737 Matching Annotations
  1. Sep 2021
    1. 2015, c. 3, s. 110

      Miscellaneous Statute Law Amendment Act, 2014, SC 2015, c 3, https://canlii.ca/t/52m35, s. 110, amends IRPA s. 63(2) and (3) to read:

      Right to appeal — visa and removal order

      (2) A foreign national who holds a permanent resident visa may appeal to the Immigration Appeal Division against a decision to make a removal order against them made under subsection 44(2) or made at an admissibility hearing.

      Right to appeal removal order

      (3) A permanent resident or a protected person may appeal to the Immigration Appeal Division against a decision to make a removal order against them made under subsection 44(2) or made at an admissibility hearing.

      Previously they had read:

      Right to appeal — visa and removal order

      (2) A foreign national who holds a permanent resident visa may appeal to the Immigration Appeal Division against a decision at an examination or admissibility hearing to make a removal order against them.

      Right to appeal — removal order

      (3) A permanent resident or a protected person may appeal to the Immigration Appeal Division against a decision at an examination or admissibility hearing to make a removal order against them.

    2. 2015, c. 3, s. 109(E)

      Miscellaneous Statute Law Amendment Act, 2014, SC 2015, c 3, https://canlii.ca/t/52m35, s. 109(E) amends the English version of IRPA s. 37(1)(b) to read:

      (b) engaging, in the context of transnational crime, in activities such as people smuggling, trafficking in persons or laundering of money or other proceeds of crime.

      Previously it had read:

      (b) engaging, in the context of transnational crime, in activities such as people smuggling, trafficking in persons or money laundering.

    3. 2015, c. 36, s. 172

      Economic Action Plan 2015 Act, No. 1, SC 2015, c 36, https://canlii.ca/t/52m2b, s. 172, amends IRPA s. 32(d.5) to say:

      (d.5) the requirement for an employer to provide a prescribed person with prescribed information in relation to a foreign national’s authorization to work in Canada for the employer;

      Previously it had said:

      (d.5) the requirement for an employer to provide a prescribed person with prescribed information in relation to a foreign national’s authorization to work in Canada for the employer, the electronic system by which that information must be provided, the circumstances in which that information may be provided by other means and those other means;

    4. 2015, c. 3, s. 108(E)

      Miscellaneous Statute Law Amendment Act, 2014, SC 2015, c 3, https://canlii.ca/t/52m35, s. 108(E) amends the English version of IRPA s. 16(3) to read:

      Evidence relating to identity (3) An officer may require or obtain from a permanent resident or a foreign national who is arrested, detained, subject to an examination or subject to a removal order, any evidence — photographic, fingerprint or otherwise — that may be used to establish their identity or compliance with this Act.

      Previously it had read:

      Evidence relating to identity (3) An officer may require or obtain from a permanent resident or a foreign national who is arrested, detained or subject to a removal order, any evidence — photographic, fingerprint or otherwise — that may be used to establish their identity or compliance with this Act.

    5. 2015, c. 36, s. 171

      Economic Action Plan 2015 Act, No. 1, SC 2015, c 36, https://canlii.ca/t/52m2b, s. 171(1) repealed IRPA s. 14(3), which had said: "(3) For the purposes of subsection 11(1.01), the regulations may include provisions respecting the circumstances in which an application may be made by other means and respecting those other means."

      Economic Action Plan 2015 Act, No. 1, SC 2015, c 36, https://canlii.ca/t/52m2b, s. 171(2) repealed IRPA s. 14(4), which had said:

      (4) The regulations may provide for any matter relating to the application of section 11.1, including (a) the circumstances in which a foreign national is exempt from the requirement to follow the procedures prescribed under that section; (b) the circumstances in which a foreign national is not required to provide certain biometric information; and (c) the processing of the collected biometric information, including creating biometric templates or converting the information into digital biometric formats.

      Economic Action Plan 2015 Act, No. 1, SC 2015, c 36, https://canlii.ca/t/52m2b, s. 171(3) repealed IRPA s. 14(5), which had said:

      (5) The regulations may require foreign nationals who make an application for a visa or other document under subsection 11(1) and foreign nationals who were issued an invitation under Division 0.1 to apply for permanent residence to make those applications by means of an electronic system and may include provisions respecting that system, respecting the circumstances in which those applications may be made by other means and respecting those other means.

    6. 2015, c. 36, s. 170

      Economic Action Plan 2015 Act, No. 1, SC 2015, c 36, https://canlii.ca/t/52m2b, s. 170, repealed s. 11.1, which until that point read:

      11.1 A prescribed foreign national who makes an application for a temporary resident visa, study permit or work permit must follow the prescribed procedures for the collection of prescribed biometric information.

    7. 2012, c. 17, s. 2

      Protecting Canada's Immigration System Act, SC 2012, c 17, s. 2: added

      “designated foreign national” has the meaning assigned by subsection 20.1(2).

    8. c. 19, s. 700

      Jobs, Growth and Long-term Prosperity Act, SC 2012, c 19, s. 700:

      • removed the previous s. 2(2)
      • replaced it with: "(2) Unless otherwise indicated, references in this Act to “this Act” include regulations made under it and instructions given under subsection 14.1(1)."
    9. 2019, c. 29, s. 301

      Budget Implementation Act, 2019, No. 1, SC 2019, c 29, https://canlii.ca/t/5430b, s. 301, added to the "Objectives" section at s. 3(1): "(f.1) to maintain, through the establishment of fair and efficient procedures, the integrity of the Canadian immigration system;"

    10. 2015, c. 36, s. 169

      Economic Action Plan 2015 Act, No. 1, SC 2015, c 36, https://canlii.ca/t/52m2b, s. 169(1), adds a new s. 11(1.01):

      (1.01) Despite subsection (1), a foreign national must, before entering Canada, apply for an electronic travel authorization required by the regulations by means of an electronic system, unless the regulations provide that the application may be made by other means. The application may be examined by an officer and, if the officer determines that the foreign national is not inadmissible and meets the requirements of this Act, the authorization may be issued by the officer.

      The section previously read:

      (1.01) Despite subsection (1), a foreign national must, before entering Canada, apply for an electronic travel authorization required by the regulations by means of an electronic system, unless the regulations provide that the application may be made by other means. The application may be examined by the system or by an officer and, if the system or officer determines that the foreign national is not inadmissible and meets the requirements of this Act, the authorization may be issued by the system or officer.

      Economic Action Plan 2015 Act, No. 1, SC 2015, c 36, https://canlii.ca/t/52m2b, s. 169(2), adds a new subsection: "(1.02) Subject to the regulations, a foreign national who has temporary resident status may apply for a visa or other document during their stay in Canada."

  2. Aug 2021
  3. Jun 2021
  4. Apr 2021
    1. hat reading is also a disc

      Is this notion -- that "reading is also a discourse act" -- new or novel to you?

