems very low for recovery of the true quantity, but this depends on noise levels and on how the parameter space is sampled. Is this noise-free recovery, and is it robust to noise? Are the examples of true parameters drawn from the space of participants, or do they otherwise systematically sample the space of true parameters?

      (e) What are the covariances across parameter estimates and resultant confusability of parameter estimates (e.g., confusion matrix)?

      (f) It would be helpful to have a direct statistical comparison of controls and TMD on model parameter estimates.

      (g) Null statistical findings on differences in correlations should not be interpreted as a lack of a true effect. Bayes Factors could help, but an analysis of them will show that hundreds of people are needed before it is possible to say there are no differences with reasonable certainty. Some journals enforce rules around the kinds of language used to describe null statistical findings, and I think it would be helpful to adopt them more broadly.

      (h) What is normatively optimal in this task? Are TMD patients less so, or not? The paper states "aberrant precision (uncertainty) weighting and misestimation of environmental volatility". But: are they misestimates?

      (i) It's not clear how well the choice of prior variance for all parameters (6.25) is informed by previous research, as sensible values may be task- and context-dependent. Are the main findings robust to how priors are specified in the HBI model?

    1. 3.2.3. Corrupted bots# As a final example, we wanted to tell you about Microsoft Tay a bot that got corrupted. In 2016, Microsft launched a Twitter bot that was intended to learn to speak from other Twitter users and have conversations. Twitter users quickly started tweeting racist comments at Tay, which Tay learned from and started tweeting out within one day. Read more about what went wrong from Vice How to Make a Bot That Isn’t Racist 3.2.4. Registered vs. Unregistered bots# Most social media platforms provide an official way to connect a bot to their platform (called an Application Programming Interface, or API). This lets the social media platform track these registered bots and provide certain capabilities and limits to the bots (like a rate limit on how often the bot can post). But when some people want to get around these limits, they can make bots that don’t use this official API, but instead, open the website or app and then have a program perform clicks and scrolls the way a human might. These are much harder for social media platforms to track, and they normally ban accounts doing this if they are able to figure out that is what is happening. 3.2.5. Fake Bots# We also would like to point out that there are fake bots as well, that is real people pretending their work is the result of a Bot. For example, TikTok user Curt Skelton posted a video claiming that he was actually an AI-generated / deepfake character:

      This passage uses three levels to remind us that "robots" themselves do not equate to intelligence or objectivity. Tay's "contamination" illustrates that machine learning-based conversational robots absorb biases from the platform as "language norms"—when training data comes from an environment full of provocation and racism, the system becomes an amplifier of prejudice; the problem is not just a technical failure, but a governance failure of treating a "public platform" as a safe training ground. Next, the "registered vs. unregistered bots" reveal the cat-and-mouse game of platform regulation and countermeasures: API restrictions act as rules and guardrails, while simulated clicks bypassing APIs disguise automation as "human," making it harder for platforms to track, demonstrating that visibility and controllability are themselves forms of power. Finally, the "fake bots" point to another form of deception: humans pretending to be AI to gain traffic, a sense of mystery, or immunity from responsibility—this blurs the line of "authenticity" and reminds us that in the attention economy, technological identity can also be used for performance and marketing.

    1. The Aché, a foraging group living in the subtropical rainforest in Paraguay, eat 33 different kinds of mammals, more than 15 species of fish, the adult forms of 5 insects, 10 types of larvae, and at least 14 kinds of honey. This is in addition to finding and collecting 40 species of plants.[5] The !Kung foragers, who live in the Kalahari Desert in southern Africa, treasure the mongongo nut, which is tasty, high in protein, and abundant for most of the year, but they also hunt giraffes, six species of antelope, and many kinds of smaller game like porcupine.[6]

      I once would have said this was disgusting, but I have grown beyond that

    1. Summing u

      "Summing up the comparative observations on these three dimensions, these cases show the strengths and weaknesses of EU bicameralism, as it enters into new, sensitive areas of market regulation. Member States do not yet consider EU bicameralism as the only game in town; in this respect, agriculture is no different from financial regulation. However, MEPs still have a considerable influence on the daily process of bicameral law-making by instituting democratic control and pluralistic representation. The analysis shows that faced with pressure, MEPs reacted very differently in agriculture and in financial affairs, resulting in a lower degree of EP autonomy from the Council in agriculture than in financial affairs. These different outcomes probably reflect a range of circumstances and conditions, which researchers now need to disentangle. They likely include the extent to which EP committees are used to working with co-decision, the intensity of public pressure, and the configuration of policy networks."

