763 Matching Annotations
  1. Nov 2022
    1. Title : Artificial Intelligence and Democratic Values: Next Steps for the United States Content : In Dartmouth University , appears AI as sciences however USA motionless a national AI policy comparing to Europe where The Council of Europe is developing the first international AI convention and earlier UE launched the European data privacy law, the General Data Privacy Regulation.

      In addition, China's efforts to become “world leader in AI by 2030, as long as China is developing a digital structures matched with The one belt one road project . USA , did not contribute to UNESCO AI Recommendations however USA It works to promote democratic values and human rights and integrate them with the governance of artificial intelligence .

      USA and UE are facing challenges with transatlantic data flows , with Ukrainian crises The situation became more difficult. In order to reinstate leadership in AI policy, the United States should advance the policy initiative launched last year by the Office of Science and Technology Policy (OSTP) and Strengthening efforts to support AI Bill of rights .

      EXCERPT: USA believe that foster public trust and confidence in AI technologies and protect civil liberties, privacy, and American values in their application can establish responsible AI in USA. Link: https://www.cfr.org/blog/artificial-intelligence-and-democratic-values-next-steps-united-states Topic : AI and Democratic values Country : United States of America

    1. About the Force11 Resource and Tool Catalog


      Catálogo de recursos y herramientas FORCE11 158 registros al 26 de agosto 2020


      1. Publications
      2. Databases/Repositories 3.Organization/Group
      3. Software/Tools/Services 5.Standars/Format 6:Training 7.Other
  2. Oct 2022
  3. Jun 2022
    1. When Congress was considering the first significant federal gun law of the 20th century—the National Firearms Act of 1934, which imposed a steep tax and registration requirements on “gangster guns” like machine guns and sawed-off shotguns—the NRA endorsed the law. Karl Frederick and the NRA did not blindly support gun control; indeed, they successfully pushed to have similar prohibitive taxes on handguns stripped from the final bill, arguing that people needed such weapons to protect their homes. Yet the organization stood firmly behind what Frederick called “reasonable, sensible, and fair legislation.”
    2. In the 1920s and ’30s, the NRA was at the forefront of legislative efforts to enact gun control. The organization’s president at the time was Karl T. Frederick, a Princeton- and Harvard-educated lawyer known as “the best shot in America”—a title he earned by winning three gold medals in pistol-shooting at the 1920 Summer Olympic Games. As a special consultant to the National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws, Frederick helped draft the Uniform Firearms Act, a model of state-level gun-control legislation.
    3. General Daniel E. Sickles, the commanding Union officer enforcing Reconstruction in South Carolina, ordered in January 1866 that “the constitutional rights of all loyal and well-disposed inhabitants to bear arms will not be infringed.” When South Carolinians ignored Sickles’s order and others like it, Congress passed the Freedmen’s Bureau Act of July 1866, which assured ex-slaves the “full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings concerning personal liberty … including the constitutional right to bear arms.”
    4. The very next day, Congress passed the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968, the first federal gun-control law in 30 years. Months later, the Gun Control Act of 1968 amended and enlarged it.
    1. The Mulford Act was a 1967 California bill that prohibited public carrying of loaded firearms without a permit.[2] Named after Republican assemblyman Don Mulford, and signed into law by governor of California Ronald Reagan, the bill was crafted with the goal of disarming members of the Black Panther Party who were conducting armed patrols of Oakland neighborhoods, in what would later be termed copwatching.[3][4] They garnered national attention after Black Panthers members, bearing arms, marched upon the California State Capitol to protest the bill.


    1. Elie Mystal writes in Allow Me to Retort: A Black Guy's Guide to the Constitution:

      There was an original purpose to the Second Amendment, but it wasn't to keep people safe. It was to preserve white supremacy and slavery. (p36)

      He indicates that there are quotes from Patrick Henry and George Mason, governor of Virginia. They needed the ability to raise an armed militia to put down slave revolts and didn't want to rely on the federal government to do it.

      • [ ] Allow Me to Retort: A Black Guy's Guide to the Constitution by Elie Mystal #wanttoread

      link to 1967 Mulford Act signed by Ronald Reagan see also: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mulford_Act

  4. May 2022
    1. At every step of the process we target a specific risk: the risk of not shipping on time. .... Improving your discovery process should come after regaining your ability to ship.

      You can have the best strategy in the world, but if you can't act on it, what good does it do?



  5. Apr 2022
    1. .

      It seems that Medicare could have been implemented sooner if not for political debates in Ottawa. The political power of the Prime Minister is also illuminated in this section, with the PM putting his foot down on the matter and pressing for a decision in January 1968.

  6. Mar 2022
    1. Strategic, cost-efficient evidence-building relies onstrong data governance that facilitates the access, pro-tection, and use of program and other administrativedata to enable and support secondary uses, including for
    2. The statutemakes agency evidence-building plans, known as LearningAgendas, foundational to building a culture of evidencegeneration and use.
  7. Feb 2022
    1. Then, in 1862, Abraham Lincoln pulled the ultimate Manifest Destiny power move with the Homestead Act.