    1. as it stands, this only goes to highlight what a miracle, what a classic for the ages Actraiser really is, whilst confirming itself as, unfortunately, one to avoid.
  5. Mar 2021
    1. 8. It requires all public sector organisations to actively consider how what they do, every day, affects all of us – not just some

      This is really a very poor description of the Public Sector Equality Duty under the Act.

    2. Businesses, healthcare providers or employers can’t single out trans people thanks to the act. Trans people continue to face stigma and discrimination but this Act has helped strengthen their legal rights.

      This gives those who meet the criterion in the Act for the protected characteristic of 'gender reassignment' addition rights that others do not have.

    3. 1. It protects all of us from discrimination – wherever you are The Act legally protects you from being treated differently by your employer, school or college. It also means you can’t be treated differently when you use public services, like the hospital or the doctors, and even at your local shops and restaurants.

      This fails to mention that some discrimination is lawful under the Act, such as that provided by the single-sex exemption.

    4. 3. The Act protects against discrimination on the grounds of race, colour, ethnic origins, faith, age and nationality

      Why is the protected characteristic of sex not listed? Is this omission incompetence or deliberate?

    5. faith

      The protected characteristic is 'religion or belief', not 'faith'.

  6. Feb 2021
    1. The Congressional Review Act allows Democrats to roll back regulations enacted in the last few months of Trump’s administration. Right before they left office, Trump and his team pushed through a series of measures designed to limit environmental policies that might constrain businesses. Expect to see congressional Democrats and the Biden administration roll them back as part of their broader agenda to prioritize policies to mitigate climate change.
  7. Dec 2020
    1. If known, have you used the pronouns the individual uses to describe themselves in your story?

      This is wrong. An individual doesn't use any pronouns to describe themselves: pronouns are what others use to refer to a third party, usually when they are not present. An individual may prefer, ask or demand others to use specific words to use when referring to them, but no one has any power to compel anyone - nor should they.

    2. If an individual is granted a full GRC they will, from the date of issue, be considered in the eyes of the law to be of their acquired gender.

      This is incorrect. The Gender Recognition Act gives a number of exceptions to the holder of a Gender Recognition Certificate being considered as of the 'acquired gender' as specified on her/his Gender Recognition Certificate.

      The Equality Act 2010 provides additional exemptions, eg the right to single-sex services.

    3. The Gender Recognition Act 2004 enables transgender people to apply to the Gender Recognition Panel

      This presumes a definition of 'transgender', which is a term that is not used or even defined in the Gender Recognition Act 2004.

      It would be more accurate to say that the GRA provides a way for anyone who fulfils the criteria in the GRA to obtain a Gender Recognition Certificate.

  8. Nov 2020
    1. About the Force11 Resource and Tool Catalog

      Descripción

      Catálogo de recursos y herramientas FORCE11 158 registros al 26 de agosto 2020

      Categorias:

      1. Publications
      2. Databases/Repositories 3.Organization/Group
      3. Software/Tools/Services 5.Standars/Format 6:Training 7.Other
    1. Descripción: OpenAire tiene como objetivo apoyar la implementación del acceso abierto en Europa, a partir de la publicación en abierto de la mayor cantidad de productos de investigación financiados con fondos europeos.

      manejo_datos_cientificos,ciencia_abierta

  9. Oct 2020
    1. La radio educativa busca poder recrear el proceso de aprendizaje, y generar diálogo entre los participantes de los programas para que interactúen entre sí y con la audiencia. Esta herramienta podría ser un apoyo para la planificación, preparación y desarrollo de las sesiones de los programas; los participantes colaborarían en la creación del guion, del cómo se abordarán las temáticas, y en general, del contenido del programa. De igual manera, se podría llegar a implementar durante las emisiones para interactuar de una manera más directa con los oyentes.

      La creación de páginas web colectivas permitiría a los participantes de los programas compartir antes o después, según convenga, el contenido de cada programa, generar discusión entre los creadores y los oyentes, e infinidad de interacciones, o “actividades” dadas para apoyar o reforzar el contenido compartido.

    1. “It sure smells like the prescreening provisions of the FCRA,” Reidenberg told The Intercept. “From a functional point of view, what they’re doing is filtering Facebook users on creditworthiness criteria and potentially escaping the application of the FCRA.”
  10. Sep 2020
    1. At the beginning of Act three when the story is halted because seven of the actors have fallen ill due to food poisoning, we experience theatrum mundi. The "volunteers" who are described as friends, dressers, maids, and even the captain of the ushers join the theatre piece and this gives the illusion that they don't need to be the rehearsed actors that had been rehearsing for this piece, since it seems they've simply come to act from their other roles in the theatre (which also exist beyond the physical stage, so theatrum mundi is emphasized here).

  11. Aug 2020
  12. Jul 2020
    1. These criminal acts are frequently planned and supported by agitators who have traveled across State lines to promote their own violent agenda.  These radicals shamelessly attack the legitimacy of our institutions and the very rule of law itself.

      Appears to be an implicit reference to the Anti-Riot Act.

  13. Jun 2020
  14. May 2020
    1. It should be every elected official’s goal to help find ways to free employers from dictatorial rules that hinder their growth. ObamaCare does the opposite, and that’s why the self-insurance option needs to be preserved.
    2. Meanwhile, ObamaCare penalties and onerous rules have forced many companies to lay off workers or cut hours to turn full-time employees into part-timers. Small-business owners should not have to make their hiring decisions based upon tens of thousands of pages of regulations in the Affordable Care Act.
  15. Apr 2020
    1. Wheeler-Howard Ac

      The Wheeler-Howard Act, also known as the Indian Reorganization Act, aimed to protect Native people’s religions and lifestyles in a radical shift away from assimilation policies, and represented an open admission that allotment was a mistake. Tribes were required to accept or reject the IRA by referendum; the establishment of tribal self-government was to be decided the same way. When a majority of adult tribal members approved the IRA, they could then write a constitution, which had to be approved by another majority vote and the Secretary of the Interior. Tribes who approved the IRA could then elect a tribal council.

    1. Viable fibroblasts can be grown on bioabsorbable or nonbioabsorbable meshes to yield living dermal tissue that can act as a scaffold for epidermal growth.
  16. Oct 2019
    1. Pursuit, which can even search for functions based on type signature.As we hinted already, all our diagrams can be neatly translated to text, ultimately corresponding to equations in our underlying categorical syntax. This allows for the development of very advanced search features, even capable of identifying a pattern independently of the way it was expressed graphically. We want to say again that this is not magic! It works like this: Every diagram corresponds to a term in a category. If a term can be rewritten into another and vice-versa, then the terms are describing the same thing. This way, when you click on some boxes in a diagram and search for equivalent patterns, the engine in the background is looking for all terms that are equivalent to the one describing whatever you selected.

      isomorphisms and Eq relationships

    1. to prove that the following is true. W

      Interesting. So we could phrase it as: "Prove that a vertical flip of the unit diagram preserves meaning/semantics"

    1. he did manage to convince some people, who became known as the algorists. The conservatives, those who preferred to stick with the status quo, were called abacists. They used the abacus, and converted to and from the Roman number system between calculations.