    1. Act I, Scene 1 Verona. A public place.       next scene [Enter SAMPSON and GREGORY, of the house of Capulet, armed with swords and bucklers] Sampson. Gregory, o' my word, we'll not carry coals. Gregory. No, for then we should be colliers. Sampson. I mean, an we be in choler, we'll draw. Gregory. Ay, while you live, draw your neck out o' the collar. 20 Sampson. I strike quickly, being moved. Gregory. But thou art not quickly moved to strike. Sampson. A dog of the house of Montague moves me. Gregory. To move is to stir; and to be valiant is to stand: therefore, if thou art moved, thou runn'st away. 25 Sampson. A dog of that house shall move me to stand: I will take the wall of any man or maid of Montague's. Gregory. That shows thee a weak slave; for the weakest goes to the wall. Sampson. True; and therefore women, being the weaker vessels, 30are ever thrust to the wall: therefore I will push Montague's men from the wall, and thrust his maids to the wall. Gregory. The quarrel is between our masters and us their men. Sampson. 'Tis all one, I will show myself a tyrant: when I 35have fought with the men, I will be cruel with the maids, and cut off their heads. Gregory. The heads of the maids? Sampson. Ay, the heads of the maids, or their maidenheads; take it in what sense thou wilt. 40 Gregory. They must take it in sense that feel it. Sampson. Me they shall feel while I am able to stand: and 'tis known I am a pretty piece of flesh. Gregory. 'Tis well thou art not fish; if thou hadst, thou hadst been poor John. Draw thy tool! here comes 45two of the house of the Montagues. Sampson. My naked weapon is out: quarrel, I will back thee. Gregory. How! turn thy back and run? Sampson. Fear me not. Gregory. No, marry; I fear thee! 50 Sampson. Let us take the law of our sides; let them begin. Gregory. I will frown as I pass by, and let them take it as they list. Sampson. Nay, as they dare. I will bite my thumb at them; which is a disgrace to them, if they bear it. 55 [Enter ABRAHAM and BALTHASAR] Abraham. Do you bite your thumb at us, sir? Sampson. I do bite my thumb, sir. Abraham. Do you bite your thumb at us, sir? Sampson. [Aside to GREGORY] Is the law of our side, if I say 60ay? Gregory. No. Sampson. No, sir, I do not bite my thumb at you, sir, but I bite my thumb, sir. Gregory. Do you quarrel, sir? 65 Abraham. Quarrel sir! no, sir. Sampson. If you do, sir, I am for you: I serve as good a man as you. Abraham. No better. Sampson. Well, sir. Gregory. Say 'better:' here comes one of my master's kinsmen. 70 Sampson. Yes, better, sir. Abraham. You lie. Sampson. Draw, if you be men. Gregory, remember thy swashing blow. [They fight] [Enter BENVOLIO] Benvolio. Part, fools! Put up your swords; you know not what you do. [Beats down their swords] [Enter TYBALT] Tybalt. What, art thou drawn among these heartless hinds? 80Turn thee, Benvolio, look upon thy death. Benvolio. I do but keep the peace: put up thy sword, Or manage it to part these men with me. Tybalt. What, drawn, and talk of peace! I hate the word, As I hate hell, all Montagues, and thee: 85Have at thee, coward! [They fight] [Enter, several of both houses, who join the fray; then enter Citizens, with clubs] First Citizen. Clubs, bills, and partisans! strike! beat them down! 90Down with the Capulets! down with the Montagues! [Enter CAPULET in his gown, and LADY CAPULET] Capulet. What noise is this? Give me my long sword, ho! Lady Capulet. A crutch, a crutch! why call you for a sword? Capulet. My sword, I say! Old Montague is come, 95And flourishes his blade in spite of me. [Enter MONTAGUE and LADY MONTAGUE] Montague. Thou villain Capulet,—Hold me not, let me go. Lady Montague. Thou shalt not stir a foot to seek a foe. [Enter PRINCE, with Attendants] Prince Escalus. Rebellious subjects, enemies to peace, Profaners of this neighbour-stained steel,— Will they not hear? What, ho! you men, you beasts, That quench the fire of your pernicious rage With purple fountains issuing from your veins, 105On pain of torture, from those bloody hands Throw your mistemper'd weapons to the ground, And hear the sentence of your moved prince. Three civil brawls, bred of an airy word, By thee, old Capulet, and Montague, 110Have thrice disturb'd the quiet of our streets, And made Verona's ancient citizens Cast by their grave beseeming ornaments, To wield old partisans, in hands as old, Canker'd with peace, to part your canker'd hate: 115If ever you disturb our streets again, Your lives shall pay the forfeit of the peace. For this time, all the rest depart away: You Capulet; shall go along with me: And, Montague, come you this afternoon, 120To know our further pleasure in this case, To old Free-town, our common judgment-place. Once more, on pain of death, all men depart. [Exeunt all but MONTAGUE, LADY MONTAGUE, and BENVOLIO] Montague. Who set this ancient quarrel new abroach? 125Speak, nephew, were you by when it began? Benvolio. Here were the servants of your adversary, And yours, close fighting ere I did approach: I drew to part them: in the instant came The fiery Tybalt, with his sword prepared, 130Which, as he breathed defiance to my ears, He swung about his head and cut the winds, Who nothing hurt withal hiss'd him in scorn: While we were interchanging thrusts and blows, Came more and more and fought on part and part, 135Till the prince came, who parted either part. Lady Montague. O, where is Romeo? saw you him to-day? Right glad I am he was not at this fray. Benvolio. Madam, an hour before the worshipp'd sun Peer'd forth the golden window of the east, 140A troubled mind drave me to walk abroad; Where, underneath the grove of sycamore That westward rooteth from the city's side, So early walking did I see your son: Towards him I made, but he was ware of me 145And stole into the covert of the wood: I, measuring his affections by my own, That most are busied when they're most alone, Pursued my humour not pursuing his, And gladly shunn'd who gladly fled from me. 150 Montague. Many a morning hath he there been seen, With tears augmenting the fresh morning dew. Adding to clouds more clouds with his deep sighs; But all so soon as the all-cheering sun Should in the furthest east begin to draw 155The shady curtains from Aurora's bed, Away from the light steals home my heavy son, And private in his chamber pens himself, Shuts up his windows, locks far daylight out And makes himself an artificial night: 160Black and portentous must this humour prove, Unless good counsel may the cause remove. Benvolio. My noble uncle, do you know the cause? Montague. I neither know it nor can learn of him. Benvolio. Have you importuned him by any means? 165 Montague. Both by myself and many other friends: But he, his own affections' counsellor, Is to himself—I will not say how true— But to himself so secret and so close, So far from sounding and discovery, 170As is the bud bit with an envious worm, Ere he can spread his sweet leaves to the air, Or dedicate his beauty to the sun. Could we but learn from whence his sorrows grow. We would as willingly give cure as know. 175 [Enter ROMEO] Benvolio. See, where he comes: so please you, step aside; I'll know his grievance, or be much denied. Montague. I would thou wert so happy by thy stay, To hear true shrift. Come, madam, let's away. 180 [Exeunt MONTAGUE and LADY MONTAGUE] Benvolio. Good-morrow, cousin. Romeo. Is the day so young? Benvolio. But new struck nine. Romeo. Ay me! sad hours seem long. 185Was that my father that went hence so fast? Benvolio. It was. What sadness lengthens Romeo's hours? Romeo. Not having that, which, having, makes them short. Benvolio. In love? Romeo. Out— 190 Benvolio. Of love? Romeo. Out of her favour, where I am in love. Benvolio. Alas, that love, so gentle in his view, Should be so tyrannous and rough in proof! Romeo. Alas, that love, whose view is muffled still, 195Should, without eyes, see pathways to his will! Where shall we dine? O me! What fray was here? Yet tell me not, for I have heard it all. Here's much to do with hate, but more with love. Why, then, O brawling love! O loving hate! 200O any thing, of nothing first create! O heavy lightness! serious vanity! Mis-shapen chaos of well-seeming forms! Feather of lead, bright smoke, cold fire, sick health! 205Still-waking sleep, that is not what it is! This love feel I, that feel no love in this. Dost thou not laugh? Benvolio. No, coz, I rather weep. Romeo. Good heart, at what? 210 Benvolio. At thy good heart's oppression. Romeo. Why, such is love's transgression. Griefs of mine own lie heavy in my breast, Which thou wilt propagate, to have it prest With more of thine: this love that thou hast shown 215Doth add more grief to too much of mine own. Love is a smoke raised with the fume of sighs; Being purged, a fire sparkling in lovers' eyes; Being vex'd a sea nourish'd with lovers' tears: What is it else? a madness most discreet, 220A choking gall and a preserving sweet. Farewell, my coz. Benvolio. Soft! I will go along; An if you leave me so, you do me wrong. Romeo. Tut, I have lost myself; I am not here; 225This is not Romeo, he's some other where. Benvolio. Tell me in sadness, who is that you love. Romeo. What, shall I groan and tell thee? Benvolio. Groan! why, no. But sadly tell me who. 230 Romeo. Bid a sick man in sadness make his will: Ah, word ill urged to one that is so ill! In sadness, cousin, I do love a woman. Benvolio. I aim'd so near, when I supposed you loved. Romeo. A right good mark-man! And she's fair I love. 235 Benvolio. A right fair mark, fair coz, is soonest hit. Romeo. Well, in that hit you miss: she'll not be hit With Cupid's arrow; she hath Dian's wit; And, in strong proof of chastity well arm'd, From love's weak childish bow she lives unharm'd. 240She will not stay the siege of loving terms, Nor bide the encounter of assailing eyes, Nor ope her lap to saint-seducing gold: O, she is rich in beauty, only poor, That when she dies with beauty dies her store. 245 Benvolio. Then she hath sworn that she will still live chaste? Romeo. She hath, and in that sparing makes huge waste, For beauty starved with her severity Cuts beauty off from all posterity. She is too fair, too wise, wisely too fair, 250To merit bliss by making me despair: She hath forsworn to love, and in that vow Do I live dead that live to tell it now. Benvolio. Be ruled by me, forget to think of her. Romeo. O, teach me how I should forget to think. 255 Benvolio. By giving liberty unto thine eyes; Examine other beauties. Romeo. 'Tis the way To call hers exquisite, in question more: These happy masks that kiss fair ladies' brows 260Being black put us in mind they hide the fair; He that is strucken blind cannot forget The precious treasure of his eyesight lost: Show me a mistress that is passing fair, What doth her beauty serve, but as a note 265Where I may read who pass'd that passing fair? Farewell: thou canst not teach me to forget. Benvolio. I'll pay that doctrine, or else die in debt. [Exeunt] previous scene       Act I, Scene 2 A street.       next scene [Enter CAPULET, PARIS, and Servant] Capulet. But Montague is bound as well as I, In penalty alike; and 'tis not hard, I think, For men so old as we to keep the peace. Paris. Of honourable reckoning are you both; And pity 'tis you lived at odds so long. 275But now, my lord, what say you to my suit? Capulet. But saying o'er what I have said before: My child is yet a stranger in the world; She hath not seen the change of fourteen years, Let two more summers wither in their pride, 280Ere we may think her ripe to be a bride. Paris. Younger than she are happy mothers made. Capulet. And too soon marr'd are those so early made. The earth hath swallow'd all my hopes but she, She is the hopeful lady of my earth: 285But woo her, gentle Paris, get her heart, My will to her consent is but a part; An she agree, within her scope of choice Lies my consent and fair according voice. This night I hold an old accustom'd feast, 290Whereto I have invited many a guest, Such as I love; and you, among the store, One more, most welcome, makes my number more. At my poor house look to behold this night Earth-treading stars that make dark heaven light: 295Such comfort as do lusty young men feel When well-apparell'd April on the heel Of limping winter treads, even such delight Among fresh female buds shall you this night Inherit at my house; hear all, all see, 300And like her most whose merit most shall be: Which on more view, of many mine being one May stand in number, though in reckoning none, Come, go with me. [To Servant, giving a paper] 305Go, sirrah, trudge about Through fair Verona; find those persons out Whose names are written there, and to them say, My house and welcome on their pleasure stay. [Exeunt CAPULET and PARIS] Servant. Find them out whose names are written here! It is written, that the shoemaker should meddle with his yard, and the tailor with his last, the fisher with his pencil, and the painter with his nets; but I am sent to find those persons whose names are here 315writ, and can never find what names the writing person hath here writ. I must to the learned.—In good time. [Enter BENVOLIO and ROMEO] Benvolio. Tut, man, one fire burns out another's burning, One pain is lessen'd by another's anguish; 320Turn giddy, and be holp by backward turning; One desperate grief cures with another's languish: Take thou some new infection to thy eye, And the rank poison of the old will die. Romeo. Your plaintain-leaf is excellent for that. 325 Benvolio. For what, I pray thee? Romeo. For your broken shin. Benvolio. Why, Romeo, art thou mad? Romeo. Not mad, but bound more than a mad-man is; Shut up in prison, kept without my food, 330Whipp'd and tormented and—God-den, good fellow. Servant. God gi' god-den. I pray, sir, can you read? Romeo. Ay, mine own fortune in my misery. Servant. Perhaps you have learned it without book: but, I pray, can you read any thing you see? 335 Romeo. Ay, if I know the letters and the language. Servant. Ye say honestly: rest you merry! Romeo. Stay, fellow; I can read. [Reads] 'Signior Martino and his wife and daughters; 340County Anselme and his beauteous sisters; the lady widow of Vitravio; Signior Placentio and his lovely nieces; Mercutio and his brother Valentine; mine uncle Capulet, his wife and daughters; my fair niece Rosaline; Livia; Signior Valentio and his cousin 345Tybalt, Lucio and the lively Helena.' A fair assembly: whither should they come? Servant. Up. Romeo. Whither? Servant. To supper; to our house. 350 Romeo. Whose house? Servant. My master's. Romeo. Indeed, I should have ask'd you that before. Servant. Now I'll tell you without asking: my master is the great rich Capulet; and if you be not of the house 355of Montagues, I pray, come and crush a cup of wine. Rest you merry! [Exit] Benvolio. At this same ancient feast of Capulet's Sups the fair Rosaline whom thou so lovest, 360With all the admired beauties of Verona: Go thither; and, with unattainted eye, Compare her face with some that I shall show, And I will make thee think thy swan a crow. Romeo. When the devout religion of mine eye 365Maintains such falsehood, then turn tears to fires; And these, who often drown'd could never die, Transparent heretics, be burnt for liars! One fairer than my love! the all-seeing sun Ne'er saw her match since first the world begun. 370 Benvolio. Tut, you saw her fair, none else being by, Herself poised with herself in either eye: But in that crystal scales let there be weigh'd Your lady's love against some other maid That I will show you shining at this feast, 375And she shall scant show well that now shows best. Romeo. I'll go along, no such sight to be shown, But to rejoice in splendor of mine own. [Exeunt] previous scene       Act I, Scene 3 A room in Capulet’s house.       next scene [Enter LADY CAPULET and Nurse] Lady Capulet. Nurse, where's my daughter? call her forth to me. Nurse. Now, by my maidenhead, at twelve year old, I bade her come. What, lamb! what, ladybird! God forbid! Where's this girl? What, Juliet! [Enter JULIET] Juliet. How now! who calls? Nurse. Your mother. Juliet. Madam, I am here. What is your will? Lady Capulet. This is the matter:—Nurse, give leave awhile, 390We must talk in secret:—nurse, come back again; I have remember'd me, thou's hear our counsel. Thou know'st my daughter's of a pretty age. Nurse. Faith, I can tell her age unto an hour. Lady Capulet. She's not fourteen. 