      When pushing through ideas like the Homestead Act of 1862, one needs to additionally consider the long arc of history and plan for secondary level changes in decades or centuries hence. It may have been an economic boom for 50 years or so (and shouldn't giving away all that land account for something like that?) but what happens when that economic engine dies from lack of planning?

      Could the land and space be given back to indigenous peoples again? Could it be given to immigrant populations which might have different economic drivers for their lives and concerns?

  8. Jan 2022
    1. invisibles

      Making inequalities visible becomes an important task, when we analyze a situation. Even with "visible minority" status, there's work to be done to assess our... visual bias. For instance, learners from indigenous communities may not "look the part". In Canada, this is actually a legal matter as a learner in one of my "intro to anthro" classes described it. (Let's call him "Harry".) Despite coming from a First Nation, Harry didn't have status. His sister did because her appearance fit the description. In fact, Harry's First Nation friend gave us a glimpse of this, live, in the classroom. Harry's friend didn't realize that Harry was First Nation until we started discussing this.

  9. Dec 2021
    1. Indian Medical Council Act, 1956 was amended and Section 10D was inserted to empower the MCI to conduct NEET. Moreover the review petition against this judgment was allowed in 2016 and the Supreme Court ordered the conduct of NEET from 2016 itself.

      NEET implementation

    2. In any case, the field is occupied by the central law namely Section 14 of the National Medical Commission Act, 2019 that provides for NEET.
  10. Nov 2021
    1. “(T)he 2020 election revealed that, at least with respect to an administration’s senior most officials, the Hatch Act is only as effective as the White House decides it will be. Where, as happened here, the White House chooses to ignore the Hatch Act’s requirements, then the American public is left with no protection against senior administration officials using their official authority for partisan political gain in violation of the law,” it reads.
  11. Sep 2021
    1. 2015, c. 3, s. 110

      Miscellaneous Statute Law Amendment Act, 2014, SC 2015, c 3, https://canlii.ca/t/52m35, s. 110, amends IRPA s. 63(2) and (3) to read:

      Right to appeal — visa and removal order

      (2) A foreign national who holds a permanent resident visa may appeal to the Immigration Appeal Division against a decision to make a removal order against them made under subsection 44(2) or made at an admissibility hearing.

      Right to appeal removal order

      (3) A permanent resident or a protected person may appeal to the Immigration Appeal Division against a decision to make a removal order against them made under subsection 44(2) or made at an admissibility hearing.

      Previously they had read:

      Right to appeal — visa and removal order

      (2) A foreign national who holds a permanent resident visa may appeal to the Immigration Appeal Division against a decision at an examination or admissibility hearing to make a removal order against them.

      Right to appeal — removal order

      (3) A permanent resident or a protected person may appeal to the Immigration Appeal Division against a decision at an examination or admissibility hearing to make a removal order against them.

    2. 2015, c. 3, s. 109(E)

      Miscellaneous Statute Law Amendment Act, 2014, SC 2015, c 3, https://canlii.ca/t/52m35, s. 109(E) amends the English version of IRPA s. 37(1)(b) to read:

      (b) engaging, in the context of transnational crime, in activities such as people smuggling, trafficking in persons or laundering of money or other proceeds of crime.

      Previously it had read:

      (b) engaging, in the context of transnational crime, in activities such as people smuggling, trafficking in persons or money laundering.

    3. 2015, c. 36, s. 172

      Economic Action Plan 2015 Act, No. 1, SC 2015, c 36, https://canlii.ca/t/52m2b, s. 172, amends IRPA s. 32(d.5) to say:

      (d.5) the requirement for an employer to provide a prescribed person with prescribed information in relation to a foreign national’s authorization to work in Canada for the employer;

      Previously it had said:

      (d.5) the requirement for an employer to provide a prescribed person with prescribed information in relation to a foreign national’s authorization to work in Canada for the employer, the electronic system by which that information must be provided, the circumstances in which that information may be provided by other means and those other means;

    4. 2015, c. 3, s. 108(E)

      Miscellaneous Statute Law Amendment Act, 2014, SC 2015, c 3, https://canlii.ca/t/52m35, s. 108(E) amends the English version of IRPA s. 16(3) to read:

      Evidence relating to identity (3) An officer may require or obtain from a permanent resident or a foreign national who is arrested, detained, subject to an examination or subject to a removal order, any evidence — photographic, fingerprint or otherwise — that may be used to establish their identity or compliance with this Act.

      Previously it had read:

      Evidence relating to identity (3) An officer may require or obtain from a permanent resident or a foreign national who is arrested, detained or subject to a removal order, any evidence — photographic, fingerprint or otherwise — that may be used to establish their identity or compliance with this Act.

    5. 2015, c. 36, s. 171

      Economic Action Plan 2015 Act, No. 1, SC 2015, c 36, https://canlii.ca/t/52m2b, s. 171(1) repealed IRPA s. 14(3), which had said: "(3) For the purposes of subsection 11(1.01), the regulations may include provisions respecting the circumstances in which an application may be made by other means and respecting those other means."

      Economic Action Plan 2015 Act, No. 1, SC 2015, c 36, https://canlii.ca/t/52m2b, s. 171(2) repealed IRPA s. 14(4), which had said:

      (4) The regulations may provide for any matter relating to the application of section 11.1, including (a) the circumstances in which a foreign national is exempt from the requirement to follow the procedures prescribed under that section; (b) the circumstances in which a foreign national is not required to provide certain biometric information; and (c) the processing of the collected biometric information, including creating biometric templates or converting the information into digital biometric formats.

