Language Research Bulletin,32, ICU, TokyoAndragogy in the 21st century: Applying the Assumptions of Adult Learning Online
This article emphasizes the importance of creating online programs that have learning objectives that correspond to learners' real-world needs. It examines Knowles' Andragogical Model to provide guidelines for incorporating adult learning principles into course design. 10/10, very good blend of strategy and theory.
A Comprehensive Exploration of Technology's RoleIin Adult Learning
This article examines and gives bit of information from a book covering the intersection of adult learning and technology innovation. 4/10, while there is information here it is certainly not the entire book and therefore incomplete. It does serve as a quick and accessible alternative for those seeking the books information but lacking the time/ access to read the book.
The Impact of Social Media Technologies on Adult Learning
This article takes on the challenge of investigating what role social media technologies have in adult learning/ their impact on learning outcomes for adult learners. The data showed that social media technologies follow similar patterns to other educational tools. Teaching method used in conjunction with the technology matters significantly. This being said, the article does make several recommendations for using social media in the classroom to boost adult learning outcomes. 10/10 interesting and relevant article with easy to find and utilize recommendations educators could implement.
Adapting adult learning theory to support innovative, advanced, online learning - WVMD Model
This article details how to build an innovative online learning environment using methods based on influential adult learning theories. These theories include Social Development Theory, Behaviorism, Critical Reflection and Nurturing the Soul. 10/10, many theories throughly discussed.
Preservice Teacher Experience with Technology Integration: How the Preservice Teacher’s Effica-cy in Technology Integration is Impactedby the Context of the Preservice Teacher Education Pro-gram
This article discusses the need for teacher education to focus just as much on technology knowledge (regardless of grade level taught) as on educational theory and methods. It argues that teachers cannot be effective if they are not trained in not only current technologies, but also taught to be familiar with navigating new technologies as the emerge. 5/10 Very specific to K-12 teacher education.
The adult learning environment
This article was written by three faculty members of the University of Zambia. The authors discuss the idea of "adult learning" with respect to child learning. The authors spend most of the article outlining the social, emotional, physical, and cognitive aspects of the adult learning environment.
Rating: 5/10
Adult Learning Theories
This article provides a short, yet well rounded description of andragogy, SDL, and TL. The author proposes, and concludes, that effective adult education requires a mixture of theories or principles.
Rating: 8/10
Andragogy – Adult Learning Theory (Knowles)
This article provides a brief overview of Knowles Five Assumptions of Adult Learners. These assumptions, and accompanying principles, help provide a baseline for online adult education.
Rating: 5/10
Andragogy and Self-Directed Learning:Pillars of Adult Learning Theory
This chapter defines andragogy and reviews the early foundations of adult learning theory. Previous adult learning research performed with multiple constraints demonstrated that circumstance (education, training, health, speed of response) may have more of an impact in learning than age. Studies also revealed that age impacts the ability to perform some cognitive functions yet has little impact on others. While the characteristics of the adult learner have remained relatively consistent, perspectives in classifying the topic and its principles have varied. In discussion of self-directed learning, the authors address related objectives, ethos, self-directed attributes, and assessment methods. The authors report a decline in literature focused on self-directed learning within adult education and advocate for continued investigation and research. 8/10
For years, I’ve shared with friends and clients what I call the bunny theory of code. The theory is that code multiplies when you’re not looking, not unlike bunnies that tend to multiply when you’re not looking.
nzaka's theory of bunny code is relevant here
Yes, you can embed loops in it and compose lots of small repeated JSX snippets, but that almost never happens in practice because mixing the turing complete of javascript with the markup of HTML eliminates the readability of JSX so that it is actually harder to parse than a solution like hyperscript (the syntactical approach taken by virtual-dom).
Self-Directed Learning: A Key Component of Adult Learning Theory Geri Manning
Article offers a discussion of SDL as component of adult learning theory. Useful discussion of conceptual framework and literature review. Characteristics of SD learners are explored. Concludes with some implications for the study of adult learning. Rating 7/10
Insights 3 Adult Learning Theories Every E-Learning Designer Must Know
Adult learning theories for Instructional Designers - Article names adult learning "theories" (andragogy, neuroscience, experiential learning, SDL, and transformational learning). Discusses why these "theories" are relevant to ID. Rating 3/10
According to the endurantist view, material objects are persisting three-dimensional individuals wholly present at every moment of their existence
But it’s really hard to see, because our human brains struggle to think about this Clock function as something for generating discrete snapshots of a clock, instead of representing a persistent thing that changes over time.
The perdurantist view is that an individual has distinct temporal parts throughout its existence.
Description: Researchers asked students in a second language class to complete a research video assignment. Students reflected the research helped them gain key insights and a feeling of self-confidence. This self-confidence was tested as they attempted to incorporate the second language which pushed many students out of their comfort zone. Students found ways to simplify the content so they could explain their research in the second language. Due to the video presentation format, students were able to practice their language repeatedly which helped them grasp the vocabulary. As a whole, the student felt as if they learned more content and vocabulary with the video assignment.
Rating: 8/10
Reason for the Rating: The data received from the research was survey based therefore it included more opinions rather than facts. It would have been interesting to see student's final grades or test scores and compare them to previous semesters. The article is well supported with facts and quotes.
Description: The purpose of this article is to explore the idea of using Wikis inside the classroom. Wikis are considered great tools because they are flexible and promote collaboration. The author discusses the different ways teachers can implement wikies from groups creating and presenting a single wiki to each student creating their own and commenting on their peers wikis. Furthermore, Wikis are familiar to students which helps promote engagement. The last section describes how to create Wikis and integrate them into a classroom setting.
Rating: 10/10
Reason for the rating: This topic fully engages the reader with easy to understand text and diagrams. There are plenty of citations to support the theories.
Description: This article outlines three phases for collaborative teaching: Planning, implementing, and reflecting. It discusses the ways teachers can support student interactions through the implementation phase by creating well-thought out activities which engage the learner. These activities should focus on collaboration of peer ideas in order to be effective in building social and academic skills. It mentions a few examples such as discussion groups or large projects. The author gives multiple examples of the teacher's role in a collaborative setting as well as issues that may occur. The article encourages both the teacher and the students to reflect on the learning and collaboration afterwards.
Rating: 9/10
Reason for the rating: The author is very thorough in their research and explanation with the text. They have many citations to support their theories as well as diagrams to help illustrate their ideas. The biggest fault with the paper is that it is entirely idealistic without any reference to a case study.
Description: This article explains Bloom's Taxonomy in the college environment. It begins with an overview of the theory before delving into the questions used in the research. By using Bloom's Taxonomy, the college course was able to have students tie higher thinking to concreate examples which helped the learners gain more understanding of the materials presented.