395 Nurse. I'll lay fourteen of my teeth,— And yet, to my teeth be it spoken, I have but four— She is not fourteen. How long is it now To Lammas-tide? Lady Capulet. A fortnight and odd days. 400 Nurse. Even or odd, of all days in the year, Come Lammas-eve at night shall she be fourteen. Susan and she—God rest all Christian souls!— Were of an age: well, Susan is with God; She was too good for me: but, as I said, 405On Lammas-eve at night shall she be fourteen; That shall she, marry; I remember it well. 'Tis since the earthquake now eleven years; And she was wean'd,—I never shall forget it,— Of all the days of the year, upon that day: 410For I had then laid wormwood to my dug, Sitting in the sun under the dove-house wall; My lord and you were then at Mantua:— Nay, I do bear a brain:—but, as I said, When it did taste the wormwood on the nipple 415Of my dug and felt it bitter, pretty fool, To see it tetchy and fall out with the dug! Shake quoth the dove-house: 'twas no need, I trow, To bid me trudge: And since that time it is eleven years; 420For then she could stand alone; nay, by the rood, She could have run and waddled all about; For even the day before, she broke her brow: And then my husband—God be with his soul! A' was a merry man—took up the child: 425'Yea,' quoth he, 'dost thou fall upon thy face? Thou wilt fall backward when thou hast more wit; Wilt thou not, Jule?' and, by my holidame, The pretty wretch left crying and said 'Ay.' To see, now, how a jest shall come about! 430I warrant, an I should live a thousand years, I never should forget it: 'Wilt thou not, Jule?' quoth he; And, pretty fool, it stinted and said 'Ay.' Lady Capulet. Enough of this; I pray thee, hold thy peace. Nurse. Yes, madam: yet I cannot choose but laugh, 435To think it should leave crying and say 'Ay.' And yet, I warrant, it had upon its brow A bump as big as a young cockerel's stone; A parlous knock; and it cried bitterly: 'Yea,' quoth my husband,'fall'st upon thy face? 440Thou wilt fall backward when thou comest to age; Wilt thou not, Jule?' it stinted and said 'Ay.' Juliet. And stint thou too, I pray thee, nurse, say I. Nurse. Peace, I have done. God mark thee to his grace! Thou wast the prettiest babe that e'er I nursed: 445An I might live to see thee married once, I have my wish. Lady Capulet. Marry, that 'marry' is the very theme I came to talk of. Tell me, daughter Juliet, How stands your disposition to be married? 450 Juliet. It is an honour that I dream not of. Nurse. An honour! were not I thine only nurse, I would say thou hadst suck'd wisdom from thy teat. Lady Capulet. Well, think of marriage now; younger than you, Here in Verona, ladies of esteem, 455Are made already mothers: by my count, I was your mother much upon these years That you are now a maid. Thus then in brief: The valiant Paris seeks you for his love. Nurse. A man, young lady! lady, such a man 460As all the world—why, he's a man of wax. Lady Capulet. Verona's summer hath not such a flower. Nurse. Nay, he's a flower; in faith, a very flower. Lady Capulet. What say you? can you love the gentleman? This night you shall behold him at our feast; 465Read o'er the volume of young Paris' face, And find delight writ there with beauty's pen; Examine every married lineament, And see how one another lends content And what obscured in this fair volume lies 470Find written in the margent of his eyes. This precious book of love, this unbound lover, To beautify him, only lacks a cover: The fish lives in the sea, and 'tis much pride For fair without the fair within to hide: 475That book in many's eyes doth share the glory, That in gold clasps locks in the golden story; So shall you share all that he doth possess, By having him, making yourself no less. Nurse. No less! nay, bigger; women grow by men. 480 Lady Capulet. Speak briefly, can you like of Paris' love? Juliet. I'll look to like, if looking liking move: But no more deep will I endart mine eye Than your consent gives strength to make it fly. [Enter a Servant] Servant. Madam, the guests are come, supper served up, you called, my young lady asked for, the nurse cursed in the pantry, and every thing in extremity. I must hence to wait; I beseech you, follow straight. Lady Capulet. We follow thee. 490[Exit Servant] Juliet, the county stays. Nurse. Go, girl, seek happy nights to happy days. [Exeunt] previous scene       Act I, Scene 4 A street.       next scene [Enter ROMEO, MERCUTIO, BENVOLIO, with five or six [p]Maskers, Torch-bearers, and others] Romeo. What, shall this speech be spoke for our excuse? Or shall we on without a apology? Benvolio. The date is out of such prolixity: We'll have no Cupid hoodwink'd with a scarf, 500Bearing a Tartar's painted bow of lath, Scaring the ladies like a crow-keeper; Nor no without-book prologue, faintly spoke After the prompter, for our entrance: But let them measure us by what they will; 505We'll measure them a measure, and be gone. Romeo. Give me a torch: I am not for this ambling; Being but heavy, I will bear the light. Mercutio. Nay, gentle Romeo, we must have you dance. Romeo. Not I, believe me: you have dancing shoes 510With nimble soles: I have a soul of lead So stakes me to the ground I cannot move. Mercutio. You are a lover; borrow Cupid's wings, And soar with them above a common bound. Romeo. I am too sore enpierced with his shaft 515To soar with his light feathers, and so bound, I cannot bound a pitch above dull woe: Under love's heavy burden do I sink. Mercutio. And, to sink in it, should you burden love; Too great oppression for a tender thing. 520 Romeo. Is love a tender thing? it is too rough, Too rude, too boisterous, and it pricks like thorn. Mercutio. If love be rough with you, be rough with love; Prick love for pricking, and you beat love down. Give me a case to put my visage in: 525A visor for a visor! what care I What curious eye doth quote deformities? Here are the beetle brows shall blush for me. Benvolio. Come, knock and enter; and no sooner in, But every man betake him to his legs. 530 Romeo. A torch for me: let wantons light of heart Tickle the senseless rushes with their heels, For I am proverb'd with a grandsire phrase; I'll be a candle-holder, and look on. The game was ne'er so fair, and I am done. 535 Mercutio. Tut, dun's the mouse, the constable's own word: If thou art dun, we'll draw thee from the mire Of this sir-reverence love, wherein thou stick'st Up to the ears. Come, we burn daylight, ho! Romeo. Nay, that's not so. 540 Mercutio. I mean, sir, in delay We waste our lights in vain, like lamps by day. Take our good meaning, for our judgment sits Five times in that ere once in our five wits. Romeo. And we mean well in going to this mask; 545But 'tis no wit to go. Mercutio. Why, may one ask? Romeo. I dream'd a dream to-night. Mercutio. And so did I. Romeo. Well, what was yours? 550 Mercutio. That dreamers often lie. Romeo. In bed asleep, while they do dream things true. Mercutio. O, then, I see Queen Mab hath been with you. She is the fairies' midwife, and she comes In shape no bigger than an agate-stone 555On the fore-finger of an alderman, Drawn with a team of little atomies Athwart men's noses as they lie asleep; Her wagon-spokes made of long spiders' legs, The cover of the wings of grasshoppers, 560The traces of the smallest spider's web, The collars of the moonshine's watery beams, Her whip of cricket's bone, the lash of film, Her wagoner a small grey-coated gnat, Not so big as a round little worm 565Prick'd from the lazy finger of a maid; Her chariot is an empty hazel-nut Made by the joiner squirrel or old grub, Time out o' mind the fairies' coachmakers. And in this state she gallops night by night 570Through lovers' brains, and then they dream of love; O'er courtiers' knees, that dream on court'sies straight, O'er lawyers' fingers, who straight dream on fees, O'er ladies ' lips, who straight on kisses dream, Which oft the angry Mab with blisters plagues, 575Because their breaths with sweetmeats tainted are: Sometime she gallops o'er a courtier's nose, And then dreams he of smelling out a suit; And sometime comes she with a tithe-pig's tail Tickling a parson's nose as a' lies asleep, 580Then dreams, he of another benefice: Sometime she driveth o'er a soldier's neck, And then dreams he of cutting foreign throats, Of breaches, ambuscadoes, Spanish blades, Of healths five-fathom deep; and then anon 585Drums in his ear, at which he starts and wakes, And being thus frighted swears a prayer or two And sleeps again. This is that very Mab That plats the manes of horses in the night, And bakes the elflocks in foul sluttish hairs, 590Which once untangled, much misfortune bodes: This is the hag, when maids lie on their backs, That presses them and learns them first to bear, Making them women of good carriage: This is she— 595 Romeo. Peace, peace, Mercutio, peace! Thou talk'st of nothing. Mercutio. True, I talk of dreams, Which are the children of an idle brain, Begot of nothing but vain fantasy, 600Which is as thin of substance as the air And more inconstant than the wind, who wooes Even now the frozen bosom of the north, And, being anger'd, puffs away from thence, Turning his face to the dew-dropping south. 605 Benvolio. This wind, you talk of, blows us from ourselves; Supper is done, and we shall come too late. Romeo. I fear, too early: for my mind misgives Some consequence yet hanging in the stars Shall bitterly begin his fearful date 610With this night's revels and expire the term Of a despised life closed in my breast By some vile forfeit of untimely death. But He, that hath the steerage of my course, Direct my sail! On, lusty gentlemen. 615 Benvolio. Strike, drum. [Exeunt] previous scene       Act I, Scene 5 A hall in Capulet’s house.         [Musicians waiting. Enter Servingmen with napkins] First Servant. Where's Potpan, that he helps not to take away? He shift a trencher? he scrape a trencher! 620 Second Servant. When good manners shall lie all in one or two men's hands and they unwashed too, 'tis a foul thing. First Servant. Away with the joint-stools, remove the court-cupboard, look to the plate. Good thou, save me a piece of marchpane; and, as thou lovest me, let 625the porter let in Susan Grindstone and Nell. Antony, and Potpan! Second Servant. Ay, boy, ready. First Servant. You are looked for and called for, asked for and sought for, in the great chamber. 630 Second Servant. We cannot be here and there too. Cheerly, boys; be brisk awhile, and the longer liver take all. [Enter CAPULET, with JULIET and others of his house, meeting the Guests and Maskers] Capulet. Welcome, gentlemen! ladies that have their toes Unplagued with corns will have a bout with you. 635Ah ha, my mistresses! which of you all Will now deny to dance? she that makes dainty, She, I'll swear, hath corns; am I come near ye now? Welcome, gentlemen! I have seen the day That I have worn a visor and could tell 640A whispering tale in a fair lady's ear, Such as would please: 'tis gone, 'tis gone, 'tis gone: You are welcome, gentlemen! come, musicians, play. A hall, a hall! give room! and foot it, girls. [Music plays, and they dance] 645More light, you knaves; and turn the tables up, And quench the fire, the room is grown too hot. Ah, sirrah, this unlook'd-for sport comes well. Nay, sit, nay, sit, good cousin Capulet; For you and I are past our dancing days: 650How long is't now since last yourself and I Were in a mask? Second Capulet. By'r lady, thirty years. Capulet. What, man! 'tis not so much, 'tis not so much: 'Tis since the nuptials of Lucentio, 655Come pentecost as quickly as it will, Some five and twenty years; and then we mask'd. Second Capulet. 'Tis more, 'tis more, his son is elder, sir; His son is thirty. Capulet. Will you tell me that? 660His son was but a ward two years ago. Romeo. [To a Servingman] What lady is that, which doth enrich the hand Of yonder knight? Servant. I know not, sir. 665 Romeo. O, she doth teach the torches to burn bright! It seems she hangs upon the cheek of night Like a rich jewel in an Ethiope's ear; Beauty too rich for use, for earth too dear! So shows a snowy dove trooping with crows, 670As yonder lady o'er her fellows shows. The measure done, I'll watch her place of stand, And, touching hers, make blessed my rude hand. Did my heart love till now? forswear it, sight! For I ne'er saw true beauty till this night. 675 Tybalt. This, by his voice, should be a Montague. Fetch me my rapier, boy. What dares the slave Come hither, cover'd with an antic face, To fleer and scorn at our solemnity? Now, by the stock and honour of my kin, 680To strike him dead, I hold it not a sin. Capulet. Why, how now, kinsman! wherefore storm you so? Tybalt. Uncle, this is a Montague, our foe, A villain that is hither come in spite, To scorn at our solemnity this night. 685 Capulet. Young Romeo is it? Tybalt. 'Tis he, that villain Romeo. Capulet. Content thee, gentle coz, let him alone; He bears him like a portly gentleman; And, to say truth, Verona brags of him 690To be a virtuous and well-govern'd youth: I would not for the wealth of all the town Here in my house do him disparagement: Therefore be patient, take no note of him: It is my will, the which if thou respect, 695Show a fair presence and put off these frowns, And ill-beseeming semblance for a feast. Tybalt. It fits, when such a villain is a guest: I'll not endure him. Capulet. He shall be endured: 700What, goodman boy! I say, he shall: go to; Am I the master here, or you? go to. You'll not endure him! God shall mend my soul! You'll make a mutiny among my guests! You will set cock-a-hoop! you'll be the man! 705 Tybalt. Why, uncle, 'tis a shame. Capulet. Go to, go to; You are a saucy boy: is't so, indeed? This trick may chance to scathe you, I know what: You must contrary me! marry, 'tis time. 710Well said, my hearts! You are a princox; go: Be quiet, or—More light, more light! For shame! I'll make you quiet. What, cheerly, my hearts! Tybalt. Patience perforce with wilful choler meeting Makes my flesh tremble in their different greeting. 715I will withdraw: but this intrusion shall Now seeming sweet convert to bitter gall. [Exit] Romeo. [To JULIET] If I profane with my unworthiest hand This holy shrine, the gentle fine is this: 720My lips, two blushing pilgrims, ready stand To smooth that rough touch with a tender kiss. Juliet. Good pilgrim, you do wrong your hand too much, Which mannerly devotion shows in this; For saints have hands that pilgrims' hands do touch, 725And palm to palm is holy palmers' kiss. Romeo. Have not saints lips, and holy palmers too? Juliet. Ay, pilgrim, lips that they must use in prayer. Romeo. O, then, dear saint, let lips do what hands do; They pray, grant thou, lest faith turn to despair. 730 Juliet. Saints do not move, though grant for prayers' sake. Romeo. Then move not, while my prayer's effect I take. Thus from my lips, by yours, my sin is purged. Juliet. Then have my lips the sin that they have took. Romeo. Sin from thy lips? O trespass sweetly urged! 735Give me my sin again. Juliet. You kiss by the book. Nurse. Madam, your mother craves a word with you. Romeo. What is her mother? Nurse. Marry, bachelor, 740Her mother is the lady of the house, And a good lady, and a wise and virtuous I nursed her daughter, that you talk'd withal; I tell you, he that can lay hold of her Shall have the chinks. 745 Romeo. Is she a Capulet? O dear account! my life is my foe's debt. Benvolio. Away, begone; the sport is at the best. Romeo. Ay, so I fear; the more is my unrest. Capulet. Nay, gentlemen, prepare not to be gone; 750We have a trifling foolish banquet towards. Is it e'en so? why, then, I thank you all I thank you, honest gentlemen; good night. More torches here! Come on then, let's to bed. Ah, sirrah, by my fay, it waxes late: 755I'll to my rest. [Exeunt all but JULIET and Nurse] Juliet. Come hither, nurse. What is yond gentleman? Nurse. The son and heir of old Tiberio. Juliet. What's he that now is going out of door? 760 Nurse. Marry, that, I think, be young Petrucio. Juliet. What's he that follows there, that would not dance? Nurse. I know not. Juliet. Go ask his name: if he be married. My grave is like to be my wedding bed. 765 Nurse. His name is Romeo, and a Montague; The only son of your great enemy. Juliet. My only love sprung from my only hate! Too early seen unknown, and known too late! Prodigious birth of love it is to me, 770That I must love a loathed enemy. Nurse. What's this? what's this? Juliet. A rhyme I learn'd even now Of one I danced withal. [One calls within 'Juliet.'] Nurse. Anon, anon! Come, let's away; the strangers all are gone. [Exeunt]

