So Ocasio-Cortez gets in that the Squad is composed of women of color. But if Pelosi would likely respond the same way to four Jill Steins, then what is the meaning of the reference to race? Is the idea that Pelosi should hold her tongue simply because the Squad members aren’t white? Ocasio-Cortez is here appealing to another 2.0 meaning of racist—that which is offensive, for any reason, to people of a race. The Squad doesn’t like Pelosi’s critique, understandably. But the question is: Is that critique “racist” because four “racial” women don’t agree with it? Here, Ocasio-Cortez and the Squad allude to the subjectified meaning of racist, which can be hard to square with the core meaning of the word (believing that people of a category are inferior).

These three strands collided throughout the twentieth century, as the prosperity gospel came into being. It started — like the “work ethic” Max Weber described — as a way to justify why, during the Gilded Age, some people were rich and others poor. (One early prosperity gospel proponent, Baptist preacher Russell H. Conwell, told his mostly-destitute congregation in 1915: “I say you ought to be rich; you have no right to be poor.”) Instead of blaming structural inequality, Conwell and those like him blamed the perceived failures of the individual.

Ya! yaka, yaka, yaka!

But his swarthy complexion, his long lithe figure, and his grave and graceful politeness of manner were enough to betray his Oriental origin to any intelligent eyes that looked at him.

Because of persistent economic segregation in this country, low-income young people may only have access to those who are in similar economic circumstances as themselves (Albright & Hurd, 2017). Additionally, adolescents tend to only have access to social capital garnered through their relationships with their parents, parents' network, neighbors, and teachers (White & Glick, 2000). Low-income adolescents' access to social capital is thus restricted by their economic segregation, the homogeneity of their parents' network, and their limited access to other relationships(Putnam, 2015). Low-income youth have a clear disadvantage concerning the growth of social capital. An informal mentor, specifically one from outside the young person's community, thus, may play an important and unique role in expanding an adolescent's social capital by compensating for these limitations.

An individual's access to social capital, the total number of resources garnered through social relationships, is determined largely by their socioeconomic status and racial ethnic makeup

A young person's neighborhood context is associated with their chance of being mentored and their chance of being economically mobile. Young people living in under-resourced neighborhoods are also unlikely to be upwardly mobile (Chetty & Hendren, 2016a; Chetty, & Hendren, 2016b; Chetty, Hendren, Kline & Saez, 2014b; Goldsmith, Britton, Reese, & Velez, 2017). Low-income children are more likely to live in neighborhoods with higher crime and drug use (Abelev, 2009). Young people from these neighborhoods are more likelytohave lower tests scores (McCullock & Joshi, 2001), drop out of high school, and be unemployed (Ainsworth, 2002). This neighborhood effect is cumulative: the more time spent in under

Cumulatively, these studies suggest that the potential influence of informal mentors on mobility may be most pronounced for those youth who are facing a disadvantage of some kind (family structure, income, etc.) and/or are a racial ethnic minority. Concerning the focus of the present study, this literature would suggest that informal mentoring may be more strongly associated with upward mobility for low-income youth than for middle-or higher-income youth for whom informal mentoring is

Persistent immobility also disproves the idea of the U.S. being a land of equal opportunity. Since the term "the American Dream" was first coined in 1931, it has become a persistent cultural ethos, a wish list of sorts, with a consistent main tenet being the idea that each generation can achieve more than their parents (Samuel, 2012). Yet we know this tenet of the American Dream is no longer true: the chances that a child earnsmore than their parents has decreased in the past 40 years, especially for low-income families

No, the term has nothing to do with racism, in current significance or historically. I am assuming the reference in the question is to racism based on skin color.

Though metaphorical uses of the word “black” - and “dark” - can become racist, they usually don’t, and they are not usually racist per se.

etymology is quite important. in the end, we might consider plain words „black“ and „white“ racist and enter the realms of newspeak

Addressing violence against black communities can start with anti-racist practices in clinical care and research.

Structural racism, the systems-level factors related to, yet distinct from, interpersonal racism, leads to increased rates of premature death and reduced levels of over-all health and well-being.

Man hade utmålat partiet som ett rasistiskt parti, historien om hur vi bildades stod ju där, säger Per Göransson, distriktsordförande för SD i Norrbotten, till SVT.