Rating: 8/10
Reason for the rating: This article reflects on one researchers attempt to place Bloom's taxonomy into a classroom setting. It shows the reader how to implement the theory with examples and data. There are plenty of citations provided throughout the text to help support the theories. Though it does not mention technology integration, it does discuss tailoring lessons to fit student ability. Technology could be used in conjunction to help promote an even deeper understanding.
Description: This article describes online learning through the lens of Maslow's hierarchy of needs. The author describes for a person to be successful in an online setting they need to have a safe home environment, consistent formatting, and collaboration opportunities. For students to really excel in a field, they must also have an inclusive environment, assistive tools to help with self efficacy, and positive feedback on assignments. Technology plays a key role in allowing students with disabilities or weaknesses in a class to feel confident.
Rating: 10/10
Reason for the rating: The article is supported with an abundance of citations. It is organized in a clear and logical format as it follows Maslow's pyramid in order. The writing is concise and easy to understand.
Description: This article discusses English languages learners and their self-directed learning levels. The researchers took a wide sample to ESL learners and surveyed them about their demographics and their English media consumption outside of the classroom. They found that a majority of ESL students watch TV programs in English as well as have native English speakers as friends. These are considered strategies for ESLs to learn English outside of an ESL classroom.
Rating: 7/10
Reasoning for rating: The article is well supported through data and citations. It discusses the data with little bias and attempts to use learning theories to interpret their findings. Though it does not discuss the integration of technology inside of the classroom, it reflects on the use of technology in every day life to help support the learner.
Description: The article begins by defining social learning theory and reviewing Bandura's contributions to the field. Then, it discusses technologies influence on social interactions in the modern era and student engagement levels when utilizing technology inside the classroom. Games especially help students with following directions and creating critical thinking strategies which they can bring into the classroom setting.
Rating: 5/10
Reason for rating: The website for the article is minimal at best. The article itself is well written with plenty of citations to support it, but the formatting is not consistent throughout.
Description: As the title suggests, this article dictates the necessities for a curriculum or class dedicated to teaching adult learners. Not only does it describe the environment where they flourish, but delves into twelve principles of effective teaching for adult learners. There are also examples of engaging teaching strategies which range from basic and general ideas-- for example, modeling, teamwork, and transitions-- to complex and specific tasks such as SNOW cards, gallery walks, and bumper stickers.
Rating: 8/10
Reason for rating: This article cites many different researchers and includes facts to support their theories and ideas. It defines important principles with simple and easy to understand text for novice teachers. Though it does not address technology integration, many of the ideas can be altered to include technology to enrich the learning and increase engagement levels.
Description: This text describes adult learning theories best used in a workforce training. It describes the environmental factors which lead to success in an adult student (such as a positive atmosphere) as well as techniques like heterogeneous learning groups. It attempts to persuade the reader to address the personal needs of each student while still moving the class towards the trainings goal. As a whole, this article covers the basics of what trainers need to know when teaching adults in a workface setting.
Rating: 6/10
Reason for rating: This article is very quick and direct. It discusses each technique, skill, or factor with examples and reasoning for the suggestions. Each suggestion is well-thought out and logical. Yet, the article cites few other texts which discredits it a little. The article was found through JSTOR which only sources peer-reviewed texts.
I first briefly lay out alternative media theory as it existed prior to the dominance of Facebook, Google, and Twitter.
I've been thinking about it for a while but even if all social sites were interoperable, I suspect that a small handful of 2 or 3 would have the largest market share. This is as the result of some of the network theory and research found in Linked: How Everything Is Connected to Everything Else and What It Means for Business, Science, and Everyday Life by Alberto-Llaszlo Barabasi
It’s difficult to say that the prosperity gospel itself led to Donald Trump’s inauguration. Again, only 17 percent of American Christians identify with it explicitly. It’s far more true, however, to say that the same cultural forces that led to the prosperity gospel’s proliferation in America — individualism, an affinity for ostentatious and charismatic leaders, the Protestant work ethic, and a cultural obsession with the power of “positive thinking” — shape how we, as a nation, approach politics.
Power of Positive Thinking is a book by Norman Vincent Peale and provides the direct link to influence on Trump here.
Also interesting to note the 17% number which can potentially be a threshold level for splitting a community or society from a game theoretic perspective. (Note: I should dig up the reference and re-read it.)
How this phenomenon translates into absolute, rather than relative, risk, however, is a bit thorny. A large study published in 2018, for instance, found that among women who had children between 34 and 47, 2.2 percent developed breast cancer within three to seven years after they gave birth (among women who never had children, the rate was 1.9 percent). Over all, according to the American Cancer Society, women between 40 and 49 have a 1.5 percent chance of developing breast cancer.
The rates here are so low as to be nearly negligible on their face. Why bother reporting it?
In some sense, by studying one model deeply enough, we can study them all.
This may be where math like category theory is particularly powerful as a map between these different areas which are really the same (isomorphic).
The notion that counting more shapes in the sky will reveal more details of the Big Bang is implied in a central principle of quantum physics known as “unitarity.” Unitarity dictates that the probabilities of all possible quantum states of the universe must add up to one, now and forever; thus, information, which is stored in quantum states, can never be lost — only scrambled. This means that all information about the birth of the cosmos remains encoded in its present state, and the more precisely cosmologists know the latter, the more they can learn about the former.
A stunning thing that we forget, but the link here is not part of the author’s intent, but of the reader’s analysis. The majority of links in the memex are made by readers, not writers. On the world wide web of course, only an author gets to determine links.
Kuratowski definition of an ordered pair
Social scientist, on the other hand, have focused on what ties are more likely to bring in new information, which are primarily weak ties (Granovetter 1973), and on why weak ties bring new information (because they bridge structural holes (Burt 2001), (Burt 2005)).
Most previous explanations had focussed on explaining how someone’s beliefs might be altered in the moment.
Knowing a little of what is coming in advance here, I can't help but thinking: How can this riot theory potentially be used to influence politics and/or political campaigns? It could be particularly effective to get people "riled up" just before a particular election to create a political riot of sorts and thereby influence the outcome.
Facebook has done several social experiments with elections in showing that their friends and family voted and thereby affecting other potential voters. When done in a way that targets people of particular political beliefs to increase turn out, one is given a means of drastically influencing elections. In some sense, this is an example of this "Riot Theory".
Found reference to this in a review of Henry Quastler's book Information Theory in Biology.