      I can see various characterizations, themes and stylistic devices, which I will discuss below

    1. Ubuntu

      I found this very interesting. At my high school, a long-time teacher who's been there for 25+ years, who's also the head football coach, Steve Valach, emphasizes the word "Ubuntu" at the kickoff assembly each year during the first week of school. When I heard about it for the first time nearly 4.5 years ago, he made it so memorable because it means "I am because we are." That is the key part about ubuntu, the connectedness it creates, the team aspect of it, it's harmonious as it says in the text because it's a unity feeling. In football when the game is really close, sometimes, I see a huddle of how a team is going to win a nail biting game, if the game is 28-27, "ubuntu" comes into mind because the offense needs to have receivers catching, good routing, special teams making it harder for the other team to score, defense stepping up to the plate, and when the clock goes to 0, it really has that feeling of "We won the game, everyone contributed." Which is, in my mind, that feeling of "Ubuntu." everyone pitched in, nobody did something where it hindered someone's capabilities, everyone was capable. This idea also connects to virtue ethics, because it emphasizes developing good character through cooperation, respect, and helping others succeed.

    1. The data set is also primarily focused on North American game-makers, as 47 games analyzed were made in the United States orCanada.

      Ouch! Colonialism is compatible with black supremacy, by the way. Not saying this is what the collection purports, as Lindsay is clearly indigenous-conscious, but this is a potentially dangerous blind spot that equalises black games to mainland US black games...

    2. Featuring people of color, does not make it agame for people of color, just as wrapping a game box in Africangreen and gold make it more authentic. Such efforts may actuallydo the oppositive, emphasizing their inauthenticity in choices thatare ignorant of authentic blackness (if such a thing exists).

      Blackness is not a single entity. It gradually emerged as a label after the trading routes of slavic people (slaves) ended with the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople in 1453 that then changed slave routes from north Europe and Asia to more of Sub-Saharan Africa (and then came the colonisation age, and the Christian vs. non-Christian ideology of Columbus and the Catholic Kings). The label was met with sympathy by European aristocrats and traders seeing in it an easier gateway into differentiation, and was later legitimised by historians in race taxonomies, and phrenology.

    Annotators

    1. I’ve had Silicon Valley friends tell me that they are planning a trip to China nearly every month this year. Silicon Valley respects and fears companies from only one other country. Game recognizes game, so to speak. Tech founders may begrudge China’s restrictions; and some companies have suffered directly from IP theft. But they also recognize that Chinese companies can move even faster than they do with their teams of motivated workers; and Chinese manufacturers are far ahead of US capabilities on anything involving physical production. Some founders and VCs are impressed with the fact that Chinese AI companies have gotten this far while suffering American tech restrictions, while leading in open-source to boot.

      SV techies plan monthly trips to China, as indicator for how China is doing and how US tech sees it

    1. 5:44 "US intelligence agencies ... are now saying that, based on intelligence they have, that they do believe that Russia and Putin are not going to stop with just Ukraine., they believe that they are going to continue on, and try to take at least some parts of Europe."

      plausible. europe will drown in blackout, hunger, cold, civil war, hyperinflation, ... so russia will have an easy game to take whole europe, assuming russia does not collapse first under the pressure of sanctions. but when russia collapses, there is china... europe has no resources for industry, but maybe europe would be a nice place to live.

    1. Teasing / belittling / name-calling Exclusion: Deliberately leaving certain individuals out of online social exchanges (e.g., instant messaging or email conversations) Rumour-spreading “Flaming” or “bashing”: Verbally attacking an individual with belligerent or denigrating language (e.g., insults, bigotry, or other hostile expressions); Online harassment: Repeatedly sending offensive messages to an individual; Cyberstalking: Online harassment that includes intimidation and/or threats of harm; “Cyber‐smearing”: Creating, posting and/or distributing sensitive, private and/or embarrassing information or images (including doctored images); Impersonating someone or creating a false identity to deceive another individual (“catfishing”); Rating aspects of an individual (e.g., appearance, character) on a rating site; and Creating derogatory websites that mock, torment, and harass the intended victim. The most common type of cyberbullying behaviour reported by Canadian students is name calling (Mishna et al., 2010; Steeves, 2014; Wade & Beran, 2011). Other, much less common, forms of mean or cruel behaviour includes harassing someone during an online game, spreading rumours, posting embarrassing photos or videos of someone, making fun of someone’s race/religion/ethnicity, making fun of someone’s sexual orientation, and sexually harassing someone (Mishna et al., 2010; Steeves, 2014; Wade & Beran, 2011). A 2014 youth survey indicated that the majority (65%) of cyberbullying incidents were chronic, lasting longer than a year (PREVNet, 2014). In this same survey, 70% of youth reported that when they see abusive content online, they report it. However, when asked why they might not report, they gave the following reasons: There is no point, reporting would not help (43%); I do not want the person to find out (36%); I am afraid of the negative consequences (29%); It takes too much time (27%); Someone else will report this content (15%); and I do not know how to report (13%).

      What is cyberbullying and how does it differ from traditional bullying?