      Abacists == Java Developers?

    2. First, ‘+’ is an operation. The left hand side of equation ①, the stuff to the left of the symbol ‘=’, can be understood as a procedure, a computation. It’s the processing that you did with your fingers when the teacher was talking about apples.

      also: 3 and 4 are operands

  17. Aug 2019
  18. May 2019
    1. “If Facebook is providing a consumer’s data to be used for the purposes of credit screening by the third party, Facebook would be a credit reporting agency,” Reidenberg explained. “The [FCRA] statute applies when the data ‘is used or expected to be used or collected in whole or in part for the purpose of serving as a factor in establishing the consumer’s eligibility for … credit.'” If Facebook is providing data about you and your friends that eventually ends up in a corporate credit screening operation, “It’s no different from Equifax providing the data to Chase to determine whether or not to issue a credit card to the consumer,” according to Reidenberg.
    1. Цель ACT — преобразовать наше взаимодействие с неприятными мыслями и ощущениями так, чтобы мы их больше не воспринимали как «симптомы».
  19. Oct 2018
    1. Learning is a subversive act.

      YES! In American schools you are indoctrinated with the premise: "There is no difficult material. There are only difficult learners." The "trial-by-failure" prevalent in the 70's and 80's, that if you repeat a subject you truly do not nor will not ever understand, Algebra in my case, you are somewhat "subversive" to the rest of classroom, the teacher and especially the school. Report card comments: asks too many questions/asks no questions, disruptive/sleeps in class, no effort given, won't get tutored after school labels the learner without labelling the conformity of the classroom: fit in or be shut out. Excellent point!

    1. A Legislative union of the British North American Provinces is not liable to all the objections which, as I believe, apply. to a Federal or Federative union; but it is liable to the objection that great discontent in the Lower Provinces would follow the centralization in one Government, and in one Legislature, at Quebec or Montreal, of the powers and authority now vested in the Governments and Legislatures of the several provinces; and, moreover, I believe that no single Government or single Legislature could, in present circumstances, satisfactorily govern and legislate for a territory extending over an area so immense, and so sparsely populated as many portions of that territory are.

      Preamble, §§. 91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    2. Again, the establishment of a Federal or Federative union would, as l believe, be immediately followed by an agitation in favour of the election or the Local Governors, instead of their being nominated by the Crown. And it would be the more difficult to resist this application on account of the purely local or municipal character of the powers with which the Governors would he intrusted ; but the compliance with the request would he in my opinion-highly dangerous, not only because it would at once be fatal to British influence in the Local Governments and Local Legislatures, but also because it would, I believe, be followed quickly by a similar application from the United ‘Provinces, with regard to the Gov,ernor-Generalship, still more difficult to resist from the force With which it would be pressed, but the compliance with which would at once practically sever the connexion between the Crown and British North America.

      Preamble, §§.58, 91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    3. union which they contemplate is not to be necessarily of the same character as that which binds together the several States of the neighbouring Republic. But upon whatever basis a Federative union might be formed, it must, I think, be liable -to one of two objections, either of which ought, as it appears to me, to be fatal to such a scheme. For if the Local Governments and Local Legislatures are still to- continue to exercise the same authority in local legislation and local matters which now appertains to them (and there is comparatively little business of any other description which they are now called upon to discuss), then the result of such a union will be still further to degrade the Local Governments and Legislatures without diminishing their authority while the ‘Central Government and Central Legislature, nominally endorsed with high powers, and proud of their position, but with little or no business of a purely Colonial character to occupy their attention, would, I fear, claim an authority on subjects not purely Colonial, but also of Imperial importance (such as questions of foreign trade, &c.), and shortly be brought into collision with Her Majesty’s Government and with the Imperial Parliament. If, on the other hand, the Local Governments and Local Legislatures were shorn of a large portion or their present powers (to which proposal 1 do not believe that the Lower Provinces would agree), the inhabitants of the Lower Provinces would, in my opinion, very soon, if not immediately, become discontented with an arrangement which would deprive them of -the power they now possess over the management of their own affairs, and render New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward’s Island, Provinces of Canada, instead of being, as they now are, Provinces of the British Empire.

      Preamble, §§. 91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    4. I presume that the word ‘”Federative” has been used ‘in the Memorandum of the Executive Council of Canada to imply that the

      Preamble, §§. 91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    5. should embrace the question of a Legislative, as well as that of a Federal or Federative union, and the expediency of uniting some, as well as that of uniting all the provinces

      Preamble, §§. 91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    6. It is possible that a Federative union of the British North American Provinces would afford to the Canadian Government the – readiest mode of escape from the difficulties and embarrassments which now surround the settlement of the “seat of Government ” question, and I presume that I am right in supposing that, although the ostensible object of the proposed inquiry is the union by Federative bonds with Canada of the other British North American Provinces, the Canadian Government have no less in view the, severance of the bond which now joins the two Canadas in a Legislative Union, and the substitution for that bond of a more elastic tie of a Federal or a Federative character.

      §.16 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    7. ment to this may be added that, by the proposed distribution of the revenue, each province would have a direct pecuniary interest in the preservation of the authority of the Federal Government. In these respects’ it is conceived that the proposed Confederation would possess greater inherent strength than that of the United States, and would combine the advantages of the unity for general purposes of a Legislative union, with so much of the Federative principle as -would give all the benefits of local government and legislation upon questions of provincial interest.

      Preamble, §§. 91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    8. The Local Legislatures would not be in a position to claim the exercise of the same sovereign power-, which have frequently been the cause of difference between the American States and their General Govern-

      Preamble, §§. 91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    9. It will be observed that the basis of confederation now proposed differs from that of-the-United States in several important particulars. It does not profess to be derived from the people, but would be the Constitution provided by the Imperial Parliament; thus affording the means of remedying any defect, which is now practically impossible under the American Constitution.

      §§.91, 91(1), and 92(1) of the Constitution Act, 1867.

      Part V of the Constitution Act, 1982.

    10. The Confederation might include the constitution of a Federal Court of Appeal.

      §.101 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    11. It will form. a subject for mature deliberation whether the powers of the Federal Government should be confined to the points named, or should be extended to all matters not specially entrusted to the Local Legislatures.

      §.91(29) of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    12. That the powers of the Federal Legislature and Government should comprehend the Customs, Excise, and all trade questions; postal service, militia, banking, currency, weights and measures, and bankruptcy; public works of a national character; harbours and lighthouses; fisheries, and their protection; criminal justice; public lands, public debt, and government of unincorporated and Indian territories.