      Economic Action Plan 2015 Act, No. 1, SC 2015, c 36, https://canlii.ca/t/52m2b, s. 171(3) repealed IRPA s. 14(5), which had said:

      (5) The regulations may require foreign nationals who make an application for a visa or other document under subsection 11(1) and foreign nationals who were issued an invitation under Division 0.1 to apply for permanent residence to make those applications by means of an electronic system and may include provisions respecting that system, respecting the circumstances in which those applications may be made by other means and respecting those other means.

    6. 2015, c. 36, s. 170

      Economic Action Plan 2015 Act, No. 1, SC 2015, c 36, https://canlii.ca/t/52m2b, s. 170, repealed s. 11.1, which until that point read:

      11.1 A prescribed foreign national who makes an application for a temporary resident visa, study permit or work permit must follow the prescribed procedures for the collection of prescribed biometric information.

    7. 2012, c. 17, s. 2

      Protecting Canada's Immigration System Act, SC 2012, c 17, s. 2: added

      “designated foreign national” has the meaning assigned by subsection 20.1(2).

    8. c. 19, s. 700

      Jobs, Growth and Long-term Prosperity Act, SC 2012, c 19, s. 700:

      • removed the previous s. 2(2)
      • replaced it with: "(2) Unless otherwise indicated, references in this Act to “this Act” include regulations made under it and instructions given under subsection 14.1(1)."
    9. 2019, c. 29, s. 301

      Budget Implementation Act, 2019, No. 1, SC 2019, c 29, https://canlii.ca/t/5430b, s. 301, added to the "Objectives" section at s. 3(1): "(f.1) to maintain, through the establishment of fair and efficient procedures, the integrity of the Canadian immigration system;"

    10. 2015, c. 36, s. 169

      Economic Action Plan 2015 Act, No. 1, SC 2015, c 36, https://canlii.ca/t/52m2b, s. 169(1), adds a new s. 11(1.01):

      (1.01) Despite subsection (1), a foreign national must, before entering Canada, apply for an electronic travel authorization required by the regulations by means of an electronic system, unless the regulations provide that the application may be made by other means. The application may be examined by an officer and, if the officer determines that the foreign national is not inadmissible and meets the requirements of this Act, the authorization may be issued by the officer.

      The section previously read:

      (1.01) Despite subsection (1), a foreign national must, before entering Canada, apply for an electronic travel authorization required by the regulations by means of an electronic system, unless the regulations provide that the application may be made by other means. The application may be examined by the system or by an officer and, if the system or officer determines that the foreign national is not inadmissible and meets the requirements of this Act, the authorization may be issued by the system or officer.

      Economic Action Plan 2015 Act, No. 1, SC 2015, c 36, https://canlii.ca/t/52m2b, s. 169(2), adds a new subsection: "(1.02) Subject to the regulations, a foreign national who has temporary resident status may apply for a visa or other document during their stay in Canada."

  12. Aug 2021
  13. Jun 2021
  14. Apr 2021
    1. hat reading is also a disc

      Is this notion -- that "reading is also a discourse act" -- new or novel to you?

    1. as it stands, this only goes to highlight what a miracle, what a classic for the ages Actraiser really is, whilst confirming itself as, unfortunately, one to avoid.
  15. Mar 2021
    1. 8. It requires all public sector organisations to actively consider how what they do, every day, affects all of us – not just some

      This is really a very poor description of the Public Sector Equality Duty under the Act.

    2. Businesses, healthcare providers or employers can’t single out trans people thanks to the act. Trans people continue to face stigma and discrimination but this Act has helped strengthen their legal rights.

      This gives those who meet the criterion in the Act for the protected characteristic of 'gender reassignment' addition rights that others do not have.

    3. 1. It protects all of us from discrimination – wherever you are The Act legally protects you from being treated differently by your employer, school or college. It also means you can’t be treated differently when you use public services, like the hospital or the doctors, and even at your local shops and restaurants.

      This fails to mention that some discrimination is lawful under the Act, such as that provided by the single-sex exemption.

    4. 3. The Act protects against discrimination on the grounds of race, colour, ethnic origins, faith, age and nationality

      Why is the protected characteristic of sex not listed? Is this omission incompetence or deliberate?

    5. faith

      The protected characteristic is 'religion or belief', not 'faith'.

  16. Feb 2021
    1. The Congressional Review Act allows Democrats to roll back regulations enacted in the last few months of Trump’s administration. Right before they left office, Trump and his team pushed through a series of measures designed to limit environmental policies that might constrain businesses. Expect to see congressional Democrats and the Biden administration roll them back as part of their broader agenda to prioritize policies to mitigate climate change.
  17. Dec 2020
    1. If known, have you used the pronouns the individual uses to describe themselves in your story?

      This is wrong. An individual doesn't use any pronouns to describe themselves: pronouns are what others use to refer to a third party, usually when they are not present. An individual may prefer, ask or demand others to use specific words to use when referring to them, but no one has any power to compel anyone - nor should they.

