Μπορεί η δημοκρατική αρχή και η αρχή της δεδηλωμένης να είχαν κατοχυρωθεί από το 1864 και το 1875 αντίστοιχα και το Σύνταγμα του 1911 να κατοχύρωνε όχι μόνο μια σειρά από ατομικά δικαιώματα αλλά και το κυριότερο μέσο προστασίας τους (την προσωπική και λειτουργική ανεξαρτησία των δικαστικών λειτουργών), ωστόσο η Βουλή διαλυόταν επανειλημμένως προκειμένου να παρακαμφθεί η λαϊκή ετυμηγορία, ο Βασιλιάς υπερέβαινε τις αρμοδιότητές του παραβιάζοντας την αρχή της δεδηλωμένης και διεκδικώντας τον πρώτο λόγο σε θέματα εξωτερικής πολιτικής

Τα γεγονότα του 1915 με τη διπλή διάλυση της Βουλής επηρέασαν τη διαμόρφωση και του ισχύοντος συνταγματικού δικαίου: Σύμφωνα με το άρθρο 41 παρ. 2 του Συντάγματός μας ναι μεν η Βουλή μπορεί να διαλυθεί προώρως «για ανανέωση της λαϊκής εντολής προκειμένου να αντιμετωπιστεί εθνικό θέμα εξαιρετικής σημασίας», πλην όμως αποκλείεται η διάλυση της νέας Βουλής «για το ίδιο θέμα». Εξάλλου, η παράγραφος 4 του ίδιου άρθρου ορίζει ότι, πλην εξαιρετικών περιπτώσεων (μη δυνατότητα σχηματισμού Κυβέρνησης που να απολαμβάνει την εμπιστοσύνη της Βουλής και έλλειψη κυβερνητικής σταθερότητας), η «Βουλή που εκλέχτηκε μετά τη διάλυση της προηγούμενης δεν μπορεί να διαλυθεί πριν περάσει ένα έτος αφότου άρχισε τις εργασίες». Πρόκειται για συνταγματικές ρυθμίσεις, οι ρίζες των οποίων ανάγονται στα γεγονότα του 1915.

Η απάντηση στο ερώτημα αυτό δεν μπορούσε παρά να είναι αρνητική: Παρά το γεγονός ότι το Σύνταγμα του 1911 δεν περιείχε κάποιο ρητό περιορισμό στην αρμοδιότητα του Βασιλιά για διάλυση της Βουλής, σε ένα δημοκρατικό πολίτευμα η Βουλή διαλύεται προκειμένου να εκφρασθεί ο λαός και όχι προκειμένου να ακυρωθεί η πρόσφατη ετυμηγορία του. Με άλλες λέξεις, ο Ανώτατος Άρχων δεν μπορούσε να διαλύει συνεχώς τη Βουλή, έως ότου πετύχει την επιθυμητή κοινοβουλευτική σύνθεση που θα συμπορευόταν με τις δικές του απόψεις. Οι συνέπειες της διπλής διάλυσης της Βουλής το 1915 δεν περιορίζονται χρονικά μέχρι το 1917, όταν την εξουσία καταλαμβάνουν οι βενιζελικοί και καταργούν τη δεύτερη χρονικά Βουλή (που προήλθε από τις εκλογές του Δεκεμβρίου του 1915) για να επαναφέρουν τη Βουλή που προήλθε από τις εκλογές του Μαΐου του 1915 (την επονομαζόμενη και «Βουλή των Λαζάρων»).

nistration of Justice (Scotland) Act 1972. This made provision on the Courtof Session and the Sheriff Court being able to order the recovery of documents whichare relevant to an existing case or a likely forthcoming case. The 1972 Act waswithout prejudice to the existing powers of the Court of Session and the Sheriff Courtin this area.

academic law libraries pool resources, through a consortium, to create a centralizedcollection of legal materials, including copyrighted materials, and to digitize thosematerials for easy, cost-effective access by all consortium members. For the sake ofexpediency, this proposal will be referred to here as TALLO (Taking Academic LawLibraries Online) and the proposed consortium as the TALLO consortium.

Earlier this year, Police Commissioner James O'Neill admitted that a "theft of services" arrest (the legal code name for turnstile jumping) could in fact lead to an immigrant getting deported. And earlier this month, a series of bills the City Council passed last year encouraging the use of civil summonses instead of arrests for quality of life crimes like public drinking, public urination and littering went into effect.