A more serious thing, in the reviewer's opinion, is the compIete absence of contributions deaJing with information theory and the central nervous system, which may be the field par excellence for the use of such a theory. Although no explicit reference to information theory is made in the well-known paper of W. McCulloch and W. Pitts (1943), the connection is quite obvious. This is made explicit in the systematic elaboration of the McCulloch-Pitts' approach by J. von Neumann (1952). In his interesting book J. T. Culbertson (1950) discussed possible neuraI mechanisms for recognition of visual patterns, and particularly investigated the problems of how greatly a pattern may be deformed without ceasing to be recognizable. The connection between this problem and the problem of distortion in the theory of information is obvious. The work of Anatol Rapoport and his associates on random nets, and especially on their applications to rumor spread (see the series of papers which appeared in this Journal during the past four years), is also closely connected with problems of information theory.
Electronic copy available at: http://www.cse.chalmers.se/~coquand/AUTOMATA/mcp.pdf
game theory
Game theory is the study of mathematical models of strategic interaction among rational decision-makers.[1] It has applications in all fields of social science, as well as in logic, systems science and computer science. Originally, it addressed zero-sum games, in which each participant's gains or losses are exactly balanced by those of the other participants. Today, game theory applies to a wide range of behavioral relations, and is now an umbrella term for the science of logical decision making in humans, animals, and computers.
--Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Game_theory
Similar to my recent musings (link coming soon) on the dualism of matter vs information, I find that the real beauty may lie precisely in the complexity of their combination.
There's a kernel of an idea hiding in here that I want to come back and revisit at a future date.
climate theorists
I find it interesting to be reading about a completely different sort of climate theory in this book than the one commonly known in popular society.
Öffnet für mich nach der ersten Lektüre einen ganz neuen Zugang zur Verbindung von Theorie und Design Praxis. Man kann sich von hierher einen Rahmen für eine "Content strategy for degrowth" als eine nicht anthropozentrische Designpraxis vorstellen. Sehr viele Verweise.
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Rostami-Tabar, B., Ali, M. M., Hong, T., Hyndman, R. J., Porter, M. D., & Syntetos, A. (2020). Forecasting for Social Good. ArXiv:2009.11669 [Cs]. http://arxiv.org/abs/2009.11669
Tiffany, K. (2020, September 23). Reddit Squashed QAnon by Accident. The Atlantic. https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2020/09/reddit-qanon-ban-evasion-policy-moderation-facebook/616442/
Mike Caulfield on Twitter. (n.d.). Twitter. Retrieved September 23, 2020, from https://twitter.com/holden/status/1308205813475897344
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Allebach, N. (2020, September 22). How America Became The Land Of Conspiracy Theories. Medium. https://medium.com/@nathanallebach/how-america-became-the-land-of-conspiracy-theories-7c8b0353c667
Lewis, T. (n.d.). Nine COVID-19 Myths That Just Won’t Go Away. Scientific American. Retrieved September 11, 2020, from https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/nine-covid-19-myths-that-just-wont-go-away/
Fazio, L. K., & Sherry, C. L. (2020). The Effect of Repetition on Truth Judgments Across Development. Psychological Science, 0956797620939534. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797620939534
Hannah, K. (2020, September 7). Counting and Countering the infodemic: A deep dive into Covid-19 disinformation. The Spinoff. https://thespinoff.co.nz/media/07-09-2020/counting-and-countering-the-infodemic-a-deep-dive-into-covid-19-disinformation/
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Kiss, I. Z., Miller, J., & Simon, P. L. (2017). Mathematics of Epidemics on Networks: From Exact to Approximate Models. Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50806-1
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Hahn, U., & Oaksford, M. (2006). A Normative Theory of Argument Strength. Informal Logic, 26(1), 1–24. https://doi.org/10.22329/il.v26i1.428
Hurst, D., & Murphy, K. (2020, June 22). Trump’s misleading information enables China to sow discord among allies, research finds. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2020/jun/23/trumps-misleading-information-enables-china-to-sow-discord-among-allies-research-finds
Thurner, S., Klimek, P., & Hanel, R. (2020). A network-based explanation of why most COVID-19 infection curves are linear. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2010398117
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Pluralism
State that has multiple (or at least more than one) group whose interests are represented by that State.
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ReconfigBehSci on Twitter: “@ErikAngner 2/2 1. mandatory schooling (where there exemptions for immune-compromised parents?) 2. encouraging household members of infected individuals to go to work/school Could you provide more background here and how you see these policies in the wider context?” / Twitter. (n.d.). Twitter. Retrieved August 18, 2020, from https://twitter.com/SciBeh/status/1295685503111647232
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In graph theory, a tree is a connected acyclic graph; unless stated otherwise, in graph theory trees and graphs are assumed undirected. There is no one-to-one correspondence between such trees and trees as data structure.
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Hameleers, M. (2020). Prospect Theory in Times of a Pandemic: The Effects of Gain versus Loss Framing on Policy Preferences and Emotional Responses During the 2020 Coronavirus Outbreak [Preprint]. SocArXiv. https://doi.org/10.31235/osf.io/7pykj
COVID-19 Social Science Tracker - Google Sheets
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Willard Van Orman Quine insisted on classical, first-order logic as the true logic, saying higher-order logic was "set theory in disguise".
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Shmueli, G. (2010). To Explain or to Predict? Statistical Science, 25(3), 289–310.
One possibly important strengths-based moderator for children and adolescents is belongingness. Feeling a sense of belongingness to a wider social group is considered a ubiquitous need (Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Osterman, 2000). This notion is rooted in Maslow’s (1987) conceptualization that humans, like other animals, have the need “to herd, to flock, to join, and to belong” (p. 20). Belonging may be established in peer groups at school, but youth may also find belongingness through other social channels, such as teachers, parents, extended family, or community groups. This is supported by research from Appleton, Christenson, Kim, and Reschly (2006) that links the social context of students to academic, social, and emotional outcomes. Furthermore, it is important to differentiate belongingness from other allied variables associated with interpersonal functioning, such as social support and peer acceptance. While social support and peer acceptance connote a passive engagement of the individual with the social network, a sense of belonging represents a more active engagement and an internal experience of a strong psychological connection to a group (Brown, Alpert, Lent, Hunt, & Brady, 1988; Mallinckrodt, 1992; Mallinckrodt & Wei, 2005). Belongingness then involves a dyad, group, or community that one senses one’s current active membership completes. When individuals belong (have belongingness), they believe a dyad, group, or community is not complete without them, and they are not complete without the dyad, group, or community.