    2. If an individual is granted a full GRC they will, from the date of issue, be considered in the eyes of the law to be of their acquired gender.

      This is incorrect. The Gender Recognition Act gives a number of exceptions to the holder of a Gender Recognition Certificate being considered as of the 'acquired gender' as specified on her/his Gender Recognition Certificate.

      The Equality Act 2010 provides additional exemptions, eg the right to single-sex services.

    3. The Gender Recognition Act 2004 enables transgender people to apply to the Gender Recognition Panel

      This presumes a definition of 'transgender', which is a term that is not used or even defined in the Gender Recognition Act 2004.

      It would be more accurate to say that the GRA provides a way for anyone who fulfils the criteria in the GRA to obtain a Gender Recognition Certificate.

  18. Nov 2020
    1. Descripción: OpenAire tiene como objetivo apoyar la implementación del acceso abierto en Europa, a partir de la publicación en abierto de la mayor cantidad de productos de investigación financiados con fondos europeos.


  19. Oct 2020
    1. La radio educativa busca poder recrear el proceso de aprendizaje, y generar diálogo entre los participantes de los programas para que interactúen entre sí y con la audiencia. Esta herramienta podría ser un apoyo para la planificación, preparación y desarrollo de las sesiones de los programas; los participantes colaborarían en la creación del guion, del cómo se abordarán las temáticas, y en general, del contenido del programa. De igual manera, se podría llegar a implementar durante las emisiones para interactuar de una manera más directa con los oyentes.

      La creación de páginas web colectivas permitiría a los participantes de los programas compartir antes o después, según convenga, el contenido de cada programa, generar discusión entre los creadores y los oyentes, e infinidad de interacciones, o “actividades” dadas para apoyar o reforzar el contenido compartido.

    1. “It sure smells like the prescreening provisions of the FCRA,” Reidenberg told The Intercept. “From a functional point of view, what they’re doing is filtering Facebook users on creditworthiness criteria and potentially escaping the application of the FCRA.”
  20. Sep 2020
    1. At the beginning of Act three when the story is halted because seven of the actors have fallen ill due to food poisoning, we experience theatrum mundi. The "volunteers" who are described as friends, dressers, maids, and even the captain of the ushers join the theatre piece and this gives the illusion that they don't need to be the rehearsed actors that had been rehearsing for this piece, since it seems they've simply come to act from their other roles in the theatre (which also exist beyond the physical stage, so theatrum mundi is emphasized here).

  21. Aug 2020
  22. Jul 2020
    1. These criminal acts are frequently planned and supported by agitators who have traveled across State lines to promote their own violent agenda.  These radicals shamelessly attack the legitimacy of our institutions and the very rule of law itself.

      Appears to be an implicit reference to the Anti-Riot Act.

  23. Jun 2020
    1. Congress passed the Fugitive Slave Act of 1 793, bestowing on slaveholders t he right and legal a ppa-ratus t o recover escaped Africans and criminalize those who harbored them.
  24. May 2020
    1. It should be every elected official’s goal to help find ways to free employers from dictatorial rules that hinder their growth. ObamaCare does the opposite, and that’s why the self-insurance option needs to be preserved.
    2. Meanwhile, ObamaCare penalties and onerous rules have forced many companies to lay off workers or cut hours to turn full-time employees into part-timers. Small-business owners should not have to make their hiring decisions based upon tens of thousands of pages of regulations in the Affordable Care Act.
  25. Apr 2020
    1. Wheeler-Howard Ac

      The Wheeler-Howard Act, also known as the Indian Reorganization Act, aimed to protect Native people’s religions and lifestyles in a radical shift away from assimilation policies, and represented an open admission that allotment was a mistake. Tribes were required to accept or reject the IRA by referendum; the establishment of tribal self-government was to be decided the same way. When a majority of adult tribal members approved the IRA, they could then write a constitution, which had to be approved by another majority vote and the Secretary of the Interior. Tribes who approved the IRA could then elect a tribal council.

    1. Viable fibroblasts can be grown on bioabsorbable or nonbioabsorbable meshes to yield living dermal tissue that can act as a scaffold for epidermal growth.
  26. Oct 2019
    1. Pursuit, which can even search for functions based on type signature.As we hinted already, all our diagrams can be neatly translated to text, ultimately corresponding to equations in our underlying categorical syntax. This allows for the development of very advanced search features, even capable of identifying a pattern independently of the way it was expressed graphically. We want to say again that this is not magic! It works like this: Every diagram corresponds to a term in a category. If a term can be rewritten into another and vice-versa, then the terms are describing the same thing. This way, when you click on some boxes in a diagram and search for equivalent patterns, the engine in the background is looking for all terms that are equivalent to the one describing whatever you selected.

      isomorphisms and Eq relationships

    1. to prove that the following is true. W

      Interesting. So we could phrase it as: "Prove that a vertical flip of the unit diagram preserves meaning/semantics"

    1. he did manage to convince some people, who became known as the algorists. The conservatives, those who preferred to stick with the status quo, were called abacists. They used the abacus, and converted to and from the Roman number system between calculations.

      Abacists == Java Developers?