The change in how turnstile jumping will be prosecuted comes at a time when the city's reliance on Broken Windows policing is under fire because of its impact on New York's low-income non-white community

Vance announced in a press release this morning that his office "will no longer prosecute the overwhelming majority of individuals charged with Theft of Services for subway-related offenses, unless there is a demonstrated public safety reason to do so," starting in September of this year.

Currently, most theft-of-service cases are handled with summonses and rarely reach prosecution, according to a spokesman for the Brooklyn District Attorney’s Office. Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg does not prosecute fare beaters, according to a spokesman for his office.

“We have seen over a 55% increase of assaults on officers this year,” NYPD Transit Chief Jason Wilcox said. “The majority of these assaults began as they were engaging persons who have committed fare evasion or other quality of life violations on the trains and stations.”

NYPD enforcement is also up. Police have issued 45, 667 summonses for fare beating this year, up from 36,669 in 2021, according to an NYPD spokesperson. Other transit crimes that have been a growing issue are grand larceny, robbery, and felony assault, according to Comp Stat figures.

Fortunately, there are other ways to protect the transit system’s revenue stream and promote orderly conduct without jeopardizing the personal liberty of riders. In Washington, D.C., the city council voted to decriminalize fare evasion, overriding the mayor’s veto.

The crackdown should concern New Yorkers, because fare evasion enforcement is highly disproportionate. According to the most recent NYPD data, 92% of the 481 fare evasion arrests in the fourth quarter of 2019 were of non-white riders; 60% were black. Data like that led New York Attorney General Letitia James to announce a probe of racial disparities in fare evasion stops.

Finally, non-citizens can face potential immigration-related issues as a result of this otherwise-minor charge. Though immigration questions relating to criminal arrests and convictions are very complicated, the Immigration and Naturalization Act does plainly make a non-citizen deportable for a conviction of a crime involving moral turpitude. Moreover, theft of services (Penal Law 165.15) is probably a crime involving moral turpitude, meaning that a non-citizen could conceivably be deported or denied entry back into the United States for a conviction of this charge.

The charge for jumping a subway turnstile is Theft of Services, a violation of New York Penal Section 165.15, a Class A misdemeanor punishable by up to one year in jail.

With intent to obtain railroad, subway, bus, air, taxi or any other public transportation service without payment of the lawful charge therefor, or to avoid payment of the lawful charge for such transportation service which has been rendered to him, he obtains or attempts to obtain such service or avoids or attempts to avoid payment therefor by force, intimidation, stealth, deception or mechanical tampering, or by unjustifiable failure or refusal to pay

By the end of the day, Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo weighed in with a statement urging “all parties” to find “balance” — but declining to take a side.

“The New York miracle, if you will, began with fare evasion — fare evasion enforcement on the subway 25 years ago,” Mr. Bratton said in February 2014, when he was newly appointed by Mr. de Blasio as commissioner. “We’re still at it.”

Mr. de Blasio, a champion of improving the lot of poor New Yorkers, has adamantly defended the police practice of using evasion of the $2.75 fare as a means for officers to check the names and warrants of those they stop, most of whom are black or Hispanic.He has been unpersuaded by critics on the left who believe the approach — pioneered in the 1990s by William J. Bratton, Mr. de Blasio’s first police commissioner — is a form of biased and overly aggressive policing akin to stop-and-frisk. And he does not think most are motivated by poverty.“A lot of people who commit fare evasion and the police encounter have a lot of money on them,” Mr. de Blasio said during a news conference at Police Headquarters on Tuesday. “I think I have a lot of validity on the question of income inequality and how we fight it, but you never heard me say, you know, open up the gates of the subway for free. That’s chaos.”

nd another population that both our mayor and governor have spoken passionately about protecting would stand to suffer greatly as a result of a new enforcement policy: immigrants. Immigrants who have even minor contact with the criminal justice system face far more drastic consequences. Under the Trump administration, an arrest for jumping a turnstile or even a criminal summons could result in deportation, family separation, and destroyed lives.

Poor black and brown people should not take the fall for the sins of politicians who have allowed the MTA to become a laughing stock. Arrests won’t solve the MTA’s problems, but they could devastate New Yorkers.