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We conclude, then, that the present state of the empirical ev-idence is sufficient to confirm the belongingness hypothesis. Theneed to belong can be considered a fundamental humanmotivation
confirms belongingness hypothesis
The need to belong also appears to conform to motivationalpatterns of satiation and substitution. People need a few closerelationships, and forming additional bonds beyond those fewhas less and less impact. Having two as opposed to no closerelationships may make a world of difference to the person'shealth and happiness; having eight as opposed to six may havevery little consequence. When a social bond is broken, peopleappear to recover best if they form a new one, although eachindividual life tends to involve some particularly special rela-tionships (such as filial or marital bonds) that are not easilyreplaced. People without intimate partners engage in a varietyof activities to find partners, but people who have partners al-ready are much less active at seeking additional relationships,consistent with the satiation hypothesis
"People need a few close relationships"
Abundant evidence also attests that the need to belong shapesemotion and cognition. Forming or solidifying social attach-ments generally produces positive emotion, whereas real, imag-ined, or even potential threats to social bonds generate a varietyof unpleasant emotional states. In short, change in belong-ingness is a strong and pervasive cause of emotion in ways thatsupport the hypothesis of a need to belong. It is also evident thatpeople think a great deal about belongingness. They devote adisproportionate amount of cognitive processing to actual orpossible relationship partners and interaction partners, andthey reserve particular, more extensive, and more favorable pat-terns of information processing for people with whom theyshare social bonds.Deficits in belongingness apparently lead to a variety of illeffects, consistent with the view that belongingness is a need(as opposed to merely a want). Both psychological and physicalhealth problems are more common among people who lack so-cial attachments. Behavioral pathologies, ranging from eatingdisorders to suicide, are more common among people who areunattached. Although most of these findings are correlationaland many alternative explanations can be suggested, recentefforts have begun controlling for these other factors, and thepure, primary effects of belongingness appear to remain strong.It appears, then, that belongingness is not only pleasant but alsoapparently very beneficial to the individual in multiple wa
Key discussion points; need to belong is necessary and lacking sense of belonging can be detrimental
Interaction without an ongoing bond of caring should alsobe only partly satisfactory. Two predictions can be made.First, insofar as the need to belong requires that some interac-tions reflect a relationship context, it can be predicted thatinteractions with changing series of partners should be lessthan satisfying. Second, if the interactions are supposed toreflect the context of positive emotional concern, then peopleshould not be satisfied by interactions within the context ofan ongoing relationship or social bond that is not marked bypositive caring. We look for evidence for the specifically mu-tual nature of the bon
Important in the context of teachers/administrators
The effects of belongingness on mental illness parallel thoseon physical illness. Rejected children have a higher incidence ofpsychopathology than other children (Bhatti, Derezotes, Kim,& Specht, 1989; Hamachek, 1992). Children who grow upwithout receiving adequate attention from caregivers showemotional and behavioral pathologies, as demonstrated experi-mentally by Harlow, Harlow, and Suomi (1971) with animalsand as corroborated by observations of human children byBowlb
Belongingness can directly impact mental health
Yet another highly aversive emotional state is guilt. Despite along tradition of analyzing guilt in terms of self-evaluation accord-ing to abstract moral standards, recent work has increasingly em-phasized the interpersonal structure of guilt (Baumeister, Stillwell,& Heatherton, 1994; Cunningham, Steinberg, & Grev, 1980;Jones & Kugler, in press; Jones, Kugler, & Adams, 1995; Miceli,1992; Tangney, 1992). Empirical studies of how people induceguilt in others have found that such inductions are almost entirelyconfined to close interpersonal relationships and that a major rea-son for inducing guilt is to cause one's partner to exert himself orherself more to maintain the interpersonal relationship (e.g., byspending more time with or paying more attention to oneself;Baumeister, Stillwell, & Heatherton, in press; Vangelisti, Daly, &Rudnick, 1991). Many episodes of guilt can thus be understood asresponses to disturbances or threats to interpersonal attachments
can correlate to the guilt youth feel when communicating with their teachers
The belongingness hypothesis predicts that people shouldgenerally be at least as reluctant to break social bonds as theyare eager to form them in the first place. A variety of patternssupports the view that people try to preserve relationships andavoid ending them. In fact, Hazan and Shaver (1994a, p. 14)recently concluded that the tendency for human beings to re-spond with distress and protest to the end of a relationship isnearly universal, even across different cultures and across theage span.Some relationships are limited in time by external factors,and so these are logically the first place to look for evidence thatpeople show distress and resistance to breaking bonds. En-counter groups and training groups, for example, are often con-vened with the explicit understanding that the meetings will stopat a certain point in the future. Even so, it is a familiar observa-tion in the empirical literature (e.g., Egan, 1970; Lacoursiere,1980; Lieberman, Yalom, & Miles, 1973) that the members ofsuch groups resist the notion that the group will dissolve. Eventhough the group's purpose may have been fulfilled, the partici-pants want to hold on to the social bonds and relationships theyhave formed with each other. They promise individually andsometimes collectively to stay in touch with each other, theyplan for reunions, and they take other steps to ensure a continu-ity of future contacts. In actuality, only a small minority of theseenvisioned reunions or contacts take place, and so the wide-spread exercise of making them can be regarded as a symptomof resistance to the threatened dissolution (
People avoid breaking connections
The fact that people sometimes form attachments with for-mer rivals or opponents is itself a meaningful indicator of a gen-eral inclination to form bonds. Cognitive consistency pressuresand affective memories would militate against forming positivesocial bonds with people who have been rivals or opponents.Yet, as we have already noted, the Robbers Cave study (Sherifet al., 1961 /1988) showed that people could join and work to-gether with others who had been bitterly opposed very recently,and Wilder and Thompson (1980) showed that social contactcould overcome established intergroup prejudices and stereo-types. Orbell, van de Kragt, and Dawes (1988) likewise showedthat impulses toward forming positive attachments could over-come oppositional patterns. In their study using the prisoner'sdilemma game, having a discussion period led to decreasedcompetition and increased cooperation, as a result of either theformation of a group identity that joined the potential rivalstogether or explicit agreements to cooperate. Thus, belong-ingness motivations appear to be able to overcome some antag-onistic, competitive, or divisive tendencies
"social contact could overcome established inter-group prejudices and stereotypes"; important in classroom settings
Festinger, Schachter, and Back (1950) found that mereproximity was a potent factor in relationship formation; peopleseemed to develop social bonds with each other simply becausethey lived near each other. Nahemow and Lawton (1975) repli-cated those findings and also showed that pairs of best friendswho differed by age or race were particularly likely to have livedvery close together, suggesting that extreme proximity may over-come tendencies to bond with similar others. Wilder andThompson (1980) showed that people seem to form favorableviews toward whomever they spend time with, even if these oth-ers are members of a previously disliked or stereotyped out-group. In their study, intergroup biases decreased as contactwith members of the out-groups increased (and as in-groupcontact decreased)
people who live together/near each other have stronger connections
This preferential treatment of in-group members does notappear to be due to inferred self-interest or to issues of noveltyand uncertainty about the task (Brewer & Silver, 1978; Tajfel,1970; Tajfel & Billig, 1974). Inferred similarity of self to in-group members was a viable explanation for many of the earlyfindings, but Locksley, Ortiz, and Hepburn (1980) ruled thisout by showing that people show in-group favoritism even whenthey have been assigned to groups by a random lottery. Thus,patterns of in-group favoritism, such as sharing rewards andcategorizing others relative to the group, appeared quite readily,even in the absence of experiences designed to bond people tothe group emotionally or materially
inclusion/exclusion, maybe?