    1. Acknowlegement This study was funded by Public Safety Canada. Start of text box Overview of the study Using multiple surveys, this article examines cyberbullying and cybervictimization among Canadian youth and young adults aged 12 to 29. With rates of online and social media use being high among young people, there is an increased risk of online forms of bullying and victimization. This paper examines the prevalence of cyberbullying and cybervictimization among young people, with a focus on identifying the at-risk populations, behaviours related to prevalence, such as internet and smart phone usage, and the association of online victimization with other forms of victimization, such as fraud and assault. Some young people are more vulnerable to cybervictimization, including Indigenous youth, sexually diverse and non-binary youth, youth with a disability, and girls and women.  Cybervictimization increases during adolescence and remains high among young adults in their early 20s. It then tapers off in the late 20s. Increased internet usage, as well as using smart phones before bed and upon waking, are associated with an increased risk of being cyberbullied. For youth aged 12 to 17, not using devices at mealtime, having parents who often know what their teens are doing online, and having less difficulty making friends act as potential buffers against cybervictimization. Cybervictimized young adults often change their behaviour, both online—from blocking people and restricting their own access—and offline—such as carrying something for protection. Cybervictimized young adults were also more likely to have experienced other forms of victimization such as being stalked and being physically or sexually assaulted. End of text box Introduction Internet use is now woven into the fabric of Canadian society. It has become a large part of everyday life, whether it is in the context of online learning, remote working, accessing information, e-commerce, obtaining services (including healthcare), streaming entertainment, or socializing. And while nearly all Canadians use the internet to some degree, Canadians under 30 represent the first generation born into a society where internet use was already ubiquitous. As such, it may not be surprising that Canadians under the age of 30 are more likely to be advanced users of the internet, compared to older generations.Note   In addition, they often spend many hours on the internet, with this usage increasing during the COVID-19 pandemic, more so than any other age group.Note  Besides proficiency and intensity, the way in which young people interact with the internet is often different from older generations. Previous Statistics Canada research has shown that younger people are more likely than their older counterparts to use social media, more likely to use multiple social media apps, and engage in more activities on these apps.Note  This use has been related to some negative outcomes for younger people, including lost sleep and trouble concentrating.Note  Social media and online activities may also place youth and young people at increased risk of cybervictimization or cyberbullying. Numerous studies have investigated both the prevalence and impact of cybervictimization, noting that youth are often at increased risk.Note   While comparisons across studies are often difficult because of definitional differences, ages of the youth being studied, and the time frames, there is consensus on the criteria for measuring cybervictimization. These include (1) intentions to harm the victim, (2) power imbalance between the bully and victim, (3) the repeated nature of aggression, (4) use of electronic devices (including phones or computers), and (5) possible anonymity.Note  This article examines cyberbullying among youth and young adults aged 12 to 29 in Canada using four population-based surveys. The Canadian Health Survey of Children and Youth (CHSCY) collects information on cyberbullying among youth aged 12 to 17, while three surveys capture this information for adults aged 18 to 29. These surveys include the Canadian Internet Use Survey (CIUS), the General Social Survey (GSS-Cycle 34) on Victimization and the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS). Each will be used to help paint a picture of cyberbullying of younger people in Canada.Note  Definitions and measures of cyberbullying within each of the surveys are detailed in “Cyberbullying content across four Statistics Canada surveys” text box. The study starts by discussing the prevalence of, and risk factors associated with, cyberbullying among teens aged 12 to 17. This is followed by an analysis of cyberbullying among young adults aged 18 to 29. Along with providing a profile of cyberbullying, another goal is to highlight data and knowledge gaps in this area and potential areas where future surveys and research should focus. One-quarter of teens experience cyberbullying In 2019, one in four teens (25%) aged 12 to 17 reported experiencing cyberbullying in the previous year (Chart 1). Being threatened or insulted online or by text messages was the most common form, at 16%. This was followed by being excluded from an online community (13%) and having hurtful information posted on the internet (9%).   Among those aged 12 to 17, rates of cyberbullying increased with age, rising from 20% at age 12 to 27% by age 17. This perhaps reflects an increased use of the internet, and specifically social media usage with age. The largest increase in cyberbullying prevalence related to being threatened or insulted online or by text messages (from 11% at age 12 to 19% at age 17). Data table for Chart 1  Data table for chart 1 Table summary This table displays the results of Data table for chart 1 percentage (appearing as column headers). percentage Total youth aged 12 to 17 25 Hurtful information was posted on the internet 9 Excluded from an online community 13 Threatened/insulted online or by text messages 16 Source: Statistics Canada, Canadian Health Survey on Children and Youth, 2019. Besides age, the likelihood of being victimized online varied by gender, sexual attraction, Indigenous identity and educational accommodations.  Generally, boys and girls have quite similar prevalence of cybervictimization. For instance, about 1 in 4 (24% for boys and 25% for girls) reported that they experienced any of the three forms of cybervictimization. Non-binary teens, however, experienced cybervictimization at significantly higher levels than both boys and girls. Over half (52%) of teens who reported a gender other than male or female said that they were cybervictimized in the past year. The higher prevalence among non-binary teens was seen across all types of cybervictimization. The greatest difference, however, was seen for being excluded from an online community. The proportion of non-binary teens who reported this type of cybervictimization was about three and a half times the proportion recorded for boys and girls (45% versus 12% for boys and 13% for girls). In addition, youth aged 15 to 17Note  who identified as having the same gender attraction had a significantly higher likelihood of being cyberbullied (33%), compared to their peers who were exclusively attracted to a different gender (26%). This increased risk was seen for all types of cyberbullying but was most pronounced for hurtful information being posted on the internet and being excluded from an online community. First Nations youth (off-reserve) are at greater risk of cyberbullying First NationsNote  youth living off-reserve were more likely than their non-Indigenous peers to have been cyberbullied in the past year. In particular, 34% of First Nations youth reported being bullied online, compared to 24% of non-Indigenous youth. The risk was heightened for certain types of cyberbullying, including having hurtful information posted on the internet and being threatened/insulted online or by text messages. These higher levels of cybervictimization mirror the overall higher rates of victimization for Indigenous people, which could be rooted in the long-standing legacy of colonialism resulting in discrimination and systemic racismNote  (Table 1). No significant differences were observed for Inuit and Métis youth.Note   Most racialized groups had either similar or lower prevalence rates of cyberbullying compared to non-racialized and non-Indigenous youth. For example, 16% of the South Asian youth and 18% of Filipino youth said that they had experienced cyberbullying in the past year, much lower than the 27% of non-racialized, non-Indigenous youth who reported being victimized online. In addition, those born in Canada had a higher likelihood of cyberbullying, compared to the immigrant youth population (26% versus 19%). This was seen for all forms of online victimization. The differences in risk may be due to variations in frequency of going online. Indeed, previous research has shown that immigrants are less likely to be advanced users of the internet, and are more often non-users, basic users or intermediate users.Note     Table 1 Prevalence of cyberbullying among youth aged 12 to 17, by population group, 2019 Table summary This table displays the results of Prevalence of cyberbullying among youth aged 12 to 17. The information is grouped by Population Subgroups, ages 12 to 17 (appearing as row headers), Types of cyberbullying, Hurtful information was posted on the internet, Threatened/insulted online or by text messages, Excluded from an online community and Any of the 3 types of cyberbullying, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers). Population group Types of cyberbullying Hurtful information was posted on the internet Threatened/insulted online or by text messages Excluded from an online community Any of the 3 types of cyberbullying percentage Gender Boys (ref.) 7 16 12 24 Girls 10 16 13 25 Non-binary 30Note E: Use with cautionNote * 34Note E: Use with cautionNote * 45Note E: Use with cautionNote * 52Note E: Use with cautionNote * Indigenous identity First Nations 14Note E: Use with caution 23Note * 16Note E: Use with caution 34Note * Métis 12Note E: Use with caution 20 13Note E: Use with caution 30 Inuit 14Note E: Use with caution 30Note E: Use with caution Note F: too unreliable to be published 36Note E: Use with caution Non-Indigenous (ref.) 8 16 13 24 Racialized group Black 8 16 12 24 Chinese 7 11Note * 12 22 Filipino 10 10Note * 7Note * 18Note * South Asian 5Note * 9Note * 9Note * 16Note * Not part of a racialized group (ref.) 9 18 14 27 Country of Birth Canada (ref.) 9 17 14 26 Outside Canada 5Note * 11Note * 10Note * 19Note * Gender attractionTable 1 Note 1 Same gender (ref.) 15 22 17 33 Opposite gender 9Note * 18 13Note * 26Note * Youth has an education accomodation Yes 11Note * 19Note * 15 27Note * No (ref.) 7 14 12 23 Don't know 12Note * 19Note * 15 29Note * E use with caution F too unreliable to be published Note 1 Only asked of youth aged 15 to 17. Return to note 1 referrer Note * significantly different from the reference category (ref.) (p<0.05) Return to note * referrer Source: Statistics Canada, Canadian Health Survey of Children and Youth, 2019. Higher likelihood of cyberbullying among youth with education accommodation Based on results from CHSCY, having an education accommodation, such as an Individual Education Plan (IEP), Special Education Plan (SEP) or Inclusion and Intervention Plan (IIP), places youth at increased risk of cyberbullying. Overall, 27% of youth with some type of education accommodation for learning exceptionalities or special education needs were bullied online, compared to 23% of their peers without accommodation. The risk was greatest when the cyberbullying incidents involved hurtful information being posted on the internet or being threatened or insulted online or by text messages. The increased risk of cyberbullying among those with an education accommodation peaks at age 16, with 36% of 16 year-olds with an educational accommodation reporting being cyberbullied compared with 24% of youth without an accommodation.Note  Frequent use of social media tied to higher prevalence of cyberbullying among youth Because of the potential negative impacts of cyberbullying, including the effects on mental wellbeing, it is important to understand the factors that can expose youth to online harm. One of these possible factors relates to the frequency of online activity. The CHSCY asked youth how often they go online for social networking, video/instant messaging, and online gaming. The majority (about 80%) said that went online at least weekly, with 60% saying they went on social network platforms several times a day, and just over 50% reporting that they used video or instant messenger apps at this same level of frequency. About 1 in 3 (32%) teens said that they went online for gaming at least once a day or more. In general, results from CHSCY show that more frequent social networking, instant messaging use and online gaming had a strong association with an increased risk of cybervictimization. For instance, among youth who stated that they constantly use social networking, video and instant messaging or online gaming, about one-third (34%, 36% or 30% respectively) said that they had been cyberbullied in the past year. Conversely, the proportion reporting cybervictimization drops to around 20% when social networking and video and instant messaging was used less than once a week (22%, 22%, and 24% respectively). The risk decreases even further to less than 15% when youth never utilized social networking or video and instant messaging apps (Table 2).  Table 2 Prevalence of cyberbullying among youth aged 12 to 17, by frequency of social media use and gender, 2019 Table summary This table displays the results of Prevalence of cyberbullying among youth aged 12 to 17. The information is grouped by Frequency of social media use (appearing as row headers), Proportion cyberbullied in past year, by gender, Total, Boys, Girls, Social networking , Video or instant messaging and Online Gaming , calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers). Frequency of social media use Proportion cyberbullied in past year Total Boys Girls Social networking Video or instant messaging Online Gaming Social networking Video or instant messaging Online Gaming Social networking Video or instant messaging Online Gaming percentage Constantly 34Note * 36Note * 30 33Note * 32Note * 30 34Note * 38Note * 28 Several times a day 27Note * 27Note * 30 26 27 30 27Note * 27Note * 29 Once a day (ref.) 21 23 27 22 25 26 20 20 29 Weekly 27 24 24 30 27 23 21 21 27 Less than weekly 22 20 24 22 21 19Note * 21 17 29Table 2 Note † Never 12Note * 14Note * 22Note * 14Note * 15Note * 15Note * 9Note * 13Note * 24Table 2 Note † Note † significant gender difference (p < 0.05) Return to note † referrer Note * significantly different from reference category (ref.) (p < 0.05) Return to note * referrer Note: Due to sample size limitations, the non-binary category is not releasable. Source: Statistics Canada, Canadian Health Survey of Children and Youth, 2019. No gender differences were found between social media, video or instant messaging use and cybervictimization.Note   For instance, for both boys and girls, the proportion who said they were cybervictimized in the past year was over 30% if they constantly checked their social networking and instant messaging applications, with the risk decreasing similarly with lower levels of use. The risk of cybervictimization increases with age, from 12 to 17, mirroring the increased frequency in the use of social networking, video and instant messaging as youth age. Going online more frequently had the same impact on the cybervictimization risk for Indigenous and non-Indigenous youth. That is, going on social media more frequently increased the risk to the same extent for both Indigenous youth and non-Indigenous youth. However, this was not the case for all youth. For instance, the risk associated with more frequent social media and gaming use was greater for non-racialized youth than it was for racialized youth. Cyberbullying is sometimes related to usage patterns of electronic devices In addition to frequency of use, usage pattern of electronic devices may also be related to risk. Among youth aged 12 to 17, three-quarters (75%) used an electronic device before falling asleep in the past week. This usage pattern rises from a low of 54% at age 12 to a high of 92% by age 17. Using electronic devices before going to sleep appears to increase the risk of being cyberbullied. About 27% of youth that used their electronic device before going to sleep were cyberbullied in the past year, compared to 19% who had not used their device before going to sleep. The increased risk was most often related to being threatened or insulted online or by text messages (18% versus 11% who had not used a device before going to sleep) (Chart 2). Data table for Chart 2  Data table for chart 2 Table summary This table displays the results of Data table for chart 2 Yes, a device was used and No, a device was not used (ref.), calculated using percentage units of measure (appearing as column headers). Yes, a device was used No, a device was not used (ref.) percentage Total youth aged 12 to 17 27Note * 19 Hurtful information was posted on the internet 10Note * 5 Threatened/insulted online or by text messages 18Note * 11 Excluded from an online community 14Note * 10 Note * significantly different from the reference category (ref.) (p<0.05) Return to note * referrer Source: Statistics Canada, Canadian Health Survey of Children and Youth, 2019. Use of electronic devices before going to sleep and risk of cybervictimization is fairly constant across age, but appears to be highest at age 15, where 31% had been cybervictimized in the past year. This proportion falls to 16% if they did not use their device before bedtime. Results suggest that parents may, in some cases, serve as protective agents, by not allowing electronic devices at the dinner table and having a greater knowledge of what their teens are doing online. For most youth (71%), parents did not allow electronic devices during the evening meal. However, 21% of youth said that their parents allowed electronic devices at the evening meal and another 7% said that their family does not eat together. The association with cybervictimization, especially being threatened or insulted online or by text messages, increases if electronic devices were allowed at dinner (18% versus 15%). However, there are no differences with respect to other types of cybervictimization. The real risk of cybervictimization is not whether a device was used, but whether the family ate together, which can be influenced by financial or other circumstances, such as work schedules or extracurricular activities.  Across all types of cybervictimization, 35% of youth who had not eaten dinner with parents reported that they had been cybervictimized in the past year, significantly greater than the 26% of youth who said that electronic devices were allowed at the evening meal, and the 23% who said that electronic devices were not allowed. This risk is strongest for ages 12 and 16. Parents’ knowledge of youth’s online activities may help lower the association with cybervictimization. Most Canadian youth who go online have some types of rules or guidelines established by their parents, which is usually more stringent for younger children and is typically relaxed as they age and gain more trust.Note  In 2019, the proportion who stated that their parents often or always know what they are doing online was quite high. In all, 63% stated this level of parental knowledge, while another 37% said that their parents never or only sometimes knew what they were doing online. Parental knowledge about online activity declines with age. At age 12, 77% of youth state that their parents often or always know what they are doing online, which drops to 51% by age 16 and to 49% by age 17. As may be expected, increased parental knowledge of teen’s online activity was associated with a lower risk of cybervictimization (Chart 3). In particular, close to a third of youth (29%) who said their parents never or only sometimes knew about their online activities reported that they had been cybervictimized. This proportion drops to 22% when parents often or always knew what their teen was doing online. A similar pattern is noted regardless of type of cybervictimization experienced. Data table for Chart 3  Data table for chart 3 Table summary This table displays the results of Data table for chart 3 Parents never or sometimes know online activity and Parents often or always know online activity (ref.), calculated using percentage units of measure (appearing as column headers). Parents never or sometimes know online activity Parents often or always know online activity (ref.) percentage Total youth aged 12 to 17 29Note * 22 Hurtful information was posted on the internet 12Note * 7 Threatened/insulted online or by text messages 20Note * 13 Excluded from an online community 15Note * 12 Note * significantly different from the reference category (ref.) (p<0.05) Return to note * referrer Source: Statistics Canada, Canadian Health Survey of Children and Youth, 2019. Youth who have difficulty making friends are most vulnerable to online victimization Based on previous research,Note  knowing more people and having more friends, especially close friends can perhaps shield youth from being victimized, and if they are victimized, having friends can perhaps offset some of the negative impacts. Therefore, it is expected that individuals who have a difficult time making friends may be at greater risk of being victims of cyberbullying, as the person or persons victimizing them may believe them to be easier targets of abuse. In general, across all youth aged 12 to 17, most do not have any difficulty making friends, based on responses from parents. Just over 80% of parents reported that their teen had no difficulty in making friends, while 15% said that their teen had some difficulty and around 4% said that they had a lot of difficulty or could not do it at all. Across individual ages, these proportions are similar. Also, boys and girls have very similar patterns of ease of making friends (parents of around 80% of both boys and girls said that they had no difficulty making friends).Note  It bears mentioning that these are parents’ reports about their child’s purported difficulty making friends and therefore may not be the most accurate. Parents may not be fully aware of how well their child develops friendships, as this information may be intentionally hidden from them. With respect to cybervictimization, teens that have greater difficulty making friends have a greater risk of being cybervictimized than their peers without any difficulty. For example, 23% of youth whose parents said they have no difficulty making friends reported that they had been victims of cyberbullying in the past year.  