Years of grappling with the ripple effects of Broken Windows policing have shown us that arrests are not the way to deal with minor offenses, like riding your bike on the sidewalk, having an open container of alcohol, smoking marijuana, or jumping a turnstile. An uptick in enforcement would reverse the recent positive trend of fewer fare evasion arrests. Through October, police have made 5,236 arrests for fare evasion. That is still 5,236 arrests too many, but it represents a 66 percent drop compared to the same period last year.

An analysis of New York Division of Criminal Justice Services data from the last four years by the Marshall Project shows that nearly 90 percent of people arrested for turnstile jumping were black or Hispanic. Given the NYPD’s history of targeting people of color for arrests and summonses for low-level offenses, let’s call the new proposal to crack down on fare evasion what it is: a plan that would funnel thousands more black and brown New Yorkers into the criminal justice system, and to scapegoat people of color for the decades of underfunding and mismanagement that are responsible for the MTA’s current problems.

Police resources must be spent on working with the community and identifying the types of behaviors that cause the most harm—not physically harmless fare evasion.

The MTA and NYPD pledged last week to crack down on fare evaders. The MTA’s plan is to send agency executives and NYPD officers to subway stations and bus stops across the city. The executives will stand at subway turnstiles and on busses to create body blockades to bar anyone trying to get in without a Metrocard. More armed police officers at subway stations make an already harrowing commute for New Yorkers even more intolerable, and for many, will serve to add unnecessary fear into the way they start or end their day.

“If we start saying it’s alright for you to jump the turnstile, we are creating an environment where any and everything goes,” the mayor warned. “It’s a crime. Now, you could defer prosecution, you could people in programs, you could do all sorts of things, but let’s not ignore it, and that’s what’s happening to our subway system.”

At least fifty-six New Yorkers have been pushed onto subway tracks over the past two years. Subway crimes have more than doubled, so far, this year, compared with the same time last year. According to MTA board member Andrew Albert, another major issue is turnstile jumping. 99.99% of people that are committing crimes in the subways did not pay their fare. If we can stop that at the turnstiles, we've not only helped the MTA bottom line, but we've stopped crime in its tracks.

Now, though, Vance’s office is voicing its displeasure with the fact that the NYPD has continued to arrest turnstile-jumpers. But how can Vance deter people from farebeating through diversion or dropped charges, and see if this approach yields better results for everyone—particularly the public—if police never arrest fare evaders in the first place?

Deterring people from stealing from the MTA keeps mass transit safe and improves the lives of everyone who rides.

The DA’s reasoning is that this misdemeanor charge—called theft of services for transit—can carry a punishment of up to a year in jail. The misdemeanor conviction, so the argument goes, victimizes otherwise law-abiding people too poor to afford the subway fare, burdening them with a criminal record as they seek employment or housing.

In my mind, there are three prerequisites to shift the Hoverton window. First, the speaker must have sufficient intellectual gravitas. Specifically, he must be able to generate a novel idea, that departs sufficiently from conventional wisdom, but also anticipates and preempts the most likely response. He must also have a reputation which warrants his ideas being taken seriously. Second, the speaker must have secure tenure-in-office. To challenge the status quo, you need decisional independence. No one can override your position, or worse, tell you to stand down after an uproar emerges. (Tenured academics and Article III judges are among the few people who fit in this category.) Third, the speaker must have courage. You must be willing to publicly articulate your principle, knowing full well that you will be savagely attacked from all corners. (Very few academics and Article III judges fit in this category.)

Can copyright vest in an AI? The primary objective of intellectual property law is to protect the rights of the creators of intellectual property.10 Copyright laws specifically aim to: (i) promote creativity and encourage authors, composers, artists and designers to create original works by affording them the exclusive right to exploit such work for monetary gain for a limited period; and (ii) protect the creators of the original works from unauthorised reproduction or exploitation of those works.

To my knowledge, conferring copyright in works generated by artificial intelligence has never been specifically prohibited. However, there are indications that the laws of many countries are not amenable to non-human copyright. In the United States, for example, the Copyright Office has declared that it will “register an original work of authorship, provided that the work was created by a human being.” This stance flows from case law (e.g. Feist Publications v Rural Telephone Service Company, Inc. 499 U.S. 340 (1991)) which specifies that copyright law only protects “the fruits of intellectual labor” that “are founded in the creative powers of the mind.” Similarly, in a recent Australian case (Acohs Pty Ltd v Ucorp Pty Ltd), a court declared that a work generated with the intervention of a computer could not be protected by copyright because it was not produced by a human.