    2. First, ‘+’ is an operation. The left hand side of equation ①, the stuff to the left of the symbol ‘=’, can be understood as a procedure, a computation. It’s the processing that you did with your fingers when the teacher was talking about apples.

      also: 3 and 4 are operands

  27. Aug 2019
  28. May 2019
    1. “If Facebook is providing a consumer’s data to be used for the purposes of credit screening by the third party, Facebook would be a credit reporting agency,” Reidenberg explained. “The [FCRA] statute applies when the data ‘is used or expected to be used or collected in whole or in part for the purpose of serving as a factor in establishing the consumer’s eligibility for … credit.'” If Facebook is providing data about you and your friends that eventually ends up in a corporate credit screening operation, “It’s no different from Equifax providing the data to Chase to determine whether or not to issue a credit card to the consumer,” according to Reidenberg.
    1. Цель ACT — преобразовать наше взаимодействие с неприятными мыслями и ощущениями так, чтобы мы их больше не воспринимали как «симптомы».
  29. Oct 2018
    1. Learning is a subversive act.

      YES! In American schools you are indoctrinated with the premise: "There is no difficult material. There are only difficult learners." The "trial-by-failure" prevalent in the 70's and 80's, that if you repeat a subject you truly do not nor will not ever understand, Algebra in my case, you are somewhat "subversive" to the rest of classroom, the teacher and especially the school. Report card comments: asks too many questions/asks no questions, disruptive/sleeps in class, no effort given, won't get tutored after school labels the learner without labelling the conformity of the classroom: fit in or be shut out. Excellent point!

    1. A Legislative union of the British North American Provinces is not liable to all the objections which, as I believe, apply. to a Federal or Federative union; but it is liable to the objection that great discontent in the Lower Provinces would follow the centralization in one Government, and in one Legislature, at Quebec or Montreal, of the powers and authority now vested in the Governments and Legislatures of the several provinces; and, moreover, I believe that no single Government or single Legislature could, in present circumstances, satisfactorily govern and legislate for a territory extending over an area so immense, and so sparsely populated as many portions of that territory are.

      Preamble, §§. 91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    2. Again, the establishment of a Federal or Federative union would, as l believe, be immediately followed by an agitation in favour of the election or the Local Governors, instead of their being nominated by the Crown. And it would be the more difficult to resist this application on account of the purely local or municipal character of the powers with which the Governors would he intrusted ; but the compliance with the request would he in my opinion-highly dangerous, not only because it would at once be fatal to British influence in the Local Governments and Local Legislatures, but also because it would, I believe, be followed quickly by a similar application from the United ‘Provinces, with regard to the Gov,ernor-Generalship, still more difficult to resist from the force With which it would be pressed, but the compliance with which would at once practically sever the connexion between the Crown and British North America.

      Preamble, §§.58, 91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    3. union which they contemplate is not to be necessarily of the same character as that which binds together the several States of the neighbouring Republic. But upon whatever basis a Federative union might be formed, it must, I think, be liable -to one of two objections, either of which ought, as it appears to me, to be fatal to such a scheme. For if the Local Governments and Local Legislatures are still to- continue to exercise the same authority in local legislation and local matters which now appertains to them (and there is comparatively little business of any other description which they are now called upon to discuss), then the result of such a union will be still further to degrade the Local Governments and Legislatures without diminishing their authority while the ‘Central Government and Central Legislature, nominally endorsed with high powers, and proud of their position, but with little or no business of a purely Colonial character to occupy their attention, would, I fear, claim an authority on subjects not purely Colonial, but also of Imperial importance (such as questions of foreign trade, &c.), and shortly be brought into collision with Her Majesty’s Government and with the Imperial Parliament. If, on the other hand, the Local Governments and Local Legislatures were shorn of a large portion or their present powers (to which proposal 1 do not believe that the Lower Provinces would agree), the inhabitants of the Lower Provinces would, in my opinion, very soon, if not immediately, become discontented with an arrangement which would deprive them of -the power they now possess over the management of their own affairs, and render New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward’s Island, Provinces of Canada, instead of being, as they now are, Provinces of the British Empire.

      Preamble, §§. 91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    4. I presume that the word ‘”Federative” has been used ‘in the Memorandum of the Executive Council of Canada to imply that the

      Preamble, §§. 91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    5. should embrace the question of a Legislative, as well as that of a Federal or Federative union, and the expediency of uniting some, as well as that of uniting all the provinces

      Preamble, §§. 91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    6. It is possible that a Federative union of the British North American Provinces would afford to the Canadian Government the – readiest mode of escape from the difficulties and embarrassments which now surround the settlement of the “seat of Government ” question, and I presume that I am right in supposing that, although the ostensible object of the proposed inquiry is the union by Federative bonds with Canada of the other British North American Provinces, the Canadian Government have no less in view the, severance of the bond which now joins the two Canadas in a Legislative Union, and the substitution for that bond of a more elastic tie of a Federal or a Federative character.

      §.16 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    7. ment to this may be added that, by the proposed distribution of the revenue, each province would have a direct pecuniary interest in the preservation of the authority of the Federal Government. In these respects’ it is conceived that the proposed Confederation would possess greater inherent strength than that of the United States, and would combine the advantages of the unity for general purposes of a Legislative union, with so much of the Federative principle as -would give all the benefits of local government and legislation upon questions of provincial interest.