we propose that the need to belong can, in principle, be directedtoward any other human being, and the loss of relationship withone person can to some extent be replaced by any other. Themain obstacle to such substitution is that formation of new re-lationships takes time, such as in the gradual accumulation ofintimacy and shared experience (see Sternberg, 1986, on thetime course of intimacy). Social contact with a long-term inti-mate would therefore provide some satisfactions, including asense of belonging, that would not be available in interactionswith strangers or new acquaintances.
long-term interaction aids in sense of belonging
The likely result of this evolutionary selection would be a setof internal mechanisms that guide individual human beingsinto social groups and lasting relationships. These mechanismswould presumably include a tendency to orient toward othermembers of the species, a tendency to experience affective dis-tress when deprived of social contact or relationships, and a ten-dency to feel pleasure or positive affect from social contact andrelatedness. These affective mechanisms would stimulate learn-ing by making positive social contact reinforcing and social de-privation punishing
evolution resulted in need to belong
Competition for limited resources could also provide a pow-erful stimulus to forming interpersonal connections. There areseveral potential, although debatable, advantages to forming agroup under conditions of scarcity. For example, groups mayshare resources and thus prevent any individual from starving(although sharing deprives other group members of some oftheir resources), and groups may appropriate resources fromnonmembers (although there is the problem of how to distrib-ute them in the group).
competition drives interpersonal connection
hildren who de-sired to stay together with adults (and who would resist beingleft alone) would be more likely to survive until their repro-ductive years than other children because they would be morelikely to receive care and food as well as protection. Cues thatconnote possible harm, such as illness, danger, nightfall, anddisaster, seem to increase the need to be with others (see alsoRofe, 1984), which again underscores the protective value ofgroup membership. Adults who formed attachments wouldbe more likely to reproduce than those who failed to formthem, and long-term relationships would increase thechances that the offspring would reach maturity and repro-duce in turn
belongingness = survival
At the interdisciplinary level, the belongingness hypothesismight help psychology recover from the challenge posed by cul-tural materialism. Cultural materialism (e.g., Harris, 1974,1978, 1979) is based on the assumption that human culture isshaped primarily by economic needs and opportunities, and sohistorical, anthropological, sociological, and other cultural pat-terns should mainly be analyzed with reference to economiccauses.
Cultural materialism
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. The need to belong shouldtherefore be found to some degree in all humans in all cultures,although naturally one would expect there to be individualdifferences in strength and intensity, as well as cultural and in-dividual variations in how people express and satisfy the need.
The need to belong should exist in all cultures, though naturally may vary in terms of individuality and culturally.
we propose that a need to belong, that is, a needto form and maintain at least a minimum quantity of interper-sonal relationships, is innately prepared (and hence nearlyuniversal) among human beings.
The need to belong is innately prepared and essentially universal among human beings
In contrast, the belongingness hypothesiswould suggest that human culture is at least partly adapted toenable people to satisfy the psychological need to live together(along with economic needs, to be sure), thereby assigningsome fundamental causal power to psychological forces. Wesuggest that belongingness can be almost as compelling a needas food and that human culture is significantly conditioned bythe pressure to provide belongingness.
Suggest that human culture is at least partly adapted to enable people to satisfy the psychological need to live together; assert that belongingness can be almost as compelling a need as food and that human culture is significantly conditioned by the pressure to provide belongingness
belongingness needs do not emergeuntil food, hunger, safety, and other basic needs are satisfied, butthey take precedence over esteem and self-actualization.
Belongingness follows survival necessities, takes precedence over esteem and self-actualization
Interac-tions with a constantly changing sequence of partners will beless satisfactory than repeated interactions with the sameperson (s), and relatedness without frequent contact will also beunsatisfactory.
Highlights that consistency is required to meet these relationship requirements and satisfaction.
the belongingness hypothesis is that human be-ings have a pervasive drive to form and maintain at least a min-imum quantity of lasting, positive, and significant interpersonalrelationships. Satisfying this drive involves two criteria: First,there is a need for frequent, affectively pleasant interactionswith a few other people, and, second, these interactions musttake place in the context of a temporally stable and enduringframework of affective concern for each other's welfare.
Belongingness hypothesis: humans have a pervasive drive to form and maintain at least a minimum quantity of lasting, positive and significant interpersonal relationships
Schools seem like the perfect context for these relationships to form and flourish
It is now the job of social workers to promote these sorts of relationships for low-income young people, so we can best support their economic success.
Calls on social workers (particularly in schools) to promote capital mentorship for low-income youth to support their economic success
This type of mentoring model has shown to provide a wide array of supports to young people who are traditionally harder to support through traditional mentoring programs, including those aging out of the foster care system and those involved in the juvenile justice system
Youth-initiated mentoring can be an alternative option for those who are traditionally harder to support through traditional mentoring programs
By addressing the issue of low-income youth not having capitalmentors by stocking the pond and teaching young people to "fish", social workerscan greatly contribute to low-income young people's economic successthrough the provision of capitalmentors.
Culmination of "stocking" and "fishing" will contribute to economic success
not wantingtotake any more of a teacher's time. These types of courses teach young people that they have every right to build a network of support, and should be motivated to do so by their own potential for success
Low income youth do not feel privileged enough to seek out mentors or take up teachers' time; this course could teach them they deserve to build a network of support
Teach Them to FishFindings from this dissertation highlighted that (1) low-income youth were less likely to be mentored than their middle-income peers and (2) when mentored, low-income youth were not likely to have the kinds of mentors that can promote upward mobility. Because of this, young people may need to be taught how to cultivate the specific type of mentoring relationships, capitalmentors, which can promote mobility. One model of how to do this is an actual course on how to identify and seek out this particular type of mentor
"Teach them to Fish"
Because the majority (57%) of young people met their capitalmentor through school, focused efforts should be made to create "mentor-rich environments" (Freedman, 1993, p. xxiv) in and around school. Social workers are in a prime position to take on this task, as social workers are already working in the school setting and have relationships with key potential mentors, including teachers and other school personnel. To "stock the pond," social workers should consider trainingteachers and school personnel toacknowledge their potential asa capitalmentor. This could include trainingteachers andschool personnelto recognize the power they have to connect young people to resources they do not have access to in their current social circles, and to proactivelyengage with these young people. School social workers should also advocate for institutional support of informal mentorship, including the creation of opportunities for one-on-one connections and rewarding teachers for prioritizing mentorship
"Stock the Pond" in schools.