With the advent of AI software, computers — not monkeys — will potentially create millions of original works that may then be protected by copyright, under current law, for more than 100 years.

Running this simulation over many time steps, Lilian Weng of OSoMe found that as agents' attention became increasingly limited, the propagation of memes came to reflect the power-law distribution of actual social media: the probability that a meme would be shared a given number of times was roughly an inverse power of that number. For example, the likelihood of a meme being shared three times was approximately nine times less than that of its being shared once.

Integrative Lawyers are reflective.Integrative Lawyers are values and purpose-based.Integrative Lawyers are system and design thinkers.Integrative Lawyers are harbingers of evolutionary consciousness.

We need police.

copyright laws (the Dwarfelles are used as substitutes for the original Dwarfs, since Disney owns the Dwarf characters, and this is not a Disney film).

Zeynep's law: Until there is substantial and repeated evidence otherwise, assume counterintuitive findings to be false, and second-order effects to be dwarfed by first-order ones in magnitude.

There is nothing at all absurd in theconclusion. It seems to me quite possible that at that particular moment in thedevelopment of Western thought there was the possibility for the birth of a sci-ence of psychology of a sort that still does not exist, a psychology that beginswith the problem of characterizing various systems of human knowledge andbelief, the concepts in terms of which they are organized and the principles thatunderlie them, and that only then turns to the study of how these systems mighthave developed through some combination of innate structure and organism –environment interaction. Such a psychology would contrast rather sharply withthe approach to human intelligence that begins by postulating, on a priorigrounds, certain specific mechanisms that, it is claimed, must be those underly-ing the acquisition of all knowledge and belief. The distinction is one to whichI will return in a subsequent lecture.

"It's difficult because we can't tell people exactly what's allowed and not allowed," said Chris Castelli, a manager for the Department of State Lands. "It's even tougher for law enforcement that gets called out to very heated disputes and doesn't have strict laws they can apply." 

The extent of public use varies, with Montana affording the greatest access. Rafters can float and fishermen can wade in rivers that flow through private land so long as they enter from public property. They can even leave the river and walk up to the high-water mark.

; until, in 1907, eachclass had come to be dealt with according to principles which wereobviously very different from those of 1834. The report of this investi¬gation was presented to the Poor Law Commission, with the interest¬ing result that we heard no more of the “ principles of 1834 ”! It wassubsequently published as English Poor Law Policy (1910).

Harold Jarche looked at his most visited blog postings over the years, and concludes his blog conforms to Sturgeon’s Revelation that 90% of everything is crap. I recognise much of what Harold writes. I suspect this is also what feeds impostor syndrome. You see the very mixed bag of results from your own efforts, and how most of it is ‘crap’. The few ‘hits’ for which you get positive feedback are then either ‘luck’ or should be normal, not sparse. Others of course forget most if not all of your less stellar products and remember mostly the ones that stood out. Only you are in a position to compare what others respond to with your internal perspective.

Under this test, a transaction is deemed an investment contract if a person,

Data protection authorities have found that the U.S. legal system does not guarantee the same standards of protection as the EU. The situation stems from a set of U.S. laws that allow government organizations to request access to consumers’ personal data from US-based services, regardless of where the data centers or servers are located. In light of this, NOYB filed 101 complaints with European DPAs to find that transferring European users’ data to the U.S. was unlawful. The decisions, which have noted the illegitimacy of the transfers, focus on the analysis of additional technical, contractual and organizational measures.

I used to tell students (including PhD students) that 90% of what they will write will not be any good. But the only way they will get to the 10% that is good is by writing the 90% that isn't. So, they'd better start writing now! ;-)

This can also be considered The Iceberg Principle. The 10% (really 9%) you do see is only visible because of the 90% (really 91%) you don't see. Without that 90% you don't get the 10%.

"Sturgeon's Law". According to those who were there, Theodore Sturgeon the SF author made this comment at a convention in 1953. it is that:90% of everything is crud, and it's the 10% that isn't crud that is important.

Unsurprisingly, each system often tries to prevent the princi-ples it holds dear from being changed, and even attempts to make anyeffort to challenge them illegal.