      Preamble, §§. 91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    8. The Local Legislatures would not be in a position to claim the exercise of the same sovereign power-, which have frequently been the cause of difference between the American States and their General Govern-

      Preamble, §§. 91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    9. It will be observed that the basis of confederation now proposed differs from that of-the-United States in several important particulars. It does not profess to be derived from the people, but would be the Constitution provided by the Imperial Parliament; thus affording the means of remedying any defect, which is now practically impossible under the American Constitution.

      §§.91, 91(1), and 92(1) of the Constitution Act, 1867.

      Part V of the Constitution Act, 1982.

    10. The Confederation might include the constitution of a Federal Court of Appeal.

      §.101 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    11. It will form. a subject for mature deliberation whether the powers of the Federal Government should be confined to the points named, or should be extended to all matters not specially entrusted to the Local Legislatures.

      §.91(29) of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    12. That the powers of the Federal Legislature and Government should comprehend the Customs, Excise, and all trade questions; postal service, militia, banking, currency, weights and measures, and bankruptcy; public works of a national character; harbours and lighthouses; fisheries, and their protection; criminal justice; public lands, public debt, and government of unincorporated and Indian territories.

      §§.91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    13. When Mr. Galt, therefore, came into office; it was natural that the question of an union of the Colonies should at once be discussed-. I found him and several of the gentlemen about to assume office deeply impressed with the idea that, in some such union alone could be found the ultimate solution of the great question which had been made a ground of agitation by Mr. Brown, and his friends, at the general election, viz., the existing equality of representation -of Upper and Lower Canada, and the alleged injustice inflicted on the former by such equality. This question is one, I need not say, which threatened to touch the root of the present union of the two sections of Canada -as by law established, and might imperil its existence by reviving all the old antagonism of race and religion.

      §.51 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    14. The union of Lower with Upper Canada was based upon perfect equality being preserved between these Provinces-a condition the more necessary from the differences in their respective language, law, and. religion; and although there is now a large English population in Lower Canada, still these differences exist to an extent, which prevents any perfect and complete assimilation of the views of the two sections.

      §.51 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    15. The population, trade, and resources of all these Colonies have so rapidly increased of late years, and the removal f trade-restrictions has made them, in so great a degree, self-sustaining, that it appears to the Government of Canada exceedingly important to bind still more closely the ties of their common allegiance to the British Crown, and to obtain for general purposes, such an identity in legislation as may seem to consolidate their growing power, thus raising, under, the protection of the Empire, an important Confederation on the North American Continent. At present, each Colony is totally distinct in its government, its customs and trade, and its general legislation. To each other no greater facilities are extended than to any foreign State; and the only common tie is that which binds all to the British Crown. This state of things is considered to be neither promotive of the physical prosperity of all, nor of that moral union which ought to be preserved in the presence of the powerful Confederation of the United States.

      §.121 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    16. That the Federal, Government should be composed of a Governor General, or Viceroy, to be appointed by the Queen; of an Upper House, or Senate, elected upon a territorial basis of representation and of a House of Assembly, elected on the basis of population., The Executive to be composed of Ministers, responsible to the Legislature:

      Preamble, §§.22, 91, and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

  30. Sep 2018
    1. Fra. This is most strange,That she, who even but now, was your best object,The argument of your praise, balm of your age,The best, the dearest, should in this trice of timeCommit a thing so monstrous, to dismantleSo many folds of favour: sure her offenceMust be of such unnatural degree,That monsters it: Or your fore-voucht affectionFall into Taint; which to believe of herMust be a faith, that reason without miracleShould never plant in me.

      In this passage the King of France is acknowledging the difference in Cordelia's answer about how much she loves her father. The King of France finds it strange that Cordelia's answer changes Lear's whole perspective of his daughter so quickly, yet he understands the amount of disrespect he is feeling. At the same time King of France finds bravery in Cordelia and still wants to marry her.

    1. The whole of the clauses which refer to the latter are as complete as the most ardent supporters of union could desire, tempered by the lew exceptions by means of which the provinces have wished to shelter their local institutions from attack.

      §§.92(14) and 101 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    2. The 34th paragraph of the 29th clause of the scheme reads thus: ” The establishment of a General Court of Appeal for the Federated Provinces.” What is the object—what will be the character of the tribunal?