The findings of the dissertation suggest that those who are interested in promoting economic mobility for low-income and other vulnerable youth should thus promote capitalmentoring relationships for these young people.
Promoting economic mobility can be done by promoting capital mentoring relationships
Low-income young people pursuing economic mobility may find themselves in situations that their core mentors and family members cannot help with and do not have experience with. These situations may include applying to college, pursuing financial aid for college, interviewing for a high-wage position and investing.Capitalmentors, who are more likely than other mentors to provide good advice, may help young people navigate these situations and help in to promoting upward mobility for low-income young people.
Capital mentors can play a role in academics for low-income youth as they may not have anyone to assist them in certain situations
Capitalmentors, however, were more likely to provide bonding capital. Capitalmentors range from close members of the community (neighbors, friends' parents, etc.) to associates far outside the young person's inner-most group (teachers, employers, etc.). Youth described these mentors in ways that indicated they had boosted their relationships with common networks, including neighborhoods, friend groups, school, and work. Paired with the fact that capitalmentors are also more likely to provide bridging capital, this finding highlights the importance of network manipulation in the pursuit of social capital. Although core mentors may be promoting all kindsof psychosocial benefits in young people, they are not adapting, bolstering, and expanding young people's social network, like capitalmentors are. This seems to be a key piece to promoting mobility, as capitalmentors are providing social capital and are associated with upward mobility for low-income youth.
Capital mentors were more likely to provide bonding capital which boosted youth relationships with common networks, including school. Highlights need to adapt, bolster, and expand youth's social network.
An unexpected finding was that capitalmentors provided both bridging and bonding capital. Previous research suggested that bonding capital would be likelier found in relationships with family,
Capital mentors provided bridging and bonding capital
The potentially promising finding from this dissertationis that although low-income youth were significantly less likely than their middle-income peers to report a capitalmentoring relationship, they were significantly likely to be upwardly mobile when they did. There is a type of mentor, the capitalmentor, whocan make a difference on economic upward mobility for those who need itmost.
Low-income youth report capital mentors less often, but were significantly likely to be upwardly mobile when they did
The capitalrelationship is likely with someone from outside the family, and is not marked by feelings of closeness or frequent communication.Young people go to capitalmentors for sound advice. These relationships connected young people to new resources and bolstered young peoples'feelingsof connectedness to a common group.
Capital relationships "connected young people to new resources and bolstered young peoples' feelings of connectedness to a common group"
in these data informal mentors were no more likely to promote upward mobility among youth living in areas of higher poverty than among those residing in other neighborhoods
(inconclusive) Informal mentors were no more likely to promote upward mobility in more impoverished neighborhoods than any other neighborhoods
Without this, I am unable to truly understand therelationship between neighborhood context and the informal mentor, and thus cannot truly test the mentor's ability to moderate neighborhood effects
Cannot make conclusion on the connection between mobility and neighborhood because lack of context
This dissertation found that while both core and capital mentors provide various forms of support that is meaningful to young people, only capital mentors were associated with upward mobility for low-income youth
Capital mentors were associated with upward mobility for low-income youth
This study found that havingan informal mentor was associated with economic mobility for middle income youth. These mentors are one of many resources these young people have that may contribute tothese youth beingmore likely to be mobile than their low-income peers (Putnam, 2015; Mitnik et al., 2015). This suggests that mentors fit well into the profile of resources middle-income youth have that promote economic mobility in adulthood
Informal mentoring was more strongly associated with economic mobility for middle income youth as the data suggests that mentors fit well into the profile of resources middle-income youth have over their low-income peers
Overall, this study found that some, but not all, mentors can promote upward mobility for low-income youth. Specifically, capital mentors, those from outside the family who provide social capital and informational support can promote economic mobility for those who are least likely to be mobile. This important finding acknowledges the potential impact of individual relationships in the promotion of individual economic mobility. This potentially promising finding is still, however, on the most-micro level of potential interventions for economic mobility, focusing on building blocks leading to mobility.
Some mentors can provide upward mobility for low-income youth-- particularly capital mentors who provide social capital and informational support to youth
Figure 1: Potential Ways MentorsCanPromote Mobility
Figure depicts effects of mentors providing social support and social capital
The third function mentors play in promoting upward mobility for young people is the direct effect the provision of social capital (both bridging and bonding capital) has on building blocks of mobility(Ellwood et al., 2016). Bonding capital from a mentor who is also a teacher could foster feelings of school connectedness, which has been demonstrated to lead to academic engagement and ultimately, educational attainment (Ashtiani & Feliciano, 2018; Li, Lerner, & Lerner, 2010). An employer could have a similar effect by providing bonding capital. If a young person feels connected to the workplace or mission of the work place through their mentoring relationships with their employer, they are likely to have higherjob satisfaction and more opportunities for promotion (Ghosh &Reio 2013). Bridging capital can also have a direct effect on key links in the chain. Studies have shown that bridging mentors (commonly teachers and school personnel) were likely to promote educational attainment and employment
Social capital (bridging and bonding) can "foster feelings of school connectedness, which has been demonstrated to lead to academic engagement and ultimately, educational attainment"; similar in workplaces, bonding with mentors in settings can create sense of connectedness with setting overall
Those who report feeling emotionally supported have higher rates of academic competence (Sterrett, Jones, Mckee, & Kincaid, 2011) and strong academic outcomes (Wentzel, Russell & Baker, 2016). Additionally, adults who have achieved upward mobility are more likely to report instrumentally supportive relationships than those who were not mobile (Chan, 2017). Clearly, social support has a direct influence on someof thebuilding blocks of mobility
Social support leads to higher rates of academic competence, strong academic outcomes; has a direct influence on some of the building blocks of mobility
Social capital gives attention to larger social contexts (e.g., churches, schools, neighborhoods) as important aspects of one's social life. Those who study social support thus credit things like civic engagement and school involvement as important actions supporting social capital. Social support, conversely, focuses almost exclusively on relationships between two individuals.
School plays a role in social capital; social support focuses almost exclusively on relationships between two individuals
They proposed 4 main domains of a socially supportive relationship: directive guidance, non-directive support, tangible assistance and positive social interaction. Over time, these have evolvedinto (1) informational support, or advice giving, as directive guidance, (2) emotional support or companionship as non-directive support, (3) instrumental support as tangible assistance, and (4) positive social interaction (i.e., comradery, friendship) (Gottlieb & Bergen, 2010). These are generally the categories used in studies on both mentoring and mobility
4 main domains of a socially supportive relationship: directive guidance, non-directive support, tangible assistance, and positive social interaction
social support are part of what a mentor has to offer: "A mentoring relationship is where an adult provides ongoing guidance, instruction, and encouragement aimed at developing the competence and character of a protégé. (Rhodes, 2002)" and"A mentor is someone 1) that you could count on to be there for you, 2) that he or she believes in and care deeply about you, 3) that he or she inspires you to do your best and (4) that knowing him or her has really influenced what you do and the choices you make" (Rhodes, Contreras & Mangelsdorf, 1994 from Barrera & Bonds, 2005)
Social support offered by mentors: guidance, encouragement, support, care
Putnam (2000) extended the terminology of weak and strong ties to bridging and bonding capital. Bonding capital is typically provided through an emotionally close and long-standing relationship, and strengthens the individual's connection to a common community. For example, if a youth identifies a teacher as their informal mentor, that teacher can build on their common social network (e.g., the school community) and have the youth feel more connected to and a part of the school as a whole.