18. The success of the referendum orga nized by Uber and Lyft to preserve their ex-tremely precarious model in California in 2020 illustrates the limits of an idyllic visionof direct democracy, as well as the need to reconceive a salarial status that makes it pos-sible to reconcile protection and autonomy.

Expected to come into force on June 27, India's new data retention law will force VPN companies to keep users' data - like IP addresses, real names and usage patterns - for up to five years. They will also be required to hand this information over to authorities upon request. 

Gall's Law is a rule of thumb for systems design from Gall's book Systemantics: How Systems Really Work and How They Fail. It states: .mw-parser-output .templatequote{overflow:hidden;margin:1em 0;padding:0 40px}.mw-parser-output .templatequote .templatequotecite{line-height:1.5em;text-align:left;padding-left:1.6em;margin-top:0}A complex system that works is invariably found to have evolved from a simple system that worked. A complex system designed from scratch never works and cannot be patched up to make it work. You have to start over with a working simple system.

Frank Wilhot's: "Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect." https://crookedtimber.org/2018/03/21/liberals-against-progressives/

By 1860, the American Medical Association sought to end legal abortion. The Comstock Law of 1873 criminalized attaining, producing or publishing information about contraception, sexually transmitted infections and diseases, and how to procure an abortion.

If you are using RDFa within your pages, you can use the resource attribute to indicate that you are linking to a piece of legislation while including a link to another source of information. For example,

“Bennett’s Law”, consumption of fat and protein (read: “meat”) rises with income.

Assignment

Gall’s Law, which states that a complex system that works is invariably found to have evolved from a simple system that worked. Contrast this with a complex system designed from scratch, which never works and cannot be patched up to make it work.

When, in the Odyssey, Homer wants to sum up what makes the Cyclopes barbarous, he writes that they “have no laws”.

nonexclusive, nontransferable, limited license

Because of the constantly growing number of volumes, and to minimize coordination issues, Gottfried van Swieten emphasizes a set of instructions for registering all the books of the court library. Written instructions are by no means common prior to the end of the eighteenth century. Until then, cataloging takes place under the supervision of a librarian who instructs scriptors orally, pointing out problems and corrections as every-one goes along.

Many American employers continue to make their job offers contingent on fine-print conditions, such as noncompete clauses and forced arbitration, that can make it almost impossible to jump to a better workplace or hold management accountable when things go wrong. They seek out foreign workers who often, in theory or practice, lack the legal protections of U.S. citizens. They argue that they aren’t liable for any mistreatment of their subcontracted staff by the companies that technically employ those workers. And they charge staff for equipment or training essential to their duties, establishing a cycle of debt that, in conjunction with low wages, tends to build on itself

Namibian society is fairly conservative, particularly where issues of morality, customs and family values are concerned

customary law survives only to the extent that it does not confl ict with the Constitution

Women’s rights and family matters

Namibian government currently does not recognise polygamous marriages

Therefore, any law, custom, stereotype or belief that oppresses or deprives women of their inherent right to reach their full potential cannot be binding on any person at all

Land rights and property

Customary marriages

most prominent within the sphere of the family household.

matters that pertain to the children.

the maintenance of such gender and role conceptions in Namibian society at large

the eldest son makes all the major decisions

one of the few constitutions in the world that uses gender-neutral language throughout,

Goodhart's law is an adage often stated as "When a measure becomes a target, it ceases to be a good measure".[1] It is named after British economist Charles Goodhart, who advanced the idea in a 1975 article on monetary policy in the United Kingdom:[2][3] .mw-parser-output .templatequote{overflow:hidden;margin:1em 0;padding:0 40px}.mw-parser-output .templatequote .templatequotecite{line-height:1.5em;text-align:left;padding-left:1.6em;margin-top:0}Any observed statistical regularity will tend to collapse once pressure is placed upon it for control purposes.

As Goodhart’s law suggests, metrics can fail if given too much power, and over-emphasizing metrics can lead to gaming, manipulation, or “a myopic focus on short-term goals.” Many of the most important parts of digital well-being cannot be captured by quantitative

This document describes a Uniform Resource Name (URN) Namespace Identification (NID) convention as prescribed by the Internet Engineering Task Force (IETF) for identifying, naming, assigning, and managing persistent resources in the legal domain.