      §§.92(14) and 101 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    3. We ought to look at the question apart from party considerations, and on its own merits: that is to say, we ought to place in the Constitution a counterpoise to prevent any party legislation, and to moderate the precipitancy of any government which might be disposed to move too fast and go too far,—I mean a legislative body able to protect the people against itself and against the encroachments of power. (Hear, hear.) In England, the Crown has never attempted to degrade the House of Peers by submerging it, because it knows well that the nobility are a bulwark against the aggressions of the democratic element. The House of Lords, by their power, their territorial possessions, and their enormous wealth, are a great defence against democratic invasion, greater than anything we can oppose to it in America. In Canada, as in the rest of North America, we have not the castes—classes of society—which are found in Europe, and the Federal Legislative Council, although immutable in respect of number, inasmuch as all the members belonging to it will come from the ranks of the people, without leaving them, as do the members of the House of Commons, will not be selected from a privileged class which have no existence. Here all men are alike, and are all equal; if a difference is to be found, it arises exclusively from the industry, the intelligence, and the superior education of those who have labored the most strenuously, or whom Providence has gifted with the highest faculties. (Hear, hear.) Long ago the privileges of caste disappeared in this country. Most of our ancient nobility left the country at the conquest, and the greater number of those who remained have sunk out of sight by inaction. Accordingly, whom do we see in the highest offices of state? The sons of the poor who have felt the necessity of study, and who have risen by the aid of their intellect and hard work. (Hear, hear.) Everything is democratic with us, because everyone can attain to everything by the efforts of a noble ambition. The legislative councillors appointed by the Crown will not be, therefore, socially speaking, persons superior to the members of the House of Commons; they will owe their elevation only to their own merit.

      §.22 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    4. He said that even if the Lower House were altogether liberal, the Upper House would remain composed of conservatives; this was his fear. He has been a long while trying to gain predominance for his democratic notions, but it is evident he will not succeed.

      §.22 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    5. relative to the constitution of the Legislative Council, and said that he had not looked at the question, while speaking the other evening, in the same light as the honorable member for the county of Quebec. He spoke of the conservatives as a party, and his fear was, not that the Upper House would not be conservative enough, but that it would be too much so.

      §.22 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    6. MR. GEOFFRION—YOU have equality between the two provinces. HON. ATTY. GEN. CARTIER—Yes, we have equality, but not as a race, nor in respect of religion. When the leader for Lower Canada shall have sixty-five members belonging to his section to support him, and command a majority of the French-Canadians and of the British from Lower Canada, will he not be able to upset the Government if his colleagues interfere with his recommendations to office? That is our security. At present, if I found unreasonable opposition to my views, my remedy would be to break up the Government by retiring, and the same thing will happen in the Federal Government.

      §.22 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    7. HON. ATTY. GEN. CARTIER—Am I not in a minority at present in appointing judges? And yet when I propose the appointment of a judge for Lower Canada, is he not appointed?

      §.22 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    8. the objection of the honorable member for the county of Quebec is well founded, because the Federal Government may appoint all English or all French-Canadians as legislative councillors for Lower Canada. If the honorable member had read the resolutions, he would have found that the appointments of legislative councillors are to be made so as to accord with the electoral divisions now existing in the province. Well, I ask whether it is probable that the Executive of the Federal Government, which will have a chief or leader as it is nowVI ask whether it is very probable that he will recommend the appointment of a French-Canadian to represent divisions like Bedford or Wellington for instance?

      §.22 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    9. Lower Canada is in a peculiar position. We have two races of people whose interests are distinct from each other in respect to origin, language and religion. In preparing the business of the Confederation at Quebec, we had to conciliate these two interests, and to give the country a Constitution which might reconcile the conservative with the democratic element; for the weak point in democratic institutions is the leaving of all power in the hands of the popular element. The history of the past proves that this is an evil. In order that institutions may be stable and work harmoniously, there must be a power of resistance to oppose the democratic element. In the United States the power of resistance does not reside in the Senate, nor even in the President.

      §.22 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    10. a class of men who would not represent the province for which they are appointed, and who could give no pledge that they would maintain its institutions.

      §§.24, 25, 26, and 28 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    11. he will see that the first nominations are to be made by the existing governments. Thus the Government of Canada, that of New Brunswick and that of Nova Scotia will appoint legislative councillors, but afterwards the Federal Government will make the appointments. The honorable member for Quebec can, with reason, draw the conclusion that there is no guarantee that the views of the provinces will be respected. I for my part have investigated the matter, more in connection with the power that will be vested in the legislative councillors. I asserted that by appointing them for life and limiting their number, an absolute authority would be created, which would be quite beyond the control of the people and even of the Executive; that the power of this body will be so great, that they will always be in a position to prevent every reform if they thought proper, and that a collision between the two branches would be inevitable and irremediable. The danger arising from the creating of such a power is exactly that of being obliged to destroy it if they resist too obstinately the popular demands. In England there is no necessity for breaking down the obstructions sometimes presented by the House of Lords, because the Crown having it in its power to appoint new peers, can overcome the difficulty. Here there will be no means of doing it, when the number of councillors is fixed. Accordingly, I have looked at the question through the medium of the powers assigned to the councillors, whereas the honorable member for the county of Quebec fears lest the Government should make choice of men who would not represent public opinion in the provinces; that they might appoint members all of French origin or all of English origin to represent Lower Canada, or take them all from among