      §§.91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    13. When Mr. Galt, therefore, came into office; it was natural that the question of an union of the Colonies should at once be discussed-. I found him and several of the gentlemen about to assume office deeply impressed with the idea that, in some such union alone could be found the ultimate solution of the great question which had been made a ground of agitation by Mr. Brown, and his friends, at the general election, viz., the existing equality of representation -of Upper and Lower Canada, and the alleged injustice inflicted on the former by such equality. This question is one, I need not say, which threatened to touch the root of the present union of the two sections of Canada -as by law established, and might imperil its existence by reviving all the old antagonism of race and religion.

      §.51 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    14. The union of Lower with Upper Canada was based upon perfect equality being preserved between these Provinces-a condition the more necessary from the differences in their respective language, law, and. religion; and although there is now a large English population in Lower Canada, still these differences exist to an extent, which prevents any perfect and complete assimilation of the views of the two sections.

      §.51 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    15. The population, trade, and resources of all these Colonies have so rapidly increased of late years, and the removal f trade-restrictions has made them, in so great a degree, self-sustaining, that it appears to the Government of Canada exceedingly important to bind still more closely the ties of their common allegiance to the British Crown, and to obtain for general purposes, such an identity in legislation as may seem to consolidate their growing power, thus raising, under, the protection of the Empire, an important Confederation on the North American Continent. At present, each Colony is totally distinct in its government, its customs and trade, and its general legislation. To each other no greater facilities are extended than to any foreign State; and the only common tie is that which binds all to the British Crown. This state of things is considered to be neither promotive of the physical prosperity of all, nor of that moral union which ought to be preserved in the presence of the powerful Confederation of the United States.

      §.121 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    16. That the Federal, Government should be composed of a Governor General, or Viceroy, to be appointed by the Queen; of an Upper House, or Senate, elected upon a territorial basis of representation and of a House of Assembly, elected on the basis of population., The Executive to be composed of Ministers, responsible to the Legislature:

      Preamble, §§.22, 91, and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

  20. Sep 2018
    1. Fra. This is most strange,That she, who even but now, was your best object,The argument of your praise, balm of your age,The best, the dearest, should in this trice of timeCommit a thing so monstrous, to dismantleSo many folds of favour: sure her offenceMust be of such unnatural degree,That monsters it: Or your fore-voucht affectionFall into Taint; which to believe of herMust be a faith, that reason without miracleShould never plant in me.

      In this passage the King of France is acknowledging the difference in Cordelia's answer about how much she loves her father. The King of France finds it strange that Cordelia's answer changes Lear's whole perspective of his daughter so quickly, yet he understands the amount of disrespect he is feeling. At the same time King of France finds bravery in Cordelia and still wants to marry her.

    1. The whole of the clauses which refer to the latter are as complete as the most ardent supporters of union could desire, tempered by the lew exceptions by means of which the provinces have wished to shelter their local institutions from attack.

      §§.92(14) and 101 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    2. The 34th paragraph of the 29th clause of the scheme reads thus: ” The establishment of a General Court of Appeal for the Federated Provinces.” What is the object—what will be the character of the tribunal?

      §§.92(14) and 101 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    3. We ought to look at the question apart from party considerations, and on its own merits: that is to say, we ought to place in the Constitution a counterpoise to prevent any party legislation, and to moderate the precipitancy of any government which might be disposed to move too fast and go too far,—I mean a legislative body able to protect the people against itself and against the encroachments of power. (Hear, hear.) In England, the Crown has never attempted to degrade the House of Peers by submerging it, because it knows well that the nobility are a bulwark against the aggressions of the democratic element. The House of Lords, by their power, their territorial possessions, and their enormous wealth, are a great defence against democratic invasion, greater than anything we can oppose to it in America. In Canada, as in the rest of North America, we have not the castes—classes of society—which are found in Europe, and the Federal Legislative Council, although immutable in respect of number, inasmuch as all the members belonging to it will come from the ranks of the people, without leaving them, as do the members of the House of Commons, will not be selected from a privileged class which have no existence. Here all men are alike, and are all equal; if a difference is to be found, it arises exclusively from the industry, the intelligence, and the superior education of those who have labored the most strenuously, or whom Providence has gifted with the highest faculties. (Hear, hear.) Long ago the privileges of caste disappeared in this country. Most of our ancient nobility left the country at the conquest, and the greater number of those who remained have sunk out of sight by inaction. Accordingly, whom do we see in the highest offices of state? The sons of the poor who have felt the necessity of study, and who have risen by the aid of their intellect and hard work. (Hear, hear.) Everything is democratic with us, because everyone can attain to everything by the efforts of a noble ambition. The legislative councillors appointed by the Crown will not be, therefore, socially speaking, persons superior to the members of the House of Commons; they will owe their elevation only to their own merit.

      §.22 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    4. He said that even if the Lower House were altogether liberal, the Upper House would remain composed of conservatives; this was his fear. He has been a long while trying to gain predominance for his democratic notions, but it is evident he will not succeed.

      §.22 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    5. relative to the constitution of the Legislative Council, and said that he had not looked at the question, while speaking the other evening, in the same light as the honorable member for the county of Quebec. He spoke of the conservatives as a party, and his fear was, not that the Upper House would not be conservative enough, but that it would be too much so.

      §.22 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    6. MR. GEOFFRION—YOU have equality between the two provinces. HON. ATTY. GEN. CARTIER—Yes, we have equality, but not as a race, nor in respect of religion. When the leader for Lower Canada shall have sixty-five members belonging to his section to support him, and command a majority of the French-Canadians and of the British from Lower Canada, will he not be able to upset the Government if his colleagues interfere with his recommendations to office? That is our security. At present, if I found unreasonable opposition to my views, my remedy would be to break up the Government by retiring, and the same thing will happen in the Federal Government.

      §.22 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    7. HON. ATTY. GEN. CARTIER—Am I not in a minority at present in appointing judges? And yet when I propose the appointment of a judge for Lower Canada, is he not appointed?

      §.22 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    8. the objection of the honorable member for the county of Quebec is well founded, because the Federal Government may appoint all English or all French-Canadians as legislative councillors for Lower Canada. If the honorable member had read the resolutions, he would have found that the appointments of legislative councillors are to be made so as to accord with the electoral divisions now existing in the province. Well, I ask whether it is probable that the Executive of the Federal Government, which will have a chief or leader as it is nowVI ask whether it is very probable that he will recommend the appointment of a French-Canadian to represent divisions like Bedford or Wellington for instance?

      §.22 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    9. Lower Canada is in a peculiar position. We have two races of people whose interests are distinct from each other in respect to origin, language and religion. In preparing the business of the Confederation at Quebec, we had to conciliate these two interests, and to give the country a Constitution which might reconcile the conservative with the democratic element; for the weak point in democratic institutions is the leaving of all power in the hands of the popular element. The history of the past proves that this is an evil. In order that institutions may be stable and work harmoniously, there must be a power of resistance to oppose the democratic element. In the United States the power of resistance does not reside in the Senate, nor even in the President.