The English common law was "immemorial" custom which ran to a "time whereof the memory of man runneth not to the contrary." "In the profound ignorance of letters which formerly overspread the whole west- em world," Sir William Blackstone noted in 1765, "letters were intirely traditional, for this plain reason, that the nations among which they pre- vailed had but little idea of writing. Thus the British as well as the Gallic druids committed all their laws as well as learning to memory; and it is said of the primitive Saxons here, as well as their brethren on the conti- nent, that leges

The possibility of arbitrary internal branching.

Our notion that everyone is equal before the law,for instance, originally traces back to the idea that everyone is equalbefore the king, or emperor: since if one man is invested withabsolute power, then obviously everyone else is equal incomparison.

ένα αποκλειστικά λευκό σώμα ενόρκων

Η σύνθεση του δικαστηρίου που αποφυλάκισε τον Πατέλη: πρόεδρος Κουζέλη Ουρανία, μέλη Πολέμη Μόσχα, Κοτσίφη Ευτέρπη, Τρίκα Μαρία, Ρουσέα Αριστέα (όπως είπαμε, μία από τις δύο τελευταίες εφέτες, που αντικατέστησαν αυτοεξαιρεθέντες συναδέλφους τους, ψήφισε κατά της αποφυλάκισης Πατέλη). Εισαγγελέας Κούτρας Ιωάννης.

«Τι πάει να πει δημοσιογράφος; Οποτε υπάρχουν δημοσιογράφοι πρέπει η κοινωνία να κάθεται σούζα; Εμείς κάνουμε τη δουλειά μας ανεξάρτητα και εκπροσωπούμε σήμερα το ανώτερο δικαστήριο της χώρας σε επίπεδο ουσίας. Γίνανε όλοι αγωνιστές. Φερόμενοι αγωνιστές βέβαια, οι πραγματικοί είναι άλλοι».

δεν υπάρχει πίσω από αυτή την υπόθεση μια ισχυρή φαμίλια που έχει χάσει τον άνθρωπό της – υπάρχει μια λαϊκή οικογένεια από το Κερατσίνι. Δεν υπάρχει η πρεσβεία μιας ισχυρής χώρας που να τρώει τον κόσμο με τα τηλέφωνά της – υπάρχει μόνο η φωνή του αντιφασιστικού κινήματος. Δεν υπάρχει το φόβητρο της αντιτρομοκρατικής και των εισαγγελέων της

Οι ίδιες χώρες που μάχονται υπέρ του λιγότερου κράτους απαιτούν περισσότερο κράτος προκειμένου να συγκαλύψουν και να συγκρατήσουν τις επιζήμιες κοινωνικές συνέπειες που έχει στις κατώτερες περιοχές του κοινωνικού χώρου, η απορρύθμιση της μισθωτής εργασίας και η υποβάθμιση της κοινωνικής προστασίας. Η «μηδενική ανοχή» είναι μια φιλοσοφία φιλελεύθερη και μη παρεμβατική προς τα πάνω, σε ότι αφορά κυρίως τη φορολογία και την απασχόληση, αδιάλλακτη και παρεμβατική προς τα κάτω, σε ότι αφορά τη δημόσια συμπεριφορά των μελών των λαϊκών τάξεων, που είναι πιασμένα στη μέγγενη από τη μια μεριά της γενικευμένης υπο-απασχόλησης και της προσωρινής μισθωτής εργασίας και από την άλλη της ύφεσης της κοινωνικής προστασίας και της πενίας των δημοσίων υπηρεσιών.

εργασία των Georg Rusche και Otto Kirscheimer

η διάδοση και η καθιέρωση του δόγματος της «μηδενικής ανοχής», που πέρασε στα τέλη του 20ου αιώνα από τις ΗΠΑ στην Ευρώπη, εκφράζει τη ρητορική που εξομοιώνει τους παραβάτες – άστεγους, ζητιάνους, περιθωριακούς- με τους ξένους επιδρομείς, επιτάσσει χαλάρωση της νομικής διάκρισης ανηλίκων και ενηλίκων δραστών, ζητά περισσότερες προϋποθέσεις για την υφ’ όρον απόλυση. Αναπροσδιορίζει το ρόλο του κράτους, το οποίο αποσύρεται από την οικονομία και μειώνει τον κοινωνικό του ρόλο ενώ αντίθετα διευρύνει και σκληραίνει την ποινική του παρέμβαση.