Pacific Citizen, Vol. 45, No. 19 (November 8, 1957)

Soon Ja Du

The Daily Beast got it right with a subhead about a recent right-wing terrorist, the one who blew himself up in his home full of bomb-making materials: “Friends and family say Ben Morrow was a Bible-toting lab worker. Investigators say he was a bomb-building white supremacist.”

quiet, ‘nerdy’ young man who came from ‘a tight-knit, godly family

a gentle loner

I wondered if he was an ethnic white rather than a white Anglo-Saxon Protestant. The historian Matthew Frye Jacobson, in “Whiteness of a Different Color,” describes “the 20th century’s reconsolidating of the 19th century’s ‘Celts, Slavs, Hebrews and Mediterraneans.’ ” By the 1940s, according to David Roediger, “given patterns of intermarriage across ethnicity and Cold War imperatives,” whites stopped dividing hierarchically within whiteness and begin identifying as socially constructed Caucasians.

I was not overwhelmed by our encounter because my blackness is “consent not to be a single being.” This phrase, which finds its origins in the work of the West Indian writer Édouard Glissant but was reintroduced to me in the recent work of the poet and critical theorist Fred Moten, gestures toward the fact that I can refuse the white man’s stereotypes of blackness, even as he interacts with those stereotypes.

Did he understand that today, 65 percent of elected officials are white men, though they make up only 31 percent of the American population?

Would they react as the police captain in Plainfield, Ind., did when his female colleague told him during a diversity-training session that he benefited from “white male privilege”? He became angry and accused her of using a racialized slur against him. (She was placed on paid administrative leave, and a reprimand was placed permanently in her file.)

Dodwell is right in one respect; Morrissey still has many fans. Many profess to have no interest in his political views, regarding him solely as a musical content provider, a beat maker, a purveyor of vocals. This is bollocks, of course; they're clearly hugely invested in him. In any case, if you're capable of blithely setting aside his views, then there's something badly missing in you.

"everyone ultimately prefers their own race."

Complaining to Tim Jonze in The Guardian about the "high cost" of immigration, in his imagination, to "British identity" as he conceived it from afar. Wearing a pin in support of far right group For Britain, led by anti-Islam activist Anne Marie Waters, for whom he has kind words - he rejects the "childish" label of racism; "I don't believe the word 'racist' has any meaning any more", he has said, a statement only the most obtuse and whitest of white men could come out with. Most recently, after Stormzy's triumphant Glastonbury headlining set, Morrissey shared a YouTube video in which some bloke attacks the rapper, using the headline "Nothing But Blue Skies For Stormzy … the gallows for Morrissey."

Then I came up against 'Bengali In Platforms'. This, and later 1991's 'Asian Rut', I deplored; I found 'Bengali In Platforms' possibly well-meaning but deeply patronising and utterly out of touch with the sensibilities of his very hip Asian fans. I knew. I was married to a Sikh woman at this time; her brother, Gurbir Thethy, adored The Smiths, subversively basing his dance at Sikh weddings on that of Morrissey.

And then, in 1986, Morrissey was interviewed by Frank Owen in Melody Maker and insisted that there was a conspiracy to maintain the presence of black music in the charts. He'd already remarked on the vileness of reggae, the awfulness of Diana Ross.

This is the sort of ambiguous comment which seems to invite an assenting nod of the head but could easily have been uttered by Nigel Farage. Similarly, 'Irish Blood, English Heart', in which he sang, I've been dreaming of a time when/ To be English is not to be baneful /To be standing by the flag not feeling shameful/ Racist or partial/ Irish blood, English heart, this I'm made of /There is no one on earth I'm afraid of/ And I will die with both of my hands untied."

The former Smiths frontman has become an increasingly controversial figure in recent years for a string of remarks and his support for the far right. He voiced support for EDL founder Tommy Robinson in the wake of his sentencing for contempt of court, saying: “It’s very obvious that Labour or the Tories do not believe in free speech … I mean, look at the shocking treatment of Tommy Robinson.” He described halal meat preparation as evil and “requires certification that can only be given by supporters of Isis”; he told the NME in 2007 that “the higher the influx into England the more the British identity disappears … the gates of England are flooded. The country’s been thrown away”; and in 2010 described Chinese people as a “subspecies”.