      §.22 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    10. a class of men who would not represent the province for which they are appointed, and who could give no pledge that they would maintain its institutions.

      §§.24, 25, 26, and 28 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    11. he will see that the first nominations are to be made by the existing governments. Thus the Government of Canada, that of New Brunswick and that of Nova Scotia will appoint legislative councillors, but afterwards the Federal Government will make the appointments. The honorable member for Quebec can, with reason, draw the conclusion that there is no guarantee that the views of the provinces will be respected. I for my part have investigated the matter, more in connection with the power that will be vested in the legislative councillors. I asserted that by appointing them for life and limiting their number, an absolute authority would be created, which would be quite beyond the control of the people and even of the Executive; that the power of this body will be so great, that they will always be in a position to prevent every reform if they thought proper, and that a collision between the two branches would be inevitable and irremediable. The danger arising from the creating of such a power is exactly that of being obliged to destroy it if they resist too obstinately the popular demands. In England there is no necessity for breaking down the obstructions sometimes presented by the House of Lords, because the Crown having it in its power to appoint new peers, can overcome the difficulty. Here there will be no means of doing it, when the number of councillors is fixed. Accordingly, I have looked at the question through the medium of the powers assigned to the councillors, whereas the honorable member for the county of Quebec fears lest the Government should make choice of men who would not represent public opinion in the provinces; that they might appoint members all of French origin or all of English origin to represent Lower Canada, or take them all from among

      §§.24, 25, 26, and 28 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    12. In our Constitution it is the duty of the Legislative Council to exercise the conservative influence, and to modify the legislation too energetic and too full of outside effervescence, which is sent for their consideration from the House of Commons. But when public opinion gains vigor from the obstacles which it encounters, and the reforms demanded are rational and come before them in due course, there is no danger that the legislation which embodies them will be obstructed in its progress; for the people will rise in their majesty and in their sense of justice, as did the people of England in 1832, and the obstacles they might meet with on their way would be swept away as by a torrent. (Hear, hear.) HON. MR. DORION—That is exactly where the danger lies. HON. MR. CAUCHON—That is the danger which assailed the House of Lords in 1832, but no one would venture to confront to the last extremity a danger such as this. But the honorable member for Quebec tells us, if I understand him rightly, that we have not sufficient guarantees for Lower Canada in the appointment of the legislative councillors. The selection of legislative councillors has no bearing whatever on the question we are now considering, viz., whether the appointment by the Crown is or is not preferable to the elective principle. But in answer to him I will say, that the scheme before us seems to be quite clear. According to this plan the candidates for the Legislative Council will be recommended by the local governments and appointed by the General Government, and it is by this very division of powers that the selections are sure to be good, and made in conformity with the desire and sentiments of the provinces. HON. MR. DORION—Only the first nominations are to be made in this manner, not those which may be made afterwards. HON. MR. CAUCHON—The first nominations will be made by the present Governments, and the federal councillors will be taken from the present legislative councillors to the number prescribed, 24, provided so many can be found who will accept the post, and who possess the requisite property qualification. The Conference has engaged, by the terms of the scheme, to respect the rights of the Opposition, and any government who should fail to carry out so solemn an engagement would well deserve to lose the public confidence. (Hear, hear.) I repeat that the mode of appointing the councillors in no wise affects the conservative principle of nomination on which the constitution of the Legislative Council ought to be based.

      §§.24, 25, 26, and 28 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    13. It is true that the House of Lords, Conservative though it be, finds itself removed from all popular influence; but its numbers may be increased upon the recommendation of the responsible advisers of the Crown, if such a measure were to become necessary to obtain the concurrence of both Houses, or to prevent a collision between them. The position which its members occupy in it establishes a sort of compromise between the Crown and the popular element. But this new House, after Confederation, will be a perfectly independent body; its members will be nominated for life, and their number cannot be increased. How long will this system work without bringing about a collision between the two branches of the Legislature? Let us suppose the Lower House composed in a great part of Liberals, for how long a time would it submit to an Upper House named by Government? Be kind enough to observe, Mr. SPEAKER, that under the old system, the Legislative Council possessed the same elements of existence as the House of Lords, and that the Crown could increase its numbers at need; it augmented it in 1849, as it threatened to augment the House of Lords in 1832. Observe, again, that it is precisely this control exercised by the Crown over the Upper House that the hon. gentleman found so fatal to legislation previous to 1856. But there is a more rational manner of appreciating the part sustained by the House of Lords in the British Constitution. No one denies to the Sovereign the abstract right of increasing at will the House of Lords; but such right has never been exercised but for the purpose of rewarding men distinguished for great national services and when, in 1832, WILLIAM IV. granted Earl GREY the tremendous power to swamp the representative body of the great landed nobility, it was because the country was moving with rapid strides towards revolution, and because there remained to the Sovereign but two alternatives, either to lessen the moral weight of the House of Lords, or to see his own throne knocked to pieces from under his feet.

      §§.22, 24, 26, 51, and 52 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    14. It must then have been a real revolution, this nomination of one hundred new peers, a revolution as real as that which menaced the Throne; and do we not feel persuaded that if one day our Federal Legislative Council were to place itself obstinately and systematically in opposition to popular will, matured and strengthened by ordeals, it would not be swept away by a revolutionary torrent such as threatened to sweep away the House of Lords in 1832? This Council, limited as to numbers , because the provinces insist on maintaining in it an equilibrium without which they would never have consented to a union, this Council, sprung from the people—having the same wants, hopes and even passions, would resist less the popular will in America, where it is so prompt and active, than could the House of Lords in England, where the masses are inert because they have not political rights; reason tells us thus because they would be a less powerful body socially or politically.

      §§.22, 24, 26, 51, and 52 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    15. We have accorded the principle of representation based upon population in the House of Commons of the Federal Government, and that is without doubt a great sacrifice; but we ought only to make so important a concession on the condition that we shall have equality of representation in the Legislative Council, and the right reserved to ourselves to appoint our twenty-four legislative councillors, in order that they may be responsible to the public opinion of the province and independent of the Federal Government.—Without this essential guarantee I affirm that the rights of Lower Canada are in danger. For my part I am ready, on behalf of Lower Canada, to give up her right to elect directly her twenty-four legislative councillors, although the retention of the elective principle might perhaps be the surest means of preserving our institutions; but I am anxious that the new Constitution now proposed should give us adequate guarantees that the legislative councillors to be appointed for life should, at all events, be selected by the Local Government of Lower Canada, which would be responsible to the people. These not ill-grounded sources of anxiety I should like to see removed.

      §§.22, 24, 51, and 52 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    16. in relation to the qualifications and appointment of the legislative councillors. Like him, I am quite of opinion that the conservative element ought, of necessity, to be the basis of the Legislative Council, to counterbalance the popular element. This principle governed the constitution of the House of Lords in England, that of the Legislative Council in Belgium, and that of every well organized representative government.