      §§.24, 25, 26, and 28 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    12. In our Constitution it is the duty of the Legislative Council to exercise the conservative influence, and to modify the legislation too energetic and too full of outside effervescence, which is sent for their consideration from the House of Commons. But when public opinion gains vigor from the obstacles which it encounters, and the reforms demanded are rational and come before them in due course, there is no danger that the legislation which embodies them will be obstructed in its progress; for the people will rise in their majesty and in their sense of justice, as did the people of England in 1832, and the obstacles they might meet with on their way would be swept away as by a torrent. (Hear, hear.) HON. MR. DORION—That is exactly where the danger lies. HON. MR. CAUCHON—That is the danger which assailed the House of Lords in 1832, but no one would venture to confront to the last extremity a danger such as this. But the honorable member for Quebec tells us, if I understand him rightly, that we have not sufficient guarantees for Lower Canada in the appointment of the legislative councillors. The selection of legislative councillors has no bearing whatever on the question we are now considering, viz., whether the appointment by the Crown is or is not preferable to the elective principle. But in answer to him I will say, that the scheme before us seems to be quite clear. According to this plan the candidates for the Legislative Council will be recommended by the local governments and appointed by the General Government, and it is by this very division of powers that the selections are sure to be good, and made in conformity with the desire and sentiments of the provinces. HON. MR. DORION—Only the first nominations are to be made in this manner, not those which may be made afterwards. HON. MR. CAUCHON—The first nominations will be made by the present Governments, and the federal councillors will be taken from the present legislative councillors to the number prescribed, 24, provided so many can be found who will accept the post, and who possess the requisite property qualification. The Conference has engaged, by the terms of the scheme, to respect the rights of the Opposition, and any government who should fail to carry out so solemn an engagement would well deserve to lose the public confidence. (Hear, hear.) I repeat that the mode of appointing the councillors in no wise affects the conservative principle of nomination on which the constitution of the Legislative Council ought to be based.

      §§.24, 25, 26, and 28 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    13. It is true that the House of Lords, Conservative though it be, finds itself removed from all popular influence; but its numbers may be increased upon the recommendation of the responsible advisers of the Crown, if such a measure were to become necessary to obtain the concurrence of both Houses, or to prevent a collision between them. The position which its members occupy in it establishes a sort of compromise between the Crown and the popular element. But this new House, after Confederation, will be a perfectly independent body; its members will be nominated for life, and their number cannot be increased. How long will this system work without bringing about a collision between the two branches of the Legislature? Let us suppose the Lower House composed in a great part of Liberals, for how long a time would it submit to an Upper House named by Government? Be kind enough to observe, Mr. SPEAKER, that under the old system, the Legislative Council possessed the same elements of existence as the House of Lords, and that the Crown could increase its numbers at need; it augmented it in 1849, as it threatened to augment the House of Lords in 1832. Observe, again, that it is precisely this control exercised by the Crown over the Upper House that the hon. gentleman found so fatal to legislation previous to 1856. But there is a more rational manner of appreciating the part sustained by the House of Lords in the British Constitution. No one denies to the Sovereign the abstract right of increasing at will the House of Lords; but such right has never been exercised but for the purpose of rewarding men distinguished for great national services and when, in 1832, WILLIAM IV. granted Earl GREY the tremendous power to swamp the representative body of the great landed nobility, it was because the country was moving with rapid strides towards revolution, and because there remained to the Sovereign but two alternatives, either to lessen the moral weight of the House of Lords, or to see his own throne knocked to pieces from under his feet.

      §§.22, 24, 26, 51, and 52 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    14. It must then have been a real revolution, this nomination of one hundred new peers, a revolution as real as that which menaced the Throne; and do we not feel persuaded that if one day our Federal Legislative Council were to place itself obstinately and systematically in opposition to popular will, matured and strengthened by ordeals, it would not be swept away by a revolutionary torrent such as threatened to sweep away the House of Lords in 1832? This Council, limited as to numbers , because the provinces insist on maintaining in it an equilibrium without which they would never have consented to a union, this Council, sprung from the people—having the same wants, hopes and even passions, would resist less the popular will in America, where it is so prompt and active, than could the House of Lords in England, where the masses are inert because they have not political rights; reason tells us thus because they would be a less powerful body socially or politically.

      §§.22, 24, 26, 51, and 52 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    15. We have accorded the principle of representation based upon population in the House of Commons of the Federal Government, and that is without doubt a great sacrifice; but we ought only to make so important a concession on the condition that we shall have equality of representation in the Legislative Council, and the right reserved to ourselves to appoint our twenty-four legislative councillors, in order that they may be responsible to the public opinion of the province and independent of the Federal Government.—Without this essential guarantee I affirm that the rights of Lower Canada are in danger. For my part I am ready, on behalf of Lower Canada, to give up her right to elect directly her twenty-four legislative councillors, although the retention of the elective principle might perhaps be the surest means of preserving our institutions; but I am anxious that the new Constitution now proposed should give us adequate guarantees that the legislative councillors to be appointed for life should, at all events, be selected by the Local Government of Lower Canada, which would be responsible to the people. These not ill-grounded sources of anxiety I should like to see removed.

      §§.22, 24, 51, and 52 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    16. in relation to the qualifications and appointment of the legislative councillors. Like him, I am quite of opinion that the conservative element ought, of necessity, to be the basis of the Legislative Council, to counterbalance the popular element. This principle governed the constitution of the House of Lords in England, that of the Legislative Council in Belgium, and that of every well organized representative government.

      §.23 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    17. In the scheme of the Quebec Conference there was no delegation of the supreme authority, either from above or below, inasmuch as the provinces, not being independent states, received, their political organizations from the Parliament of the Empire.

      §.93 of the Constitution Act, 1867.