The important thing in the new conservative digital media, she had realized, was not to not be racist, but to laugh at those who called you racist.

On September 4, 1957, the first day of classes at Central High, Governor Orval Faubus called in the Arkansas National Guard to block the black students’ entry into the high school.

Two concepts that I’ve been thinking about a lot lately are guilt and responsibility. When it comes to racism in America, I think that guilt and responsibility tend to be seen as more or less the same thing. But I’m beginning to understand how there’s a real difference. As white people, are we guilty for the sins of our forefathers? No, I don’t think so. But are we responsible for them? Yes, I believe we are.

Moorship's

This makes me wonder about the realities of Australia’s indigenous people and and systemic inequality in Australia’s society.

A prerequisite for war, as well as bigotry, is that one sees a people or a country as a stereotype, as something sub-human or non-human; this is why politicians spend so much time trying to create stereotypical images for those countries they want to go to war with.

Once products and, more important, people are coded as having certain preferences and tendencies, the feedback loops of algorithmic systems will work to reinforce these often flawed and discriminatory assumptions. The presupposed problem of difference will become even more entrenched, the chasms between people will widen.

For all the paranoid American theories of being “red-pilled,” of awakening into a many-tentacled liberal/feminist/Jewish conspiracy, the most corrosive force, the ectoplasm infusing itself invisibly through media and culture and politics, is white supremacy.

DiAngelo sets aside a whole chapter for the self-indulgent tears of white women, so distraught at the country’s legacy of racist terrorism that they force people of color to drink from the firehose of their feelings about it.

“The most effective adaptation of racism over time,” DiAngelo claims, “is the idea that racism is conscious bias held by mean people.” This “good/bad binary,” positing a world of evil racists and compassionate non-racists, is itself a racist construct, eliding systemic injustice and imbuing racism with such shattering moral meaning that white people, especially progressives, cannot bear to face their collusion in it. (Pause on that, white reader. You may have subconsciously developed your strong negative feelings about racism in order to escape having to help dismantle it.)

In DiAngelo’s almost epidemiological vision of white racism, our minds and bodies play host to a pathogen that seeks to replicate itself, sickening us in the process. Like a mutating virus, racism shape-shifts in order to stay alive; when its explicit expression becomes taboo, it hides in coded language.

In more than twenty years of running diversity-training and cultural-competency workshops for American companies, the academic and educator Robin DiAngelo has noticed that white people are sensationally, histrionically bad at discussing racism. Like waves on sand, their reactions form predictable patterns: they will insist that they “were taught to treat everyone the same,” that they are “color-blind,” that they “don’t care if you are pink, purple, or polka-dotted.” They will point to friends and family members of color, a history of civil-rights activism, or a more “salient” issue, such as class or gender. They will shout and bluster. They will cry. In 2011, DiAngelo coined the term “white fragility” to describe the disbelieving defensiveness that white people exhibit when their ideas about race and racism are challenged—and particularly when they feel implicated in white supremacy. Why, she wondered, did her feedback prompt such resistance, as if the mention of racism were more offensive than the fact or practice of it?

Louis C.K.’s message is clear — white men have nothing to complain about.

you’ve got to explain to me why these putative ability differences aren’t handicapping women

Racism

No such income gap exists between black and white women raised in similar households.

(Of course, there were plenty of other things happening between the sixteenth and twenty-first centuries that changed the shape of the world we live in. I've skipped changes in agricultural productivity due to energy economics, which finally broke the Malthusian trap our predecessors lived in. This in turn broke the long term cap on economic growth of around 0.1% per year in the absence of famine, plagues, and wars depopulating territories and making way for colonial invaders. I've skipped the germ theory of diseases, and the development of trade empires in the age of sail and gunpowder that were made possible by advances in accurate time-measurement. I've skipped the rise and—hopefully—decline of the pernicious theory of scientific racism that underpinned western colonialism and the slave trade. I've skipped the rise of feminism, the ideological position that women are human beings rather than property, and the decline of patriarchy. I've skipped the whole of the Enlightenment and the age of revolutions! But this is a technocentric congress, so I want to frame this talk in terms of AI, which we all like to think we understand.)