      §.23 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    17. In the scheme of the Quebec Conference there was no delegation of the supreme authority, either from above or below, inasmuch as the provinces, not being independent states, received, their political organizations from the Parliament of the Empire.

      §.93 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    18. The hon. member for Hochelaga has declared that he was willing to accord to the Protestants the guarantees of protection which they sought for the education of their children; but in this he has been forestalled by the Quebec Conference and by the unanimous sentiment of the Catholic population of Lower Canada. If the present law be insufficient, let it be changed. Justice demands that the Protestant minority of Lower Canada shall be protected in the same manner as the Catholic minority of Upper Canada, and that the rights acquired by the one and the other shall not be assailed either by the Federal Parliament or the local legislatures.

      §.93 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    19. Protestantism dominates in the government and in the legislature, and yet has not Catholicity been better treated, and has it not been better developed, with more liberty and more prosperity than under the regime of the Constitution of 1791. (Hear, hear.) Living and laboring together we have learned to know, to respect, to esteem each other, and to make mutual concessions for the common weal.

      §.93 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    20. On the contrary, did it not emancipate the latter, civilly and religiously, and did it not give that minority privileges which it had not hitherto possessed? If our people are inflexibly attached to our faith, it is also full of toleration, of good-will towards those who are not of the same belief.

      §.93 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    21. Before the union, the parliamentary majority in Lower Canada was Catholic, and although it was long involved in a struggle with power, was it ever guilty of an injustice towards the Protestant minority?

      §.93 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    22. And yet when the honorable member for Joliette asked with much reason of the honorable member for Lotbinière why he did not speak of Confederation based upon monarchical principles, the latter gentleman answered that he could not speak of what did not exist, and of what was absurd.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    23. They did not act wrongly then, those forty chosen men of British North America who came to Quebec to erect a new nation on the monarchical basis, and as much as possible on the principles of the Parliament of Great Britain.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    24. M. DE TOCQUEVILLE has lived too long; his admirable work on democracy in America produces upon our minds, at the present day, only the effect of an heroic poem; it is the Isle of Calypso, so admirably sung by FENELON, but which fades away when you have closed Telemachus.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    25. We have also seen, not far from our own homes, that same democracy wrapped in the mantle of republicanism, moving at a rapid pace towards demagogy, and from demagogy to an intolerable despotism.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    26. vinces, and secure efficiency, harmony and permanency in the working of the union, would be a General Government, charged with matters of common interest to the whole country; and Local Governments for each of the Canadas, and for the Provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island, charged with the control of local matters in their respective sections. Provision being made for the admission into the union, on equitable terms, of Newfoundland, the Northwest Territory, British Columbia, and Vancouver.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    27. principles which threatened society at large. What the Opposition detest the most in the project of the Quebec Conference, is its monarchical character, as also those words found at the commencement of that remarkable work :— The best interests and present and future prosperity of British North America will be promoted by a Federal union under the Crown of Great Britain, provided such union can be effected on principles just to the several provinces. In the Federation of the British North American Provinces, the system of government best adapted, under existing circumstances, to protect the diversified interests of the several pro-

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    28. It appears therefore that the only alternative which now offers itself to the inhabitants of Lower Canada is a choice between dissolution pure and simple, or Confederation on one side, and representation by population on the other. And however opposed Lower Canada may be to representation by population, is there not imminent danger that it may be finally imposed upon it, if it resist all measures of reform, the object of which is to leave to the local authorities of each section the control of its own interests and institutions. We should not forget that the same authority which imposed on us the Act of Union, or which altered it without our consent, by repealing the clause which required the concurrence of two thirds of the members of both Houses in order to change the representation respecting the two sections, may again intervene to impose upon us this new change.

      Preamble, Part V, §§.51, 52, 91, 91(1), 92, and 92(2) of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    29. The example of the neighboring states, in which the application of the Federal system has shown us how fitting it was to the government of an immense territory, inhabited by people of different origins, creeds, laws and customs, has no doubt suggested the idea; but it was only in 1856 that this proposition was enunciated before the Legislature by the Lower Canadian Opposition, as offering, in its opinion, the only effective remedy for the abuses produced by the present system.

      §§.91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    30. The honorable member for Brockville, the Postmaster General, the Speaker, and other members representing Lower Canadian counties, in the present Parliament, have already voted for representation by population. Before long, it will become impossible to resist the demand of Upper Canada in this respect. If representation by population be not granted now, it will infallibly obtain it later, but then without any guarantee for the protection of the French Canadians.

      §§.51 and 52 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    31. Representation “based upon population was one of the least causes of this project. [And further on] : But, as soon as the Government found itself, after its defeat, obliged either to resign or to appeal to the people, gentlemen on the other side of the House, without there being the slightest agitation on this question, prepared to embrace their most violent adversaries, and said to themselves: ” We are going to forget our past differences, provided we can preserve our portfolios. “

      §§.51 and 52 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    32. Necessarily, I do not mean to say that I shall always be opposed to Confederation. The population may extend itself, and cover the virgin forests which exist between Canada and the Maritime Provinces, and commercial relations may increase in such a manner as to render Confederation necessary.

      §§.51 and 52 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    33. Mr. DORION argued that when Lower Canada had the preponderance of population, complaints were of the inequality of the representation of that section. The union of Belgium and Holland, which was somewhat similar to that at present existing between Upper and Lower Canada was dissolved when it was found it did not work advantageously to both countries. He instanced a number of questions on which it was impossible for Upper and Lower Canada to agree; public feeling being quite dissimilar— subjects popular in one section being the reverse in the other. He warned Lower Canada members, that when the time came that the whole of the representatives from the western portion of the province would be banded together on the question, they would obtain representation by population, and secure the assistance of the Eastern Township members in so doing. He regarded a Federal union of Upper and Lower Canada as a nucleus of the great Confederation of the North American Provinces to which all looked forward. He concluded by saying he would vote for the resolution, as the only mode by which the two sections of the province could get out of the difficulties in which they now are. He thought the union ought to be dissolved, and a Federal union of the provinces would in due time follow.

      §§.51 and 52 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    34. The honorable member for Brockville, the Honorable Postmaster General, the Speaker, and other members representing Lower Canadian counties in the present Parliament, have voted for representation by population. Before long, it will be impossible to resist the demands of Upper Canada in this respect. If representation by population is not granted now, it will infallibly obtain it at a later period, but then without any guarantees for the protection of the French- Canadians. The repeal of the union, a Federal union, representation based on population, or some other great change must in all necessity take place, and for my part I am disposed to consider the question of representation by population, in order to see if it may not be conceded with guarantees for the protection of the religion, the language, and the laws of Lower Canadians. I am equally ready to take into consideration the project of a Confederation of the provinces, leaving to each section the administration of its local affairs, as for example the power of regulating its own civil, municipal and educational laws; and to the General Government the administration of the public works, the public lands, the post-office department, and commerce.