This proportion climbs 12 percentage points to 35% if teens had a lot of difficulty or were unable to make friends (Table 3). A similar pattern was observed regardless of the type of cyberbullying. The relationship between the ease of making friends and cyberbullying was seen across all ages, though the gap appears to be greatest at age 16. For example, almost half (44%) of 16-year-old teens who had trouble forming friendship were cyberbullied, compared with 24% who had no difficulty making friends. Girls were especially vulnerable to cyberbullying when they had trouble making friends.Note  Overall, 40% of girls whose parents said had a lot of difficulty making friends, or were unable to do so, were cybervictimized. This compares to 23% of girls who had no difficulty making friends. The corresponding difference for boys was much lower, with 28% being cyberbullied if they had trouble making friends and 23% without any difficulty.  Table 3 Prevalence of cyberbullying among youth aged 12 to 17, by ease of developing friendships, 2019 Table summary This table displays the results of Prevalence of cyberbullying among youth aged 12 to 17. The information is grouped by Cyberbullying type, age and gender (appearing as row headers), Difficulty making friends, No difficulty (ref.), Some difficulty and A lot of difficulty /Cannot make friends, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers). Cyberbullying type, age and gender Difficulty making friendsTable 3 Note 1 No difficulty (ref.) Some difficulty A lot of difficulty or Cannot make friends percentage Total youth aged 12 to 17 23 32Note * 35Note * Type of cyberbullying Hurtful information was posted on the internet 7 14Note * 15Note * Threatened/insulted online or by text messages 15 22Note * 22Note * Excluded from an online community 12 18Note * 24Note * Age 12 years 18 27Note * 29 13 years 21 32Note * 32 14 years 22 28 39 15 years 27 32 28 16 years 24 35Note * 44Note * 17 years 24 40Note * 39 Gender Boys 23 29Note * 28 Girls 23 35Note * 39Note * Note 1 Based on responses from parents. Return to note 1 referrer Note * significantly different from reference category (ref.) (p < 0.05) Return to note * referrer Note: Due to sample size limitations, the non-binary category is not releasable. Source: Statistics Canada, Canadian Health Survey of Children and Youth, 2019. Young adults: Women and young adults most often the target of cybervictimization The remainder of the study examines the patterns of cybervictimization among young adults aged 18 to 29.  To understand cyberbullying among this age group, three population-based surveys were used. These complementary surveys, while differing in survey design and measurement, shed light on the nature of cyberbullying and the young people most at risk. According to the 2018 SSPPS, 25% of young people aged 18 to 29 experienced some form of cybervictimization, with the most common being receiving unwanted sexually suggestive or explicit images or messages (15%) and aggressive or threatening emails, social media or text messages (13%) (Table 4). Young women were more often the target of the online abuse, with a prevalence almost double the rate for young men (32% versus 17%). This gender difference was even more pronounced for receiving unwanted sexually suggestive or explicit material, where young women were almost three times as likely to be targeted (22% versus 8%).Note   Therefore, the main gender differences appear to be with respect to cybervictimization of a sexualized nature, as there were no differences between men and women on solely aggressive content without sexual content.Note   Table 4 Prevalence of cybervictimization among young people aged 18 to 29, by age group, gender and type of cybervictimization, 2018 Table summary This table displays the results of Prevalence of cybervictimization among young people aged 18 to 29. The information is grouped by Type of cybervictimization (appearing as row headers), Total, Men, Women, Overall, 18-21 (ref.), 22-25 and 26-29, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers). Type of cybervictimization Total Men Women Young people aged 18 to 29 18 to 21 years (ref.) 22 to 25 years 26 to 29 years Young people aged 18 to 29 18 to 21 years (ref.) 22 to 25 years 26 to 29 years Young people aged 18 to 29 18 to 21 years (ref.) 22 to 25 years 26 to 29 years percentage Total 25 31 25 19Note * 17 25 16 13Note * 32Table 4 Note † 38Table 4 Note † 34Table 4 Note † 26Table 4 Note †Note * Received any threatening or aggressive emails, social media messages or text messages where you were the only recipient 13 14 13 11 9 12 8 8 16Table 4 Note † 17 18Table 4 Note † 14 You were the target of threatening or aggressive comments spread through group emails, group text messages or postings on social media 6 6 7 6 5 7 5 4 8 6 9 7 Somone posted or distributed (or threatened to) intimate or sexually explicit videos or images of you without your consent 2 2 3 2 2 3 2 1 3 2 5 3 Someone pressured you to send, share, or post sexually suggestive or explicit images or messages 6 10 5Note * 4Note * 3 5 3 3 9Table 4 Note † 16Table 4 Note † 8Table 4 Note †Note * 6Note * Someone sent you sexually suggestive or explicit images or messages when you did not want to receive them 15 20 17 10Note * 8 13 8 5Note * 22Table 4 Note † 27Table 4 Note † 26Table 4 Note † 16Table 4 Note †Note * Note † significant gender difference for a particular group (p < 0.05) Return to note † referrer Note * significantly different from reference category (ref.) (p < 0.05) Return to note * referrer Note: Due to sample size limitations, the non-binary category is not releasable. Source: Statistics Canada, Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces, 2018. For some types of cybervictimization, there was a significantly greater risk for young adults aged 18 to 21, as compared with young adults aged 26 to 29. For instance, about 20% of young adults aged 18 to 21 reported receiving unwanted sexually suggestive or explicit images or messeges in the last year, double the 10% of young adults aged 26 to 29 who said they also received these types of unwanted images or messages. Young adults aged 18 to 21 were also twice as likely to report being pressured to send, share or post sexually suggestive or explicit images or messages (10%) than their older counterparts (5% for ages 22 to 25 and 4% for ages 26 to 29). The relationship between cybervictimization and age is similar for both men and women, though rates are always higher for women. Both men and women have about a 12-percentage point gap between ages 18 and 21 and 26 and 29 in experiencing any of the five forms of cybervictimization in the past year (25% versus 13% for men, 38% versus 26% for women). With respect to the individual forms of cybervictimization, the largest decreases by age group related to sexual victimization, especially for women. For example, for women, there was about a 10-percentage point decline from age 18-21 to age 26-29 on being pressured to send, share or post sexually suggestive or explicit images or messages (16% to 6%) and receiving unwanted sexually suggestive or explicit images or messages (27% to 16%). Greater risk of cybervictimization among LGBTQ2 young adults Data from the SSPPS also show that LGBTQ2Note  young adults were more likely than their non-LGBTQ2 counterparts to have experienced cybervictimization (49% versus 23%).Note ,Note  Moreover, the decrease in the risk of cybervictimization across age groups is not seen among the LGBTQ2 population. That is, the proportion experiencing cybervictimization at ages 18 to 21 and late 20s is similar for LGBTQ2 adults, whereas the prevalence of cyberbullying among non-LGBTQ2 young adults declines by about half between the same ages (30% at age 18 to 21 to 18% at ages 26 to 29). Interestingly, among the LGBTQ2 population, the age group with the highest rates of cybervictimization are young adults aged 22 to 25 (at 58%).  This is a rare instance of a nonlinear age trend with respect to cybervictimization declining from age 18 to age 29.Note  First Nations young adults are more frequently the victims of cyberbullying Almost half (46%) of First Nations young people living off-reserve had experienced some form of cyberbullying in the preceding year. This was nearly double the share of non-Indigenous young adults (26%). There was no increased risk among Métis or Inuit young people.Note  Among racialized groups, the likelihood of being cyberbullied was similar to the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. There was also no difference in risk by immigrant status.  Table 5 Prevalence of cybervictimization among young people aged 18 to 29, by selected characteristics, 2018 Table summary This table displays the results of Prevalence of cybervictimization among young people aged 18 to 29. The information is grouped by Selected characteristics (appearing as row headers), Percent (appearing as column headers). Selected characteristics percentage Total 25 Gender Men (ref.) 17 Women 32Note * Racialized population Black 23 Chinese 19 Filipino 16 South Asian 18 Non-racialized (ref.) 27 Immigrant status Immigrant (ref.) 20 Canadian-born 27 Indigenous identity First Nations 46Note * Métis 31 Inuit 13 Non-Indigenous (ref.) 26 Disability No 17Note * Yes (ref.) 39 Sexual/gender diversity LGBTQ2 (ref.) 49 Non-LGBTQ2 23Note * Note * significantly different from reference category (ref.) (p < 0.05) Return to note * referrer Note: Due to sample size limitations, the non-binary category is not releasable. Source: Statistics Canada, Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces, 2018. Young adults with a disability are more often targeted Young adults aged 18 to 29 with a disabilityNote  were significantly more likely to report that they were cybervictimized in the past year. Across all forms of cybervictimization measured in the SSPPS, 39% of young adults with a disability reported having experienced cyberbullying in the past year, compared with 17% of the nondisabled young adult population (Table 5).Note  The SSPPS also allows for the examination of gender differences among young men and women with a disability. Almost half (46%) of women with a disability had experienced cybervictimization in the past year, much higher than the 22% of women without a disability. The difference for men was less marked. In 2018, 27% of men with a disability were targeted online, compared to 14% of other young men. The severity of the disability also appears to heighten risk. Based on the SSPPS, 56% of young adults with a severe to very severe disability stated that they had been cybervictimized in the past year, while 46% with moderate disability and 34% of those with a mild disability stated the same. This compares to 17% of young adults without a disability that experienced cybervictimization in the past year.Note  Frequent smart phone use is related to cybervictimization Being continually connected to the Internet is common among young adults aged 18 to 29, though this may place them at increased risk. Over half (55%) checked their smart phone at least every 15 to 30 minutes, with another one-third (30%) checking their smart phone at least once per hour on a typical day. Heavy cell phone use, defined as checking at least every 5 minutes, was the least common, with 15% of youth falling into this category. However, heavy use was more prevalent in the younger age groups. In 2018, 17% of young adults aged 18 to 20 were heavy users, falling to 11% among those aged 27 to 29. The majority, around three quarters, of young adults between the ages of 18 and 29 also stated that the last thing they do before going to sleep is check their phones, and a similar percentage stated that they do this again first thing upon waking up. The rates of checking before bed and upon waking are very similar regardless of gender and age. About 4 out of 5 (82%) young adults aged 18 to 20 checked their phones when waking up, and 71% of young adults aged 27 to 29 did the same. This difference, however, was not statistically significant. A pattern, albeit weak, emerges showing that more frequent smart phone use is associated with more online victimization. Based on data from the CIUS, 15% of young adults who used their smart phone at least every 5 minutes said that they had been cybervictimized in the past year. This was double (statistically significant at the p < 0.10 level) the rate of young adults who checked their phone less often (7%)Note . There were no significant differences on whether one used the smart phone before going to bed or after waking up and cybervictimization in the past year. While a direct comparison cannot be made with the data from the CHSCY on ages 12 to 17 presented earlier, it is interesting to note that among 12-to-17-year-olds there was a significant association between using one’s electronic device at bedtime and risk of cybervictimization, with a higher risk noted especially for teens age 12 and age 15. Using protective measures online is more common among younger women Being victimized online can also lead people to pull back from social media and other online activities. For example, information from the SSPPS shows that about 22% of young adults aged 18 to 29 said that in the past year, they blocked people on the internet because of harassment, while 13% said they restricted their access to the internet to protect themselves from harassment. A further 3% deleted their online account because of harassment. Young women were twice as likely as young men to block people because of harassment (31% versus 13%) and to restrict their own access (17% versus 10%) (Chart 4). These gender differences may be driven by the higher overall cybervictimization rates for women.Note  Data table for Chart 4  Data table for chart 4 Table summary This table displays the results of Data table for chart 4 Men, Women, Young people aged 18 to 29, 18 to 21 years, 22 to 25 years and 26 to 29 years, calculated using percentage units of measure (appearing as column headers). Men Women Young people aged 18 to 29 18 to 21 years 22 to 25 years 26 to 29 years Young people aged 18 to 29 18 to 21 years 22 to 25 years 26 to 29 years percentage Blocked people because of harassment 13Note * 15Note * 13Note * 11Note * 31 35 33 27 Restricted own access to protect self 10Note * 7Note * 10Note * 11 17 14 20 17 Deleted online account because of harassment 3 2 3 2 4 4 5 4 Note * significant difference (p < 0.05) between men and women for a particular age group. Return to note * referrer Note: Due to sample size limitations, the non-binary category is not releasable. Source: Statistics Canada, Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS), 2018. Limiting online activities as a response to cybervictimization is not surprising. Results from the GSS show a strong association between being victimized online and taking other precautions for one’s safety beyond unplugging from the internet. For example, when asked if they do certain things routinely to make themselves safer from crime, young adults aged 18 to 29 who had been cybervictimized in the past year were much more likely to say that they carry something for defense, such as a whistle, a knife or pepper spray, compared with young adults who had not experienced online victimization (12% versus 3%).  Cybervictimization associated with other forms of victimization among young people There is often a strong association between different types of in-person victimization.Note  This is also the case for cybervictimization.  Young adults who have been cybervictimized were more likely to be victims of fraud, more likely to have been stalked and also more likely to have been physically or sexually assaulted in the past year. Data from the GSS showed a connection between cybervictimization and risk of fraud. For example, 17% of young adults who had been cybervictimized in the past year said that they had also been a victim of fraud in the past year, more than four times higher than young adults who had not experienced cybervictimization (4%).Note  Cybervictimization is also highly correlated with other forms of victimization and behaviour. For instance, information from the SSPPS shows that young adults who have experienced unwanted behaviours in public that made them feel unsafe or uncomfortable had also been victims of online harassment and bullying in the past year.Note  About 45% of young adults who had experienced such behaviours had been cybervictimized in the past year, compared with 11% who had not experienced such behaviours (Table 6). The relationship between online victimization and unwanted behaviours in public appears to be similar for men and women. In particular, 41% of men and 46% of women who had experienced unwanted behaviours in public had also been cybervictimized. This compares to around 10% of men and women who had not experienced such incidents.Note  Cybervictimization may manifest itself in real-world public encounters because victims of online abuse may be highly sensitized to possibly unsafe or uncomfortable situations in public, especially in instances where the identity of the online abuser is not known. For all they know, the person making them feel unsafe or uncomfortable in public might be the very same person harassing them online.  Table 6 Prevalence of cybervictimization among young people aged 18 to 29, by experiences of in-person victimization in the past 12 months and gender, 2018 Table summary This table displays the results of Prevalence of cybervictimization among young people aged 18 to 29. The information is grouped by Gender (appearing as row headers), Felt unsafe or uncomfortable in public, Stalked and Experienced physical/sexual assault (appearing as column headers). Gender Felt unsafe or uncomfortable in publicTable 6 Note 1 StalkedTable 6 Note 2 Experienced physical/sexual assault Table 6 Note 3 Yes (ref.) No Yes (ref.) No None (ref.) One incident Two or more incidents percentage Total young people aged 18 to 29 45 10Note * 67 22Note * 21 54Note * 64Note * Men 41 10Note * 57 16Note * 15 44Note * 54Note * Women 46 11Note * 72 29Note * 27 62Note * 70Note * Note * significantly different from reference category (ref.) (p < 0.05) Return to note * referrer Note 1 Respondents were asked: Thinking about time you spent in public spaces in the past 12 months, how many times has anyone made you feel unsafe or uncomfortable by doing any of the following? Making unwanted physical contact, such as hugs or shoulder rubs or getting too close to you in a sexual manner. Indecently exposing themselves to you or inappropriately displaying any body parts to you in a sexual manner. Making unwanted comments that you do not look or act like a [man/woman/man or woman] is supposed to look or act. Making unwanted comments about your sexual orientation or assumed sexual orientation. Giving you unwanted sexual attention, such as inappropriate comments, whistles, calls, suggestive looks, gestures, or body language. Return to note 1 referrer Note 2 Respondents were asked: In the past 12 months, have you been stalked, that is, have you been the subject of repeated and unwanted attention, by someone other than a current or former spouse, common-law partner or dating partner. Return to note 2 referrer Note 3 Respondents are asked if the following incidents happened to them in the past 12 months (excluding acts committed by a current or previous spouse, common-law partner or dating partner): a. been attacked, b. anyone threatened to hit or attack you or threatened you with a weapon, c. has someone touch them in a sexual way against their will, d. has someone forced or attempted to force them into unwanted sexual activity by threatening them, holding them down or hurting them in some way, e. has anyone subjected you to a sexual activity to which you were not able to consent, that is, were you drugged, intoxicated, manipulated or forced in other ways than physically. Respondents are then asked if these things happened in one incident or more than one incident. Return to note 3 referrer Note: Due to sample size limitations, the non-binary category is not releasable. Source: Statistics Canada, Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces, 2018. According to the SSPPS, young adults who have been stalked in the past year have also been victims of online bullying and harassment in the past year.Note   For instance, 67% of young adults who stated that they had been stalked in the past year also stated that they had been cybervictimized in the past 12 months, three times higher than young adults who had not been stalked in the past year (22%). The