Also the whole of his Slaves amounting to 57 in number.

To give to every citizen the information he needs for the transaction of his own business. To enable him to calculate for himself, and to express & preserve his ideas, his contracts & accounts in writing. To improve by reading, his morals and faculties. To understand his duties to his neighbours, & country, and to discharge with competence the functions confided to him by either. To know his rights; to exercise with order & justice those he retains; to choose with discretion the fiduciaries of those he delegates; and to notice their conduct with diligence with candor & judgment. And, in general, to observe with intelligence & faithfulness all the social relations under which he shall be placed.

To develope the reasoning faculties of our youth, enlarge their minds cultivate their morals, & instil into them the precepts of virtue & order.

morals

Three places were proposed, to wit Lexington in the County of Rockbridge, Staunton in the County of Augusta, and the Central college in the County of Albemarle: each of these was unexceptionable as to healthiness & fertility. It was the degree of centrality to the white population of the state which alone then constituted the important point of comparison between these places

It was the degree of centrality to the white population of the state which alone then constituted the important point of comparison between these places:

nothing, more than education, adorning the prosperity, the power and the happiness of a nation

Education, in like manner engrafts a new man on the native stock, & improves what in his nature was vicious & perverse, into qualities of virtue and social worth; and it cannot be but that each generation succeeding to the knowledge acquired by all those who preceded it, adding to it their own acquisitions & discoveries, and handing the mass down for successive & constant accumulation, must advance the knowledge & well-being of mankind: not infinitely, as some have said, but indefinitely, and to a term which no one can fix or foresee. Indeed we need look back only half a century, to times which many now living remember well, and see the wonderful advances in the sciences & arts which have been made within that period.

“We welcome all varying views, and in fact you will likely find our views run very counter to many of the [racist] views we are being claimed to have,” they continued. “We encourage people to join us for breakfast and open up a productive dialogue about any issue.”

micropolitical,” involving tensions between people, genres, media, thought, action, and any number of relations that emerge in daily life

institutionalracism refers to particular and general instances of racialdiscrimination, inequality, exploitation, and domination inorganizational or institutional contexts, such as the labormarket or the nation-state.

a socialconstruct. Although biologically meaningless when applied tohumans–physical differences such as skin color have nonatural association with group differences in ability or behavior–race nevertheless has tremendous significance in structuringsocial reality

racism is“an ideology of racial domination”(Wilson,1999: p. 14) in which the presumed biological or culturalsuperiority of one or more racial groups is used to justify orprescribe the inferior treatment or social position(s) of otherracial groups.

perceived patterns of physicaldifference–such as skin color or eye shape–are used todifferentiate groups of people, thereby constituting them as‘races’;

Learning would .\71oi/ the best nigger in the world. Now," said he, "if you teach that nigger (speaking of mysell) how lo read, there would be no keeping him.

he did not scruple to chastise African Ameri-cans, particularly black men, for running after trivial pursuits, for lacking in educa-tional and professional ambition, and for avoiding the challenging task of speaking up for their people's rights.

The ubiquitous social network not only allows advertisers to target users by their interests or background, it also gives advertisers the ability to exclude specific groups it calls “Ethnic Affinities.”

Castro’s commitment to fighting racism in Cuba wasn’t as much an explicit mission as it was a convenient byproduct of adopting the Soviet model of governance — when you start to eliminate private property, mechanisms of systemic racism are rendered impotent.

scientists were more likely to be male than female and were more likely to be white than of other ethnic groups

who say they feel the sting of racism much the same as other blacks.

Census Bureau

because, as the census guide notes, “people of Hispanic, Latino or Spanish origin may be of any race,” and more than a third of Latinos check “other.”

I think that racism and sexism, even when they're naive, are racism and sexism. The result is the same.

I didn’t know any of our middle-class neighbors, black or white, who sent their children to one of these schools. They had managed to secure seats in the more diverse and economically advantaged magnet schools or gifted-and-talented programs outside our area, or opted to pay hefty tuition to progressive but largely white private institutions

the schools are a disturbing reflection of New York City’s stark racial and socioeconomic divisions. In one of the most diverse cities in the world, the children who attend these schools learn in classrooms where all of their classmates — and I mean, in most cases, every single one — are black and Latino, and nearly every student is poor.

news articles on neighbor-hood displacements over the years to get students thinking further about underlying issues that affected them.