      §§.51, 52, 91, and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    35. With the control of our public lands in our own hands, we can attract the tide of emigration, retain our own people in the country, and advance in prosperity as rapidly as the other provinces.

      §§.92(5), 95, and 109 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    36. It will be said that the national life of Lower Canada is so deeply rooted, that it is impossible to destroy it; but, if we desire to secure its safety, we must accept the present scheme of Confederation, under which all the religious interests of Lower Canada, her educational institutions, her public lands, in fact everything that constitutes a people’s nationality, will find protection and safety.

      §.93 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    37. The Conservative party has always opposed representation by population under the present union, because under this union we are face to face with the population of a country of which the products are different from ours, and of which the interests are not always identical with ours. This question was strongly agitated. The whole people of Lower Canada resisted that demand, and the whole Conservative party firmly refused to consent to it, while the other party—the Opposition party—held out hopes to those who demanded that measure, and allied themselves with them.

      §§.51 and 52 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    38. The Federal system is the normal condition of American populations; for there are very few American nations which have not a political system of that nature. The Federal system is a state of transition which allows the different races inhabiting the same part of the globe to unite, with the view of attaining national unity and homogeneousness. Spain, Belgium, France, and several other European countries were formerly peopled by different races, who constituted so many different communities; but they became united, they entered into confederations, and in the course of ages all the communities were consolidated into those which we now see—into everything that is held to be beautiful, noble and great throughout the whole world. When the Federal system has been put in practice in an enlightened manner, it has always sufficed for the requirements of those who adopted it.

      §§.91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    39. Without uniformity, without unity, it is impossible to make any serious attempt at defence in case of attack, and the divided country falls an easy prey to the enemy.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    40. These powers of the Federal Government are not, as we understand the matter, to be exercised, except as regards the following subjects, viz., Commerce, comprising purely commercial laws, such as laws respecting banks and other institutions of a general financial character, coinage, and weights and measures; Customs, including the establishment of a uniform tariff, and the collection of the revenue resulting therefrom; great Public Works and Navigation, such as canals, railways, telegraph lines, great seaport works and the lighting of the coast; Post Office arrangements, both in their entirety and in their internal and external details; the Militia in the entirety of its organization; Criminal justice, comprising all offences which do not come under the jurisdiction of the police courts and justices of the peace. Everything else connected with civil law, education, public charities, the settlement of public lands, agriculture, city and rural police, road works, in fact, with all matters relating to the family life, so to speak, of each province, will remain under the exclusive control of the respective Local Government of each one of them, as by inherent right; the powers of the Federal Government being looked upon as merely a concession of rights, which are specially designated.

      §§.91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    41. What hopes may we not be allowed to indulge respecting the material future of the immense country which includes the two Canadas, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, Prince Edward Island, the Hudson’s Bay Territory and Vancouver’s Island, when we reflect on the wealth of a soil which is almost everywhere remarkably fertile, (except the extreme North,) on the resources which the forests have treasured up for the settler in the lapse of ages, on the immense fisheries in the Gulf, sufficient of themselves to feed the whole world with fish of the finest quality; when we consider that the whole of this vast continent offers to us, in its various geological formations mineral wealth of the most precious kinds, and that nature has arranged for us channels of intercommunication of incredible grandeur. The fertile soil of these provinces intersected throughout their entire length by the rivers St. Lawrence and St. John, bathed by the waters of the Gulf and those of the Great Lakes, the superb forests through which flow the immense Ottawa, the St. Maurice and the Saguenay, the mines of copper bordering on lakes Superior and Huron, the iron mines of Canada, the coal measures of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, the seaports of Quebec, Halifax and St. John, the ores of all kinds dispersed throughout the provinces—all those form an aggregate of means which, if we suppose them to be turned to account by a competent population, governed by a political system based on true principles of order and liberty, justifies the most extravagant calculations of profit, the most extraordinary predictions of growth, as compared with the present state of things.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    42. [Page 576]
    43. [Page 575]
    44. we shall always have our court of final appeal in Her Majesty’s Privy Council
    1. At most, the resolutions are not a treaty, but the mere draft of an agreement come to between those gentlemen. HON. ATTY. GEN. CARTIER—Oh, yes, it is a treaty, and we are now fighting to uphold it. MR. DUNKIN—Well, it is a draft of a treaty if you like, but it is not a treaty. Plenipotentiaries, who frame treaties, have full authority to act on behalf of their respective countries. HON. ATTY. GEN. CARTIER—It is the same as any other treaty entered into under the British system. The Government is responsible for it to Parliament, and if this does not meet your approval, you can dispossess us by a vote of want of confidence.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    2. Her Majesty says in her Speech from the Throne at the opening of the Imperial Parliament, that she approves of the Conference that framed the treaty. Is not the royal sanction sufficient authority?

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    3. We are asking for that authority now

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    4. Well, a treaty, I suppose, implies authority on the part of those who framed it to enter into it.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    5. MR. DUNKIN—I think we shall, if we maintain and strengthen our relations with the parent state; but I do not think we shall, if we adopt a scheme like this, which must certainly weaken the tie between us and the Empire. Our language to England had better be the plain truth—that we are no beggars, and will shirk no duty; that we do not want to go, and of ourselves will not go; that our feelings and our interests alike hold us to her; that, even apart from feeling, we are not strong enough, and know our own weakness, and the strength of the power near us; and that the only means by which we can possibly be kept from absorption by that power, is the maintaining now—and for all time that we can look forward to—of our connection with the Mother-Land.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    6. Now, I am not desirous that our acceptance of the scheme should go home to be cited (as it would be) to the people of England, as a proof that we so view it—a proof that we wish to be separated from the Empire. I am quite satisfied separation will never do. We are simply sure to be overwhelmed the instant our neighbors and we differ, unless we have the whole power of the Mother Country to assist us.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    7. The people of England have no desire to snap asunder abruptly the slender links which still unite them with their trans-atlantic fellow-subjects, or to shorten by a single hour the duration of their common citizenship. * * * * We are led irresistibly to the inference that this stage has been well nigh reached in the history of our trans-Atlantic provinces. Hence it comes to pass that we accept, not with fear and trembling, but with unmixed joy and satisfaction, a voluntary proclamation, which, though couched in the accents of loyalty, and proffering an enduring allegiance to our Queen, falls yet more welcome on our eats as the harbinger of the future and complete independence of British North America.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    8. If, as has been alleged, a legislative union is unattainable, because inconsistent with due securities for the rights guaranteed to the French Canadians, by treaty or by the Quebec Act, and Federation is therefore the only alternative, the vital question for the framers of this Constitution is how the inherent weakness of all federations can in this instance be cured, and the Central Government armed with a sovereignty which may be worthy of the name. It is the essence of all good governments to have somewhere a true sovereign power. A sovereignty which ever eludes your grasp, which has no local habitation, provincial or imperial, is in fact no government at all. Sooner or later the shadow of authority which is reflected from an unsubstantial political idea must cease to have power among men. It has been assumed by those who take a sanguine view of this political experiment, that its authors have steered clear of the rock on which the WASHINGTON Confederacy has split. But if the weakness of the Central Government is the rock alluded to, we fear that unless in clear water and smooth seas, the pilot who is to steer this new craft will need a more perfect chart than the resolutions of the Quebec Conference afford, to secure him against the risks of navigation.