relationship is similar for both men and women, with over 72% of women and 57% of men who had been stalked also stating that they had been cybervictimized. Being a victim of stalking is more prevalent among women in general, as 32% of women stated they had been stalked, significantly greater than the 17% of men who stated that they had been stalked.Note  A connection between online victimization and physical and sexual assaults also exists.Note  Overall, among victims of physical and sexual assault, the proportion that said they were also cybervictimized was very high. In 2018, 54% of physical or sexual assault victims reported being cybervictimized, climbing to 64% if young people had experienced two or more incidents of physical or sexual assault. The strong association is present for both young adult men and women, with consistently higher prevalence for women regardless of number of physical or sexual assaults. Perpetrators of online victimization are most often men and known to the victim An important area of research on cybervictimization that is often lacking relates to the gender of the offender and the relationship between the offender and the victim. Using the SSPPS, it is possible to understand the characteristics of the perpetrator in cybervictimization incidents (Chart 5). About two-thirds (64%) of young adults who had been cybervictimized stated that a man (or men) was responsible, while 19% said it was a woman (or women), 4% said that it was both, and 13% did not know the gender of their online attacker. This general pattern was similar regardless of gender of the victim, though for women victims, the perpetrator was much more likely to be a man (or men). For instance, 73% of women who had been victimized stated that their offender(s) was (were) a man/men, while 13% stated that it was a woman or women. In contrast, 45% of men said that it was a man (or men) that was responsible, while 31% stated that their offender(s) was a woman or women. At the same time, 19% of men and 11% of women did not know the gender of their online offender.Note  Data table for Chart 5  Data table for chart 5 Table summary This table displays the results of Data table for chart 5 Total, Gender of victim, Male victim (ref.) and Female victim, calculated using percentage units of measure (appearing as column headers). Total Gender of victim Male victim (ref.) Female victim percentage Male offender 64 45 73Note * Female offender 19 31 13Note * Both male and female offenders 4 6 3 Don’t know 13 19 11 Note * significantly different from reference category (ref.) (p < 0.05) Return to note * referrer Note: Due to sample size limitations, the non-binary category is not releasable. Source: Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS), 2018. The SSPPS also has information on the relationship of the offender and victim for the most serious incident of inappropriate online behaviour (combining single and multiple offender incidents). The most common offenders, at 55%, were offenders known to the victim, including friends, neighbours, acquaintances, teachers, professors, managers, co-workers, and classmates, as well as family members or current or former partners including spouses, common-law partners or dating partners. Meanwhile, 45% were offenders who were not known to the victim, including strangers or persons known by sight only. Thus, results show that the perpetrator was known to the victim in more than 50% of cases, regardless of the gender of the victim. Based on the SSPPS, 53% of men victims and 56% of women victims knew the person victimizing them online.  Conclusion Internet and smart phone use among youth and young adults in Canada is at a very high level, particularly since the pandemic. It is a tether to the outside world, allowing communication with one another, expanding knowledge, and being entertained. It is this importance and pervasiveness that makes it particularly challenging when there are risks of online victimization. A goal of this study was to highlight the current state of cybervictimization among Canadian youth and young adults aged 12 to 29. Four separate surveys were used to paint a picture of who is most at risk of cybervictimization, how online and offline behaviours may contribute to this association, and the association with other forms of victimization. Based on the analysis of the data, there are five key messages related to cybervictimization of youth and young adults: Not all youth and young adults experience cybervictimization equally.  Those that are most vulnerable to online harm were youth aged 15 -17 with same-gender attraction or, more broadly, LGBTQ2 young adults aged 18-29, youth and young adults with a disability, Indigenous youth, and young adult women when the cybervictimization measures were more of a sexual nature. Cybervictimization increases during adolescence and remains high among young adults in their early 20s. The risk drops somewhat as young adults approach age 30. This age pattern was found using two surveys that allowed for prevalence estimates by smaller age groupings (CHSCY and SSPPS). The prevalence estimates were not completely comparable across ages 12 to 29, but the pattern remained. Greater internet use, as well as using devices at bedtime and upon waking up was associated with being cybervictimized. Potential buffers of this connection especially for the teenage population (ages 12-17) were not using devices at mealtime, having parents who often know what their teens were doing online, and having less difficulty making friends. Taking action to make themselves safer was seen for youth and young adults who have been cybervictimized. This included blocking people online, restricting their own internet access, and carrying something for protection when offline. Experiencing other forms of victimization was more common among those who were cybervictimized. This includes being stalked and being physically or sexually assaulted, and experiencing other types of unwanted behaviours in public. The benefits of the internet for the youth and young adult population are numerous, however, as this study has illustrated, there are certain risks associated with the anonymity and widespread exposure to many unknown factors while online. Knowing the socio-demographic factors and internet use patterns associated with cybervictimization can help tailor interventions to better prevent and respond to cybervictimization. Future analytical work should continue to better understand online victimization faced by youth and young adults. Darcy Hango is a senior researcher with Insights on Canadian Society at Statistics Canada. Start of text box Data sources, methods and definitions Four surveys are used in this paper: (1) Canadian Health Survey on Children and Youth (CHSCY), 2019; (2) Canadian Internet Use Survey (CIUS),2018-2019; (3) General Social Survey GSS on Victimization (cycle 34): 2019-2020, and (4) Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS): 2018. The analysis is split into 2 separate broad age groups: ages 12 to 17 is examined using the CHSCY, and ages 18 to 29 is examined using the CIUS, the GSS, and the SSPPS. There remain data gaps in cybervictimization. For instance, there is a need for more information on the perpetrators of cybervictimization. This may involve adding more follow-up questions on existing surveys, whether it is CHSCY or victimization surveys. Moreover, information on specific types of social media platforms, such as social networking sites, image-based sites and discussion forums would be helpful to pinpoint which applications are seeing the most incidents of cyberbullying. As internet use and potential harm is not restricted to people aged 12 and older, it would be critical to understand the prevalence and nature of cybervictimization for the youngest Canadians, those under the age of 12, recognizing that survey adaptation and ethical considerations would need to be considered. Lastly, certain population subgroups are more at risk of cybervictimization than others and the research for this study revealed that an inadequate sample size for some groups, such as Indigenous youth and young adults, as well as sexually and gender diverse youth and young adults, limits the ability to understand the dimensions of the issue for these populations. As such, it is necessary to consider oversampling certain groups to produce meaningful cybervictimization estimates. An additional concern, overarching many of the above issues, is the “digital divide”, particularly affecting communities in rural areas and the north. Recent statistics reveal that in 2017, 99% of Canadians had access to long term evolution (LTE) networks, though this was true for only about 63% of Northern residents.Note  The disparity in connectivity may have an adverse impact especially for the Indigenous population in terms of not only Indigenous youths’ underrepresentation in Canadian data on cyberbullying, but also digital literacy initiatives in Northern or in First Nations and Inuit communities. End of text box                                 Start of text box Cyberbullying content across four Statistics Canada surveys 1. Canadian Health Survey on Children and Youth (CHSCY), youth aged 12 to 17 years, 2019 (data collection period between February and August 2019) During the past 12 months, how often did the following things happen to you? Someone posted hurtful information about you on the Internet Someone threatened or insulted you through email, instant messaging, text messaging or an online game Someone purposefully excluded you from an online community 2. Canadian Internet Use Survey (CIUS), people aged 15 years and older, 2018-2019 (data collection period between November 2018 and March 2019) Universe: Internet users in the past 3 months During the past 12 months, have you felt that you were a victim of any of the following incidents on the Internet? Did you experience? Bullying, harassment, discrimination Misuse of personal pictures, videos or other content Other incident 3. General Social Survey GSS on Victimization (cycle 34), people aged 15 years and older, 2019-2020 (data collection period between April 2019 and March 2020) Universe: Internet users in the past 12 months In the past 5 years, have you experienced any of the following types of cyber-stalking or cyber-bullying? This can be narrowed down to past year by the following question: “You indicated that you experienced some type of cyber-stalking or cyber-bullying in the past 5 years. Did any occur in the past 12 months?” You received threatening or aggressive emails or instant messages where you were the only recipient You were the target of threatening or aggressive comments spread through group emails, instant messages or postings on Internet sites Someone sent out or posted pictures that embarrassed you or made you feel threatened Someone used your identity to send out or post embarrassing or threatening information Any other type 4. Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS), people aged 15 years and older, 2018 (data collection period between April and December 2018) Universe: Internet users in the past 12 months Indicate how many times in the past 12 months you have experienced each of the following behaviours while online. You received any threatening or aggressive emails, social media messages, or text messages where you were the only recipient You were the target of threatening or aggressive comments spread through group emails, group text messages or postings on social media Someone posted or distributed, or threatened to post or distribute, intimate or sexually explicit videos or images of you without your consent Someone pressured you to send, share, or post sexually suggestive or explicit images or messages Someone sent you sexually suggestive or explicit images or messages when you did not want to receive them End of text box Notes Note Internet-use Typology of Canadians: Online Activities and Digital Skills Return to note  referrer Note See Bilodeau, Kehler, and Minnema 2021 Return to note  referrer Note Canadians’ assessments of social media in their lives Return to note  referrer Note Other concerns as a result of increased internet and/or smart phone usage such as lack of sleep and anxiety are important but are left for other research. A recent example is an article by Schimmele et al 2021. Return to note  referrer Note Because there are already very comprehensive reviews of the prevalence and consequences of cybervictimization in Canada and abroad this is not gone into detail here. Readers should consult Zych et al 2019 ; Field 2018 for reviews, and Kim et al 2017; Hango 2016; and Holfeld and Leadbeater 2015 for examples of recent research using Canadian data. Return to note  referrer Note See Field, 2018 Return to note  referrer Note All differences are significant at p <0.05 level, unless otherwise noted. Return to note  referrer Note Questions on sexual attraction were only asked for youth aged 15 to 17. Return to note  referrer Note The Indigenous population covered in this paper are from all provinces and territories. In both the CHSCY and the SSPPS samples were selected from across Canada. The samples do not include youth and young adults living on First Nations reserves and other Aboriginal settlements. Return to note  referrer Note See Perreault 2022 for recent research focused on exploring victimization trends among the Indigenous population in Canada. Return to note  referrer Note The sample size for Inuit youth was too small to detect significant differences between groups. Return to note  referrer Note Wavrock, Schellenberg, and Schimmele 2021. Return to note  referrer Note The analysis by age is not shown but is available upon request. Return to note  referrer Note Sample size was not sufficient to conduct analyses in this section separately for the gender diverse population. Return to note  referrer Note See MediaSmarts 2022. Return to note  referrer Note See for example, research by Bollmer et al 2005 and Kendrick et al 2012. Return to note  referrer Note Due to sample size limitations, analysis does not include gender diverse youth. Return to note  referrer Note Due to sample size limitations, analysis does not include gender diverse youth. Return to note  referrer Note Due to sample size limitations, analysis does not include gender diverse young adults. Return to note  referrer Note Among ages 12 to 17, there were no differences between boys and girls on cybervictimization because none of the measures explicitly asked whether the bullying was of a sexual nature. Some additional analysis on the SSPPS on ages 15 to 17 (available upon request), showed that teen girls did report a significantly higher probability than teen boys of experiencing the three cybervictimization forms that explicitly tapped into the sexualized nature of the abuse. There were no gender differences on the two measures that only asked about aggressive cybervictimization. Return to note  referrer Note Based on the SSPPS derived variable of ‘LGBTQ2’, which uses responses to sex at birth, gender, and sexual orientation. Return to note  referrer Note This aligns with other research on violent victimization among the LGBTQ population. See Jaffray 2020; Cotter and Savage 2019. Return to note  referrer Note In the GSS, LGBTQ2 young adults also reported a significantly higher probability of experiencing cybervictimization in the form of pictures that embarrassed or threatened them (4.4% versus 1%). Return to note  referrer Note These estimates are not presented in a table but are available upon request. Return to note  referrer Note The sample size for Inuit young adults was too small to detect significant differences between groups. Return to note  referrer Note A person is defined as having a disability if he or she has one or more of the following types of disability: seeing, hearing, mobility, flexibility, dexterity, pain-related, learning, developmental, memory, mental health-related. Return to note  referrer Note In the GSS, a larger share of young adults with a disability also reported being cybervictimized via aggressive comments through email (4.3% versus 1.1%), and in CIUS, on any of the 3 types of cybervictimization measures (18.1% versus 7%). Return to note  referrer Note These results are not in a table and are available upon request. Based on the global severity score, severity classes were established. Severity scores increase with the number of disability types, the level of difficulty associated with the disability and the frequency of the activity limitation. The name assigned to each class is simply intended to facilitate use of the severity score. It is not a label or judgement concerning the person’s level of disability. The classes should be interpreted as follows: people in class 1 have a less severe disability than people in class 2; the latter have a less severe disability than people in class 3; and so on. For more information on severity scores and classes, please refer to the Canadian Survey on Disability (CSD), 2017: Concepts and Methods Guide. Return to note  referrer Note These proportions are not statistically different from each other due to high sampling variability. Return to note  referrer Note Recall that data from the SSPPS showed that 32% of young women said they were cybervictimized in the past year, compared with 17% of young men. Return to note  referrer Note See examples of some research that examines links between different types of victimization for example see Finkelhor et. al 2011; Turner et. al 2016; Waasdorp and Bradshaw 2015. Return to note  referrer Note Fraud in this case refers to having one’s personal information or account details used to obtain money or buy goods and services, having one’s personal information or account details used to create or access an account, apply for benefits, services or documents, and having been tricked or deceived out of money or goods either in person, by telephone or online. Return to note  referrer Note Respondents were asked: Thinking about time you spent in public spaces in the past 12 months, how many times has anyone made you feel unsafe or uncomfortable by doing any of the following? a. Making unwanted physical contact, such as hugs or shoulder rubs or getting too close to you in a sexual manner, b. Indecently exposing themselves to you or inappropriately displaying any body parts to you in a sexual manner, c. Making unwanted comments that you do not look or act like a (man/woman) is supposed to look or act, d. Making unwanted comments about your sexual orientation or assumed sexual orientation, or e. Giving you unwanted sexual attention, such as inappropriate comments, whistles, calls, suggestive looks, gestures, or body language. Return to note  referrer Note Due to sample size limitations, analysis does not include gender diverse young adults. Return to note  referrer Note Respondents were asked: In the past 12 months, have you been stalked, that is, have you been the subject of repeated and unwanted attention, by someone other than a current or former spouse, common-law partner or dating partner. Return to note  referrer Note These results are not shown in a table but are available upon request. Return to note  referrer Note In the SSPPS, respondents were asked if the following things happened to them in the past 12 months (excluding acts committed by a current or previous spouse, common-law partner or dating partner): a. been attacked, b. anyone threatened to hit or attack them or threatened them with a weapon, c. has someone touch them in a sexual way against their will, d. has someone forced or attempted to force them into unwanted sexual activity by threatening them, holding them down or hurting them in some way, e. has anyone subjected them to a sexual activity to which they were not able to consent, that is, were they drugged, intoxicated, manipulated or forced in other ways than physically. Respondents are then asked if these things happened in one incident or more than one incident. Return to note  referrer Note Due to sample size limitations, analysis does not include non-binary young adults. Return to note  referrer Note See CRTC Communications Monitoring Report, 2019. Return to note  referrer Related information Related Articles Bullying victimization among sexually and gender diverse youth in Canada Social Media Use, Connections and Relationships in Canadian Adolescents Findings from the 2018 Health Behaviour in School-aged Children (HBSC) Study Data sources Canadian Health Survey on Children and Youth Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces General Social Survey - Canadians' Safety Canadian Internet Use Survey Bibliographic references References How to cite this article  More information ISSN: 2291-0840 Note of appreciation Canada owes the success of its statistical system to a long-standing partnership between Statistics Canada, the citizens of Canada, its businesses, governments and other institutions. Accurate and timely statistical information could not be produced without their continued co-operation and goodwill. Standards of service to the public Statistics Canada is committed to serving its clients in a prompt, reliable and courteous manner. To this end, the Agency has developed standards of service which its employees observe in serving its clients. Copyright Published by authority of the Minister responsible for Statistics Canada. © His Majesty the King in Right of Canada as represented by the Minister of Industry, 2023 Use of this publication is governed by the Statistics Canada Open Licence Agreement. Catalogue no. 75-006-x Frequency: Occasional Ottawa Related infographics Cyberbullying among youth in Canada Cybervictimization among young adults in Canada Date modified: 2023-03-15