Bonding capital: typically provided through an emotionally close and long-standing relationship; strengthens connection to a common community Can lead to youth feeling "more connected to and a part of the school as a whole" when a youth identifies a teacher as their informal mentor, for example
Bridging capital, akin to weak ties, comes from relationships with acquaintances, and connects the individual to new resources, connections, and information they did not have access to befor
Bridging capital: akin to weak ties, stems from relationships with acquaintances, connects youth to new resources/connections/information they did not previously have; can network for youth to assist in educational and economic opportunities
Strong ties, typically found in relationships with family and friends, are marked by frequent interactions and strong emotional bonds (Rademacher & Wang, 2014; Gaddis, 2012). Weak ties are more typical of relationships with acquaintances and tend to be less strong and based on less frequentinteractions. Although weak ties do not provide deep emotional bonds, they foster connections across groups and build large,sparsely connected networks
Strong ties: typically found in family and friends Weak ties: typical of relationship with acquaintances, less-frequent interactions, do foster connections across groups and build large, sparsely connected networks
Because of persistent economic segregation in this country, low-income young people may only have access to those who are in similar economic circumstances as themselves (Albright & Hurd, 2017). Additionally, adolescents tend to only have access to social capital garnered through their relationships with their parents, parents' network, neighbors, and teachers (White & Glick, 2000). Low-income adolescents' access to social capital is thus restricted by their economic segregation, the homogeneity of their parents' network, and their limited access to other relationships(Putnam, 2015). Low-income youth have a clear disadvantage concerning the growth of social capital. An informal mentor, specifically one from outside the young person's community, thus, may play an important and unique role in expanding an adolescent's social capital by compensating for these limitations.
Challenges economically challenged youth face
An individual's access to social capital, the total number of resources garnered through social relationships, is determined largely by their socioeconomic status and racial ethnic makeup
Social capital influenced by socioeconomic status
Social support is a category of resources provided through social relationshipsand is considered by many to be one important form of social capita
Social support definition
Social capital is defined as the total number of resources (e.g., connections, support) that people haveaccess to through their social relationships.
Social capital definition
umulatively, the literature shows that informal mentors may be an important but scarce resource in promoting economic mobility for low-income youth, may differentially support economic mobility for middle-income youth, and that there may be important differences among mentoring relationships, some of which may better promote mobility than others.
Literature shows that informal mentors may be important but scarce resource for low-income youth
compensate for the lack of other resources their peers have, such as expansive connected social networks.
Youth from disadvantaged neighborhoods make greater strides than more-resourced peers when mentored by someone outside the family; can potentially compensate for lack of other resources in youth's life
A young person's neighborhood context is associated with their chance of being mentored and their chance of being economically mobile. Young people living in under-resourced neighborhoods are also unlikely to be upwardly mobile (Chetty & Hendren, 2016a; Chetty, & Hendren, 2016b; Chetty, Hendren, Kline & Saez, 2014b; Goldsmith, Britton, Reese, & Velez, 2017). Low-income children are more likely to live in neighborhoods with higher crime and drug use (Abelev, 2009). Young people from these neighborhoods are more likelytohave lower tests scores (McCullock & Joshi, 2001), drop out of high school, and be unemployed (Ainsworth, 2002). This neighborhood effect is cumulative: the more time spent in under
Mentoring relationships differ on how the mentor and mentee met, how often they see each other, how long they have known each other, how close the youth feels to the mentor, and what kinds of support the mentor offers the youth
Variables that factor into mentorship
Cumulatively, these studies suggest that the potential influence of informal mentors on mobility may be most pronounced for those youth who are facing a disadvantage of some kind (family structure, income, etc.) and/or are a racial ethnic minority. Concerning the focus of the present study, this literature would suggest that informal mentoring may be more strongly associated with upward mobility for low-income youth than for middle-or higher-income youth for whom informal mentoring is
Suggests a stronger influence on disadvantaged or racial ethnic minority youth
In one study, a low-income child was twice as likely to graduate college when mentored. This is in contrast to previous literature that demonstrates consistent but small associations between informal mentoring and college completion for middle-income children (Reynolds & Parrish, 2018). This suggests that youth from low-income families benefit more from mentorship than those who may have a plethora of positiveresources in their life
Low-income families benefit more from mentorship; one study suggests that mentored low-income children are 2x as likely to graduate college
For instance, much attention has been paid to informal mentoring and educational outcomes: mentored youth are more likely to feel connected to their school (Black, Grenard, Sussman, & Rohrbach, 2010), have better grades (Chang et al., 2010), attend college (DuBois & Silverthorn, 2005a; Reynolds & Parrish, 2017) and receive a bachelor’s degree (Miranda-Chan, Fruiht, Dubon, & Wray-Lake, 2016; Erickson, McDonald, Elder, 2009). Cumulatively, these studies, along with a 2018 meta-analysis (Van Dam et al.) suggest a strong and consistent relationship between having an informal mentor and positive educational outcomes.
Informal mentors can result in and influence positive educational outcomes, help promote ability to "feel connected to their school"
Literature has established that informal mentoring is most commonly associated with psychosocial outcomes such as lower stress levels, higher life satisfaction, and lower rates of depression (DuBois & Silverthorn, 2005a; Chang et al., 2010; Munson & McMillen, 2009) and socioemotional outcomes, including improved social skills, perceived social support, and higher self-esteem (Van Dam et al., 2018; Miranda-Chan et al., 2016).These associations are strong and consistent across studies, suggesting that informal mentoring is positively correlated with positive psychosocial and socioemotional outcomes.
Informal mentoring is positively correlated with positive psychosocial and socioemotional outcomes
Informal mentors can provide support and role-modeling to these youth without serving as an unwelcomed authority figure, and ultimately influence the fundamental building blocks of mobility (Meltzer, Muir, & Craig, 2016). Previous research has linked informal mentorship toeducational attainment and employment (Erickson, McDonald, Elder, 2009; DuBois & Silverthorn, 2005a), and thusitmay act as a potential catalyst for mobility when used in this key stage of adolescence.