      §§.91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    9. What we have to fear, and if possible to guard against, is the constant peril of a three-fold conflict of authority implied in the very existence of a federation of dependencies retaining, as now proposed, any considerable share of intercolonial independence.

      §§.91 and 92 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    10. We are to buy the Hudson’s Bay territory, and take care of it, and make a grand road all across the continent, which Great Britain shrinks from contemplating herself.

      §§.121 and 146 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    11. The completion of the Intercolonial Railway, and the probable annexation of the fertile portions of the Great North-Western territory to the new Confederation, form a portion only of the probable consequences of its formation, the benefits of which will not be limited to the colonies alone, but in which Europe and the world at large will eventually participate. When the Valley of the Saskatchewan shall have been colonized, the communications between the Red River Settlement and Lake Superior completed, and the harbour of Halifax united by one continuous line of railway, with the shores of Lake Huron, the three missing links between the Atlantic and Pacific ocean will have been supplied.

      §§.121 and 146 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    12. The result of these proposals, if carried into effect, would be the creation of a new state in North America, still retaining the name of a British dependency, comprising an area about equal to that of Europe, a population of about four millions, with an aggregate revenue in sterling of about two millions and a half, and carrying on a trade (including exports, imports and intercolonial commerce) of about twenty-eight millions sterling per annum. If we consider the relative positions of Canada and the Maritime Provinces—the former possessing good harbors, but no back country, the former an unlimited supply of cereals, but few minerals; the latter an unlimited supply of iron and coal, but little agricultural produce. The commercial advantages of union between states so circumstanced, are too obvious to need comment. The completion of the Intercolonial Railway, and the probable annexation of the fertile portions of the Northwest territory to the new Confederation, form a portion only of the probable consequences of its formation, but in which Europe and the world at large will eventually participate. When the—

      Preamble, §§.121 and 146 of the Constitution Act, 1867. of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    13. A very important question, on which these papers afford no information, is that relating to the future condition of those territories and dependencies of the Crown in North America, which are not included within the present boundaries of the five provinces. “We allude more particularly to the territories now held by the Hudson’s Bay Company, under the Crown, by charter or lease. The Crown is doubtless bound to take care that the interest of its grantees—[it never seems to have occurred to our friend that we, too, are grantees]—are not prejudiced by these changes; but, on the other hand, an English trading company is ill qualified to carry on the government and provide for the defence of a vast and inaccessible expanse of continental territory.

      §.146 of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    14. It is scarcely surprising that any project which may offer a prospect of escape from a political situation so undignified and unsatisfactory should be hailed with a cordial welcome by all parties concerned. But one meaning can be put upon all this. In the opinion of the writer, England does not believe that these provinces are worth anything to her, while the connection with the Mother Country is worth all to us ; and she would hail with satisfaction any way of escape from the obligations and dangers that we are said to cast upon her.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    15. Retainers who will neither give nor accept notice to quit our service, must, it is assumed, be kept for our service. There are, nevertheless, special and exceptional difficulties which beset us in this portion of our vast field of empire.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    16. It might puzzle the wisest of our statesmen, if he were challenged to put his finger on any single item of material advantage resulting to ourselves from our dominions in British North America, which cost us at this moment about a million sterling a year.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    17. It is not unnatural that the desire to maintain a connection with the power and wealth of the Mother Country should be stronger on the side of the colonies than it is on that of the British public, for they owe almost everything to us, and we receive but little from them. Moreover, the existing system of colonial government enables them to combine all the advantages of local independence with the strength and dignity of a great empire. But the Imperial Government in the meantime has to decide, not as of old, whether Great Britain is to tax the colonies, but to what extent the colonies are to be permitted to tax Great Britain—a question which is daily becoming more urgent and less easy of solution.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    18. There are problems of colonial policy the solution of which cannot, without peril, be indefinitely delayed; and though Imperial England is doing her best to keep up appearances in the management of her five and forty dependencies, the political links which once bound them to each other and to their common centre are evidently worn out. Misgivings haunt the public mind as to the stability of an edifice which seems to be founded on a reciprocity of deception, and only to be shored up for the time by obsolete and meaningless traditions.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    19. I am well enough satisfied that Lord DERBY himself has not the most remote idea of falling in with the views of the so-called colonial reformers in England, who desire to see the colonies pay for every thing or be cast off; but he knows the hold that their views have gained at home, and he speaks accordingly.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    20. Under these circumstances I see with additional satisfaction—[Meaning of, course, though courtesy may have disallowed the phrase, “less dissatisfaction,” for he certainly did not see those other matters with any satisfaction at all]—I see with additional satisfaction the announcement of a contemplated important step. I mean the proposed Federation of the British American Provinces. (Hear, hear.) I hope I may regard that Federation as a measure tending to constitute a power strong enough, with the aid of this country, which I trust may never be withdrawn from those provinces, to acquire an importance which, separately, they could not obtain. (Hear, hear.) If I saw in this Federation a desire to separate from this country, I should think it a matter of much more doubtful policy and advantage; but I perceive with satisfaction, that no such wish is entertained. Perhaps it is premature to discuss, at present, resolutions not yet submitted to the different provincial legislatures, but I hope I see in the terms of that Federation an earnest desire on the part of the provinces to maintain for themselves the blessing of the connection with this country, and a determined and deliberate preference for monarchical over republican institutions.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    21. “We are supposed, by one of these noble lords, to bo taking a step analogous to that taken by the authors of the Declaration of Independence ; and by the other, to be moved by the same impulse of empire that has been leading to the establishment of the Kingdom of Italy.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.

    22. the northern provinces of British America. I heartily concur in all—[the all being as we have just seen, not much]—that has been said by my noble friend the mover of this address in his laudation of that project. It is, my lords, a most interesting contemplation that that project has arisen, and has been approved by Her Majesty’s Government. It is certainly contrary to what might be considered the old maxims of government in connection with the colonies, that we should here express —and that the Crown itself should express— satisfaction at a measure which tends to bind together, in almost independent power, our colonies in North America. We do still believe that though thus banded together, they will recognize the value of British connection, and that while they will be safer in this amalgamation, we shall be as safe in their fealty. The measure will no doubt, my lords, require much prudent consideration and great attention to provincial susceptibilities.

      Preamble of the Constitution Act, 1867.