      security Online harassment

  7. Dec 2025
    1. It is not a stable state because the “perfect” balancing point is dynamic – even a 4,000 year old game like Go still has had balance adjustments in the past twenty years.

      It's actually acceptable to tweak as the game matures and people find new ways to play it. Don't think you have to get it perfect first time.

    1. In half a year, the game raised close to half a million dollarsand nearly 250,000 books in total donations that went on to benefit girlsliving in the conditions represented in-game, as well as $160,000 for sur-geries throughout the world.

      In half a year! Some fundraisers and charity streams get that in a day. Some companies extract this from users every minute.

    2. The argument presented is one that takesits case study from a game that, on top of utilizing “high-tech blackface”as a method of player/avatar interaction, is also filled with a very limitedsuite of racial tropes of Black people, particularly limited to “ghettoized”identities. Leonard’s suggestion is that this leads to players being renderedas a sort of “virtual ghetto tourist” (2004, 4).

      Mainly through "white mansplaining", which in this case is not done by white people who pursue activism to understand others and de-privilege themselves, but rather as a throwable weapon dismissive argument of "I already know your perspective" which mainly seeks to perpetuate hierachies of oppression and silence.

    Annotators

    1. eLife Assessment

      This important work investigates cooperative behaviors in adolescents using a repeated Prisoner's Dilemma game. The computational modeling approach used in the study is solid and rigorous. The work could be further strengthened with the consideration of modeling higher-order social inferences and non-linear relationships between age and observed behavior. Findings from this study will be of interest to developmental psychologists, economists, and social psychologists.

    2. Reviewer #1 (Public review):

      Summary:

      Wu and colleagues aimed to explain previous findings that adolescents, compared to adults, show reduced cooperation following cooperative behaviour from a partner in several social scenarios. The authors analysed behavioural data from adolescents and adults performing a zero-sum Prisoner's Dilemma task and compared a range of social and non-social reinforcement learning models to identify potential algorithmic differences. Their findings suggest that adolescents' lower cooperation is best explained by a reduced learning rate for cooperative outcomes, rather than differences in prior expectations about the cooperativeness of a partner. The authors situate their results within the broader literature, proposing that adolescents' behaviour reflects a stronger preference for self-interest rather than a deficit in mentalising.

      Strengths:

      The work as a whole suggests that, in line with past work, adolescents prioritise value accumulation, and this can be, in part, explained by algorithmic differences in wegithed value learning. The authors situate their work very clearly in past literature, and make it obvious the gap they are testing and trying to explain. The work also includes social contexts which move the field beyond non-social value accumulation in adolescents. The authors compare a series of formal approaches that might explain the results and establish generative and model-comparison procedures to demonstrate the validity of their winning model and individual parameters. The writing was clear, and the presentation of the results was logical and well-structured.

      Weaknesses:

      I had some concerns about the methods used to fit and approximate parameters of interest. Namely, the use of maximum likelihood versus hierarchical methods to fit models on an individual level, which may reduce some of the outliers noted in the supplement, and also may improve model identifiability.

      There was also little discussion given the structure of the Prisoner's Dilemma, and the strategy of the game (that defection is always dominant), meaning that the preferences of the adolescents cannot necessarily be distinguished from the incentives of the game, i.e. they may seem less cooperative simply because they want to play the dominant strategy, rather than a lower preferences for cooperation if all else was the same.

      The authors have now addressed my comments and concerns in their revised version.

      Appraisal & Discussion:

      Overall, I believe this work has the potential to make a meaningful contribution to the field. Its impact would be strengthened by more rigorous modelling checks and fitting procedures, as well as by framing the findings in terms of the specific game-theoretic context, rather than general cooperation.

      Comments on revisions:

      Thank you to the authors for addressing my comments and concerns.

    3. Reviewer #2 (Public review):

      Summary:

      This manuscript investigates age-related differences in cooperative behavior by comparing adolescents and adults in a repeated Prisoner's Dilemma Game (rPDG). The authors find that adolescents exhibit lower levels of cooperation than adults. Specifically, adolescents reciprocate partners' cooperation to a lesser degree than adults do. Through computational modeling, they show that this relatively low cooperation rate is not due to impaired expectations or mentalizing deficits, but rather a diminished intrinsic reward for reciprocity. A social reinforcement learning model with asymmetric learning rate best captured these dynamics, revealing age-related differences in how positive and negative outcomes drive behavioral updates. These findings contribute to understanding the developmental trajectory of cooperation and highlight adolescence as a period marked by heightened sensitivity to immediate rewards at the expense of long-term prosocial gains.

      Strengths:

      (1) Rigid model comparison and parameter recovery procedure.

      (2) Conceptually comprehensive model space.

      (3) Well-powered samples.

      Weaknesses:

      A key conceptual distinction between learning from non-human agents (e.g., bandit machines) and human partners is that the latter are typically assumed to possess stable behavioral dispositions or moral traits. When a non-human source abruptly shifts behavior (e.g., from 80% to 20% reward), learners may simply update their expectations. In contrast, a sudden behavioral shift by a previously cooperative human partner can prompt higher-order inferences about the partner's trustworthiness or the integrity of the experimental setup (e.g., whether the partner is truly interactive or human). The authors may consider whether their modeling framework captures such higher-order social inferences. Specifically, trait-based models-such as those explored in Hackel et al. (2015, Nature Neuroscience)-suggest that learners form enduring beliefs about others' moral dispositions, which then modulate trial-by-trial learning. A learner who believes their partner is inherently cooperative may update less in response to a surprising defection, effectively showing a trait-based dampening of learning rate.

      This asymmetry in belief updating has been observed in prior work (e.g., Siegel et al., 2018, Nature Human Behaviour) and could be captured using a dynamic or belief-weighted learning rate. Models incorporating such mechanisms (e.g., dynamic learning rate models as in Jian Li et al., 2011, Nature Neuroscience) could better account for flexible adjustments in response to surprising behavior, particularly in the social domain.

      Second, the developmental interpretation of the observed effects would be strengthened by considering possible non-linear relationships between age and model parameters. For instance, certain cognitive or affective traits relevant to social learning-such as sensitivity to reciprocity or reward updating-may follow non-monotonic trajectories, peaking in late adolescence or early adulthood. Fitting age as a continuous variable, possibly with quadratic or spline terms, may yield more nuanced developmental insights.

      Finally, the two age groups compared-adolescents (high school students) and adults (university students)-differ not only in age but also in sociocultural and economic backgrounds. High school students are likely more homogenous in regional background (e.g., Beijing locals), while university students may be drawn from a broader geographic and socioeconomic pool. Additionally, differences in financial independence, family structure (e.g., single-child status), and social network complexity may systematically affect cooperative behavior and valuation of rewards. Although these factors are difficult to control fully, the authors should more explicitly address the extent to which their findings reflect biological development versus social and contextual influences.

      Comments on revisions:

      The authors have adequately addressed my previous comments.