The emotional and affective dimensions of racism are of course very important, and we all have a responsibility to treat members of all races with dignity, respect, and equality. But politics are about policy, about the material dimensions of society, and there is no way in which policy can ensure that everyone act with personal and social fairness towards people of color. Indeed: my argument has long been that the anti-racist project has suffered because following the initial successes of the Civil Rights movement, our conception of fighting racism switched from enacting laws and enforcing material equality, such as with the Voting Rights act or the Fair Housing Act, to a vague idea that we should all hold hands across racial lines. In other words, racism switched from being popularly conceived of as a problem of the material world to being a problem of mind, and the fight against racism stopped being waged in material terms and instead became about people feeling and thinking the right things.

Between these two incidents I have witnessed and heard innumerable reports from Black parents across the nation of similar encounters.  Black students, usually males, being viewed not as potentially gifted, needing enrichment or more academic challenge, but as disrupters and distractions. So-called professional educators not questioning their own weak classroom practices, lack of differentiated instruction, poor preparation, or implicit biases, but instead wanting these non-compliant Black boys drugged into passivity.

We have the schools we have, because people who can afford better get better. And sadly, people who can’t afford better just get less--less experienced teachers, inadequate funding and inferior facilities.

"Our nation's leaders need to speak out against this type of anti-Muslim hate. The American Muslim community is a small minority and we by ourselves, we can't push back against the tide of anti-Muslim sentiment," said Hooper. "What we're seeing is the end result of the mainstreaming of Islamophobia by leading public officials, such as Ben Carson and Donald Trump.

We were walking along Washington Avenue, the main street that runs through the town, past the Town Hall that looks like a castle, and the duck pond. I don’t remember what we were talking about or if we were even talking, but I remember his face, bloated and red and angry. He stuck that face out of the truck that slowed down as it passed, then he threw a lit cigarette at us, two teenage girls – her 16, me 13 – and said, “Go home, n*ggers.” We jumped away to avoid getting burnt and stared at the truck as it sped off. She started crying, a quiet, blubbering cry that shook her shoulders. I stayed quiet the rest of the walk home. The following year, a black girl who was all of a shade darker than me told me I didn’t know prejudice – “because you’re not black.” She pursed her lips and shook her head. I thought back to that lit cigarette and that bloated, red face.

Calderón, who is a proud Afro-Puerto Rican independentista —his son’s name is Malcolm X and his daughter’s name is Ebony Nairobi— is in fact an interesting paradigm for further discussing the issue of gaining independence or progress in Puerto Rico. The fact of the matter is that most independentistas are white Hispanophiles who have socio-economic mobility and are invested in respectability politics. On the contrary, Calderón not only criticizes the United States and their mendacious treatment toward Puerto Rico, but also criticizes Puerto Rico’s racism, classism, corruption and, more important, advocates for people with few resources. He does not romanticize the country by blaming Puerto Rico’s current crisis on Puerto Rico’s colonial status but instead takes a firm and critical approach to a range of issues that affect the country altogether.

The “patriotic” and supposed “Spanish Only” blanquit@s also can articulate English and Spanish very well while the poor and scrutinized in public schools learn only Spanish. Isn’t it easier and more fruitful to speak about race, language, diaspora openly instead of having a racist and irrational “todos somos iguales” discourse? I guess white supremacy and privilege are more important than caring for our own people. But yes, many white Puerto Ricans have done incredible work for Afro-Puerto Ricans, other black bodies and low-income Puerto Ricans of all hues but rest assured; they are the overwhelming minority.

A pesar de ser un país esencialmente negro las posiciones de poder están ocupadas por gente de pieles claras.

Puerto Rico sufre 500 años de racismo Existe en la Isla a nivel individual e institucional

what Owen Thomas calls ‘high tech racism’. Certain bodies are more ‘unreadable’ than others

misogynoir

The petition complains that the Confederate flag was removed because it offended black people through its historic association with slavery and white supremacy, and laughably asserts that the African-American Monument, designed by sculptor Ed Dwight, provokes the same outrage for whites.