Informal mentors can serve as role-models during critical times in youth lives; influence building blocks of mobility; may act as a catalyst for mobility when used in key stage/timing
Informal mentoring relationships are also more prevalent than formal ones. One study found that 62% of youth had an informal mentoring relationship, compared to just 15% who reportedhaving a formal mentoring relationship(Bruce & Bridgeland, 2014). There are similar differences in prevalence when asking adults if they have mentored young people: 67% of those who reported mentoring someone in the past year did so informally, while only 31% did so through a formal program, (Oosthuizen, 2017). While coming from a low-income family is one of several risk factors associated withlower exposure toinformal mentors, it is clear that many of these youth are still able to identify caring adults in their lives
10the formal mentoring model, including the mismatching of adult-youth pairs (Spencer et al., 2017), trouble forming a meaningful connection (Freedman, 1993) and relationships ending early and unexpectedly
Downfalls of formal mentoring
Formal mentoring involves a program or agency matching a young person to a mentor they usually do not know,based on like qualities
Formal mentoring definition
The root of this wide-ranging interest lies in part inWerner and Smith'sinfluentiallongitudinal study (2001), whichfolloweda cohort of high-risk children through adulthood. One of their many findings on what builds resilience in youth was the presence of a caring adult who serves as a mentor. From this initial finding, scholars interested in resilience, positive youth development, and health have all studied the potential power of informal mentoring (Hurd, Varner, & Rowley, 2013; Bowers et al, 2012, DuBois & Silverthorn, 2005a). It is important to note, however, that nostudy to date has directly examined informal mentoring and economic upward mobility as a desired outcome.
Resilience stems from presence of a caring adult who serves as a mentor
The role of informal mentors may be fulfilled by a variety of adults, including teachers, extended family members, coaches, neighbors, or other community members. Connections between youth and mentors may be of shorter or longer duration and may offer a range of supports, such as companionship, instrumental support, or deep emotional bonds
Who can be an informal mentor, types of supports from these mentors
Informal mentoring relationships are naturally-occurring relationships between youth and non-parental adults (Sterrett, Jones, Mckee, & Kincaid, 2011) who care about the young person and to whom the young person can turn to for support
Informal mentor definition
The final type of mobility program, as defined by Ellwood et al.(2016), is an effort that targets "one or several interrelated elements in the long chain of events, institutions, and outcomes that lead to mobility" (Ellwood et al., 2016, p. 5). Such programs focus on one or a few of the key building blocks typically neededfor an individual to be upwardly mobile. Examples of building blocks to mobilityare college enrollment, educational attainment, early employment, and asset accrual in adulthood. Informal mentoring has beendemonstrated to influence some of these building blocksfor mobility(Erickson, McDonald, Elder, 2009; DuBois & Silverthorn, 2005a) and thus fits in to Ellwood et al.'s conceptualization of the many ways we can work to promote economic mobility.
Final type of mobility program: focuses on "one or several interrelated elements"; informal mentoring has been shown to influence some of these building blocks
More micro-level programs engage individuals and families over time, with the aim of providing a comprehensive pathway to mobility. These tend to involve an assignedcase manager who works to find the right combination of resources that could help a particular individual or family, ranging from housing vouchers and educational loan programs to engaging with non-profits that provide interview training
6-level scale: micro-level programs engage individuals and families over time to promote mobility
On a regional level, partnerships among key stakeholders, such as community leaders, businesses, and local government, can develop to promotemobility in a particular area. Other types of programs focus on alleviating the effect of neighborhood poverty, by either addressing issues in the neighborhood itself, or providing opportunities for residents to access essentials (e.g., education, medical care, housing)outside the neighborhood.
Regional level: partnerships among key stakeholders can promote mobility in certain areas
Moving from the most macro-level downwards, the first level at which mobility interventions work is the recent call to combine big data sources, such as income, housing, and healthcare data, in hopesofprovidingtimely information on mobility and sparkingnew innovation. Another macro-level effort is that of economic or political changes, such as policies that promote individual asset accrual or federal grants to pursue higher education.
6-level scale: macro-level efforts
Informal mentoring fits on the mostmicro-level of a six-level scale of interventions that promote upward mobility, defined by Ellwood and his colleagues (2016). These levels are not always mutually-exclusive, as an interventionmay fit intomore than one of the levelspresented here.A figure representing the six levels of efforts to promote mobility can be found in Appendix Figure 1.
6-level scale of interventions that promote upward mobility: informal mentoring fits on most micro-level
Informal mentoring is one small person-level intervention that can influence economic mobility by potentially increasing young people’s attainment of assets that serve as building blocks for economic mobility, including college enrollment,
Informal mentoring = potentially increasing youth attainment of assets that serve as building blocks for economic mobility
Bridging capital, which connectsa young personto new resources they did not have access to before, is linked to educational attainment and employment
Impact on bridging capital
3person's feelings of connectedness to an institution of group, in the workplace specifically,leads to more opportunities for promotion
Impact on bonding capital
Additionally, the social capital literature suggests that mentors may promote upward mobility in young people by providing bonding and bridging support.
Impact on social capital
Additionally, there may be important variations in the support mentors provide. The social support literature suggests that relationships providing instrumental, informational, and emotional support may promote economic mobility through a direct association between these types of social support and essential building blocks of mobility (e.g., educational attainment and employment opportunity)
Previousresearch has demonstrated that mentors fromoutside the family, who the young person feels close to, whom they haveknown the young person for a long time, and who sees them often are in the best position to promote positive change
One source of positive relationships are informal mentors, who are caring, non-parental adults whom the youth identify as providingsupport (Sykes, Gioviano, & Piquero, 2014). These mentors have already been associated with key building blocks to mobility, namely increased educational attainment (Miranda-Chan, Fruiht, Dubon, & Wray-Lake, 2016), workforce participation (DuBois & Silverthorn, 2005a), and asset accrual in young adulthood (Greeson, Usher, & Grinstein-Weiss, 2010)
Informal mentor: someone who is a caring, non-parental adult whom youth identify as supportive
Positive relationships with those in the community may lead to educational attainment and employment, essential building blocks economically mobile people typically have.
Economically mobile people have educational attainment and employment
Among a number of promising new directions, recent evidence points to positive relationships with caring adultsduring adolescence as potentially promoting upwardmobility
Research suggests that positive relationships with caring adults can promote mobility
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Good introduction to the history of bubble models here.
tension
I really like this graphic showing the "skin pressure" and other forces at play when considering the pressure of a bubbl
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Smith had been pondering assimilationist climate theory for s ome time. He may have learned it first f rom Buffon, or from James Bow-doin’s opening oration of t he newly established American Academy of Arts and Sciences i n Boston on May 4, 1780.
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